North Carolina Newspapers

SWe copy this week the address of W. W.
HuMei) in tlie Raleigh Standard of the 20th.
'Our approval of the sentiments declared there
iu have been expressed before. We are igno
rant of the feeling agaiust Mr. llolden and at
which he complains, nor were we acquainted
with any of the circumstances connected with
it until we saw the card below.
If the editor of the Standard aspires to the
Scnatorship, or is seeking promotion, he has
done so in his veteran service and laborious
zeal for the democratic party ; iu devotion to
its principles and its cause ; in earnest faithful
efforts to secure its success and strengthen its
power, lie has borne the brunt of many a
fierce contest ; he has stood at the front of his
party and received the blows aimed at its hon
or uuj integrity, and stood successfully ; he has
turned back the tide of whiggery and crushed
the dark power of know nothingism ; he has
fought to the death every enemy of his party
and given North Carolina to the Democracy.
If the deraocracic paity design the appoint
ments of senator to evince their gratitude, and
their appreciation of faithful service, they could
not honor more deserving men than W. W.
Hoi Jen and David S. Reid.
To the Democratic Party of North
I deem it my duty to notice publicly over
my own name me
tave recently been
following charges which
originated and circulated
against rae:
lirst, It is charged that I am
myself to "punish" (that is the word used) those
who opposed my nomination for Governor at
Secondly, It is charged that I am seeking a
Scnitorship in the Congress of the United
State?, and that I will contiune to do so at a
sacrifice of the harmony and integrity of the
Democratic party.
Thirdly, It is charged that I wrote, or sug
gested, or advised, or instigated the articles
which have recently appeared in the Warrenton
JVews in relation to "Federal and State ap
pointments.'' Jn relation to the first charge I may say
that no Democrat iu the State gave to John
W. Ellis a mole active support than I did;
and that the columns of the Standard will be
examined in vain for any evidence of injustice
or unkindness towards his friends. 31 or has
my course been different, nor will it be different
as a man. I have no resentments of this kind
to gratify, nor have I exerted, nor will I exert
myself to "punish" or injure those who opposed
rue at Charlotte. This charge, unjust and un
founded as it is, may temporarily furnish some
little capital to some office-seeker, who thinks
quite as much of his own interests as lie does
of the harmony and integrity of the party; but
all good Democrats will see through it sooner
or Inter, and treat it with the silent indifference
it deserves.
In reply to the second charge I say that I
am not seeking a Senatorship; and that my
feelings have always been subordinated, as they
always will be, to the harmony, the prosperity,
and the integrity of my party. Jvo man will
say that I ever approached him on the subject
of a Scnatorship, or that I ever even intimated
that I was a candidate for Senator. On the
contrary, I have uniformly informed my friends
that 1 was not a candidate, and would not seek
the place. Moreover, I have always done jus
tice both in the Standard and in private con
versations to others who have been spoken of
for the Senatorships; and I have said nothing
of them or about them, which, if imparted
to them, should in the slightest degree interrupt
the friendship that exists between us.
There are a few persons in North Carolina
professing to be Democrats, who are really A
ristocrats and who will never forgive me for
consenting to the use of rny name for Governor
Of course these persons have their dependents,
who echo what they say. If I were to say,
what 1 do not choose to sn', that iu no event
would 1 accept a Scnatorship, they would be
gratified, and charges like those to which I am
now replying would no longer be made. It
was my lot to be born in humble circumstances
to an inheritance of ignorance and poverty.
and to be brought up to a mechanical trade;
anU mere are some Who would " punish'- me on
account of my origin, and because I had the
energy and the ambition to struggle upwards
in life, who, if they had been born in the con
dition in which I was, would have been there
yet. Proud towards the proud, and humble
among the humble, I have never cringed to a
rich man because he was rich, nor slighted a
poor man because he was poor. Nor have I
played the demagogue, seeking to array one
class of society against another. I have been
the friend, both as an Editor and as a man, of
all interests and all classes iu North Carolina,
from the college in which those who have means
are educated, to the common school, where the
"children of the people" are cared for and ed
ucated by the State. Unpretending as was
my origin, I thank God that He has given me
a disposition to love my State, and my whole
State with the affection of a son; and though
others have served her with far more efficiency
and ability than I have, yet none have laid
upon her alter the offerings of a more loyal or
patriotic heart.
In reply to the third charge I state that I
neither wrote, nor suggested, nor advised, nor
instigated the articles referred to in the War
renton News. During the fifteen years I have
been at the head of the Standard I have never
assailed a reccgnized Democrat, and have never
failed, when the occasion required it, to defend
and vindicate Democrats and the Democratic
party against the attacks of the opposition. I
have never advised others to do what I would
not do myself, and I have never assailed any
one covertly or in the dark. No man is my
friend who hesitates for a moment as to wheth
er I would instigate privately what 1 would
not do myself publicly, or who would leave the
impression, by insinuation or otherwise, that 1
was capable of a hidden or an unmanly deed.
I am not responsible for the course of the Edi
tor of the Warrenton News, and I will take no
part in a controversy between Democrats. It
is true the Editor of that paper is my friend,
and was at one time a Clerk in my office; but I
paid him his salary as he earned it, and nothing
more, aim ne is unuer uuicinci uungawuuo iu
me of any kind than I am to 1
Itis sufficient to say that I
r V ml
say that 1 approved, uom
as an Editor and as a man, of the appointment
of Senator Biggs as Judge: of the appointment
of Mr Clingman as Senator ; of the appointment
of Mr Page as Secretary of State, to fill the
unexpired term ; aud that when Mr Cooke was
appointed Postmaster at Ualeign, it wassiaiea
in the Standard that he was well qualified for
the post, and that his appointment would give
general satisfaction to our citizens. I have
made no charge of corruption against Gov.
Bragg and our Congressional delegation, nor
do I tor one momeut believe any such charge;
though candor requires me to say that 1 have
always disapproved, and do yet disapprove of
the custom by which members of Congress sub
stantially appoint to Federal office. I was
among the first to suggest the name of Thomas
Bragg for Governor in 1S53; I have been asso
ciated with him as a member of the .Literary
Board from his inauguration to the prcfent
time, as I was with Gov. Reid during both his
terms; ard 1 have given to
s ad
ministration, and still give to it, a cordial and
unwavering support. Under the circumstances
as the Editor of the Register had copied the ar
ticles referred to from the Warren ton News, it
was perhaps natural and proper that the Gov
ernor should request the former to say "that no
member of Congress ever requested, either orally
or in writing, Gov. Bragg to appoint Mr Cling
'naii to the vacancy made iu the Senate by the
resignation of Mr Biggs." But if the Govern
or had made the request of me, I would have
gone further and borne my testiir-ony to his in
tegrity as a public servant, and would have
re-published the article which appeared in
the Standard when Mr Clingman was ap
pointed, in which the appoiutment was appro
ved, and Mr Clingman spoken of in the highest
terms j
In relation to the delegation in Congress I
may add that some of them have honored me
with their intimate personal friendship, and for
all of them I entertain friendly feeling. I re
joiced at their success over the opposition iu
August last, and I have joined in no attacks
upon them at any time or of any kind whatso
ever. So far as Mr Branch, our immediate
Representative, is concerned, many of my friends
iu this community know that I was among the
first to suggest his name for Congress in 1855,
though I had understood he had voted for Mr
Venable in 1853; and from that time until this
I have done him justice both in the Standard
and in private conversations. I have always
been his friend. I am not his enemy now, nor
do I expect to be. If I shall conceive it to be
my duty as one of the constituents, or as the
Editor of a Democratic journal, to complain of
h's course, I will do so publicly and openly on
my own responsibility, and not by indirection
or privately through any person.
What then? I am censured because I do
not defend these gentlemen through the col
umns of the Standard against the strictures of
the Warrenton News. I do not say they cen
sure me, because I do not know the fact, and
they have not approached me on the subject;
but this community is full of the rumor that I
am censured iu various quarters, because I do
repel these attacks of the News. I cannot do
it, and I am presumed to know something of
my duties. When the State officers at the
Capitol and our delegation in Congress were
assailed a mouth or two since by the Register
they were promptly defended by the Standard, i
as they always win ue, 11 in tne right, when as
sailed by the opposition. But I cannot engage
in a controversy between Ucmocrats. To do
so would only add fuel to the flame, while it
would gratify the opposition, as may be plainly
inferred from the tone of the Regis' er. The
Editor of the Warrenton News, and those gen
tlemen in Wairen and elsewhera who are sus
taining him in his course, have neither aban
doned principle nor infringed organization:
and they hold themselves, and are held by
others, to be as good Democrats as those whom
they assail. Who made me a judge between
them? Who commissioned me to decide ques
tions of this sort? Who armed me with the
power to defend one portion of the party and
put the other portion under ban? What right
have I to engage in a controversy which is
rather personal than political, and which con
cerns office and place more than it does princi
ple? 1 regret the controversy, bat I have had
and will have no part in it. It is not so serious
after all, as some suppose; and if it should in
crease and threaten injurious consequences, the
Democratic people uill themselves cemmand the
peace- For my part I earnest lv desire the har
mony and the continued success and prosperity
of the Democratic party. I will sacrifice any
thing and every thing which a man of honor
ought to sacrifice, to promote aud preserve har
mony; and I will go as far, now and hereafter,
as he who will go farthest, to render the party
a unit, and to make it, and the prosperity of
our beloved State, paramount to all other con
siderations. My Democratic friends will bear me witness
that I am not in the habit of addressing them
on matters personal to myself. Under the cir
cumstances, I could not injustice to myself have
jsaid less. This is the second Card which I have
published during my fifteen years of public life.
My first one was an appeal in April last, to my
friends to support Judge Ellis for Governor.
They did support him with an enthusiasm and a
thoroughness which both he and I will always
gratefully remember.
Raleigh, Oct. 18, 1858.
A Lasting Triumph.
This is the caption of a recent article in
North American, in which the following pre
diction occurs; "Pennsylvania is no longer a
Democratic State. Mark that!" This is no
new declaration. It has been heard after each
temporary prostration of the Democratic party
in this State, and repeated until the next re
curring election swept away the folly, and made
its originators a butt and jeer for the whole
country. We heard it after the election of
General Harrison in 1840, after the war-tide
floated General Taylor into power in 1848,
and again in 1854, when the dark-lantern fac
tion succeeded in mounting for a brief season
upon the topmost round of" the ladder of big
otry and intolerance. Each of these periods
was heralded by the Opposition as the total
prostration or the Democratic party, as the in
auguration of "a lasting triumph" for the allies
who had accheived the victory.
But subsequent facts show that after a brief
period of repose, the Democratic party arose
from these temporary defeats like a giant re
freshed, and with one blow scattered the for
ces of the opposition in all directions. The
great party which elected Harrison in 1S40
in four years from that period had melted away
and .James K. Polk, the candidate of the
Democracy for President, was triumphantly
chosen to fill that high office. Gen. Pierce
followed the "lasting triumph" which was to
succeed the route of the Democracy in 184S
and James Buchanan was elected after one
of the most desastrous defeats which the Te n-
ocratic party of this State and Nation
suffered. The Allies can occasionally
a victory, but never improve upon it.
may deceive people on a theory, but when
come to a question of practical action
omnaer ana go to pieces.
These are facts in connection with the for
mer triumphs of the Opposition in this State
and'Nation. Each victory has been followed
by a defeat, and the Democratic column has
moved on with steady tread, carrying with it
all those great principles on which the perpetu
ity of the Union, the happiness and prosperity
of its citizens so essentially depend. In the
light of the past then let us examin the circum-
stances which surround tne present success
of the Opposition in this State, and ascertain,
if possible, how tbey warrant the North Amer-1
a lasting
triumph ' or the allied forces.
In the first place the Opposition has at this
time no more stable platform on which to build
a National organization and construct a' per
manent party, than they had in 1840-48 or '54.
In the first named period they availed them
selves of the monetary depression of the conn
try in '48 they mounted the war hobby and
in '54 they covered their faces with Know
Nothing masks, and thus by one-idea, tempo
rary expedients, cajoled the people and gained
power and place. But these ephemeral -questions
soon passed away, and so did the party
which had been called into existence as their
special advocates and defenders. The query
then is, upon what grand, comprehensive - prin
ciples does the People's party rest, which -cati
give to it vitality aud nationality sufficient to
carry its banners in triumph from North : to
South from East to West? How is it to be
come a distinctive party of the country and re
main intact and indissoluble like the National
Democracy? How is its success to become irn
lasting triumph?"
The component parts of this People's party
negative the idea that it can ever be . more
man a mere sectional taction: it is made up J
pf all the isms which spring from that hot-bed
of bigotry, intolerance and prejudice, " New
England. The open mouthed Abolitionist; the
sleek-faced Free-Soiler, the letcherous Free
Lover, the perfumed and dandifyed " Women's
Righter, in fact all the dishonest, ' diseonten-
ted, erratic politicians of the country baveJ
aggregated themselves together, and christened
as a People's movement, their action is to form
the tiasis ot a party broad and strong "fenoudy
to permanently hold possession of the country
This is an impossibility, even, if such a party
does agree upon the slavery question as a lead
ing idea which they will carry in front of the
column. But the present succes of the People's
party is the point from which we are to look
at its progress toward a "lasting triumph."
What then were the great indestructible prin
ciples enunciated by the People's party during
the recent contest in this State, which is to
confer certain immortality upon that organiza
tion' Certainly not the admission of Kansas
for that n ust occur as a matter of course, and
ftith the admission vanishes this plank of the
platform upon which is to be erected this "las
ting triumph." Whether Kansas be admitted
under the provisions of the English bill, as
she ought to be, or immediately on the presen
tation of her Constitution, without reference
to the question of population, the same results
must inevitably follow; the Kansas excitement
will die, and thus one feature of the, "lasting
triumph " will be obliterated. So with the
Question of a tarriff. No great party of this
country can stand upon such a one-sided meas-
ure as this. liic o.d V lug party tried the ex
periment, and broke down and in addition
broke the neck of Iienry Ci.ay, the father
the "American system." The tariff question
can neer be raised to the dignity or a leaamsr
issue 111 a national campaign 1 lie reasons, are
obvious. The ma nufacturers of cotton in the
East have one view of the duestion, the iron
masters of the middle States another, and ag
riculturalists of the East, West, North and
South another. What will protect one to
the extent demanded will not suit the others,
aad the diversity of interests and opinions will
forcver keep the question a local one, and pre-
vent it from becoming wide as the Union, broad
and comprehensive as its inter?sts. More than
this; the demands of the treasury will insure
an ear'y alteration in the revenue laws," and
this will end the Tarriff agitation, just as the
admission of Kansas will terminate that ex
citing and irritating controversy.
As these are the main pillars of the People's
party, it is obvious that when they are re
moved the whole structure will tumble into
ruins at the feet of those vvHiO are now talking
about the lasting triumphs of this new formed
alliance. The old Whig party fell when its
nationality was obliterated by the influx of
Abolitionists. No party can exist for any
time without this essential ingredient in its
composition. There is no lasting triumphs for
mere factions. There can be none while the
Union of the States continues. A victory won
on the ephemeral issue of the day will be as
profitless as a " twice told tale." This has been
the experience of the past half century. It will
prove true in the present case, and the defeat
of the allies in 1840-48 and '54 will be followed
by that of 1S60, when the "lasting triumph"
of the People's party will be turned into a vic
tory for the Democracy, the Constitution, and
the Union.
Rule or RuinPurposes of Abolitionism.
Conservative parties are useful to the welfare
of a country; those of a sectional character
alienate and divide the unity of sentiment upon
national affairs, which in all republican govern
ments should be guarded from the assaults of
mischievous and designing individuals. For
the advocacy of the pernicious doctrine of "rule
or ruin," no country ever offered so fair afield.
We have an immensity of territory yet unoc
cupied, which opens f'r decision the vital ques
tion whether all the citizens of the Union have
a right to carry their property into common
domain, until prohibited by the people of the
territories themselves, when they come to form
their respective State governments.
But before an' conclusion is arrived at, it
may be the fate of our country to have thrust
upon her the results of a partial and unreasona
ble majority, who seek to gratify their peculiar
views of what is proper and what is not, by
strangling slavery in the States. Clearly and
undeniably it is the plan of the abolitionists to
carry their crusade into the heart of the slave
holding States, and there test the issue between
"liberty and slavery.' This policy their mad
dened folly desires to inaugurate, although it
result in the ruin of our institutions or the rup
ture of the Union.
The black republican party of the North is
the infamous instrument with which the enemies
of the constitution will bring about its destruc
tion. They already present an imposing ma
jority at the North; and in the heart of a Presi
dential campaign there can be no doubt that
its dimensions will be vastly increased by the
inflammatory appeals made in behnlf of the
liberty of the negro, and which, in a country
naturally prone to fanaticism, it will be but
too easy to render popular.
The South and thejXorth are doubtless worn
out and exhausted by the continued discussion
of the question of slavery. So are we. But
as a faithful chronicler of movements which
would bring home to our people the signs of
the increased violence of those who are contin
ually concocting plans for the overthrow of
their institutions, we feel called upon to lay
the following facts before them. They are not
to be passed by in silence, since those who claim
them as their own are the great leaders of the
anti-slavery opinions of the North. They want
the people of the South to meet the "rugged
issue," and everywhere abolish slavery. Upon
the conflicting interests os slavery and aboli
tionism we copy the following from the St.
Louis (miscalled) Democrat, a leading freesoil
"The slavery agitation
will continue until
ican in saying that the present
institution is established or abolished in all
itu States and Territories of this Union. The
.wljgole truth may as well be told. Slavery must
bef eternized or abolished in this cenntry. We
art a people who have the resolution and hero
isia which are vouchsafed to young nations ap
ptfinted to a great destiny. We will not be
content with any timid, negative, circular, con
tra Jictory statesmanship."
"Slavery must be eternized or abolished in
this country," says the St. Louis paper; but
tfcen facts must be admitted as evidence, al
thonrh thev invalidate the beauty and utility
fCf.a spacious and precarious system of philoso
phy, which tosters tne moroia unu mruiu in
clinations of our enemies, and gives them hope
the hour of disaster, .nat emancipation can
a "hundred defeats" and slavery not
This language, terrible as it seems, is equalled
and even surpassed by the still bolder declara
tion of the Ohio State Journal, which pro-
laims, with compact brevity, that there
r,o more slave States no more slave tcrri-
tory-! the overiurow or me siave power no
compromise with slavery."
? .he principles upon which it makes war are
Dlain in sentiment; calamitous if they should
resnlt affirmatively, and glorious if they should
utterly-and completely fail iu accomplishing
the object which it specifies.
': The most startling of all doctrines yet pro-
tuulsfated by any of the abolitionists, is that put
forth bv the black renublican candidate for
TTsenator in Illinois, and taken in connec-
ttop!Lth that of the central organ of Ohio,
aa vaLove. it forms the platform of the whole
Jde says:
A -house divided njrainst itself cannot
stand.' I believe this Union cannot endure
permanently half free and half slave I do not
expect the Union will be dissolved. I do not
expect the house to fall. I do not expect it to
cease te be divided. It will be all one thing or
al) the. other." A Lincoln's speech before the
Republican State Convention, June 16th, 1858
loudly applauded by the convention.
There is no dodging the point, or shirking
the responsibility; but the issue upon which he
is to achieve victory, or fall heir to defeat, are
placed before the public in such a manner that
he may read who runs. His boldness is noth
ing less than fanaticism in its most threatening
form Coming after the above statements, we
can appropriately subjoin an extract from the
accredited organ of the dominant party of Mas
sachusetts, the Atlas and Bee. It states that
at the South theie are "multitudes of thinking
men who are opposed to slavery," and that by
having charge of the government, it can afford
them an opportunity of exhibiting their treach
ery to her institutions, and their want of loy
alty to her welfare. It says:
"It is the opinion of all sincere anti-slavery
men in the South that, if the intelligent free-
oflmen of the North will take possession of the
I government and administer it wisely and pru-
dently, they, on their part, in their respective
States, will have an immense assistance in the
warfare they are carrying on. Let us assert
the principles of the fathers, the principles of
the immortal declaration, refuse longer to be
slaves ourselves maintain the natural and rea
sonable supremacy to which our numbers and
intelligence entitle us show our opponents
that we are in earnest, and mean to act as well
j as talk and that instant we shall
transfer the
whole conflict to the other side of Mason and
Dixon's line. Slavery will no longer be the
controlling idea in our politics ; we shall have
leisure to consider questions of finance and po
litical economy; we shall start our idle looms
and kindle anew our disused furnaces. Then
the intellect, the humai ity, the statesmanship,
and the religious feeling of the Southern States
will be aroused to do their own work."
What a monstrous and unheard of perversion
of the objects of the Federal Government does
this paragraph contain 1 They desire to trans
fer the whole conflict to this side of Mason and
Dixon's line, in order that the peace of their
homes may not be disturbed by the wretched
condition of the African. It is unnecessary to
argue the question of the moral guilt cf slavery,
as the minds of our people are firmly settled
upon that point; but if there is really any guilt
or crime attached to it, the people of the South
are alone responsible, and the political gar
ments of the parties of the North cannot possi
bly be stained with the blots on our cschntcheon.
When the institution is abolished it will be in
vain to think of starting their idle looms and
kindling anew their disused furnaces.
The bondage of the African at the South is
as necessary to her agricultural prosperity as
fresh air is to the healthy condition of the body.
Iu fact, all experience teaches us that slavery
is indispensable in this region. We can find no
better explanation of the reason why the negro
should be a slave than that given by Aristotle.
He says: "Those men whose powers are chiefly
confined to the body, and whose principle ex
cellence Consists in affording bodily service;
those, I say, are naturallly slaves, because it is
their interest to be so they can obey reason
though they are unable to exercise it; and
though different from tame animals, who are
disciplined by means merely of their sensations
and appetites, they perform nearly the same
tasks, and become the property of other men
because their own requires it." Vol. ii., p. 38
We might quote columns of paragraphs in
mis connexion, an 01 wnicu conspire to prove
that the real object of the most lenient aboli
tionists is to overthrow slave property in the
South. Qju" ,jSorthern exchanges teem with the
treasonable projects ot unscrupulous enemies,
and "the fanatical sentiments of disordered
vve again repeat, that we must guard, by
sieepiess anxiety, against tlie tluel-like approach
01 invidious ana insinuating political mcendia
... 1 - u n a . .
1 wiiu woum lire me great temple or our
seines, auu siuue w4in joy at, our very sim
plicity in dreaming that we reposed insecurity.
A Freak of Nature.
Mr. Vestal yesterday requested ns to so to
lUB commercial noiei to see a rare lusus na
- -. TW 1 1 . .
.arte, ne nas a gin wno has lour legs and
feet, and two heads, fjur arms and the upper
pans ui iwo ooaies, perieciiy lormed, with the
exception that the heart of one of these bodies
is iu tne right side instead of the left
though it is double as to its head
arms and
legs, yet ia its spinal and pelvis
,a vu;e. ng two neaas are
very intelligent
"..14 answer toaeiner ana in the s;mi mnr..i
or if different questions are asked, each answers
differently. I, walking, the sirl uses two or
tour legs whichever happens to be most con
venient, in eating she uses both mouths,
though it is supposed that one would answer
1 lie puipose as well, as there is but one set of
aigesuve organs. It is the most remarkable
creature we have ever seen. It is more won
derful than the Siamese Twins .they were two
persona joined together by a membrane. This
girl is two persons with one body quality in
unity .
Mr. Vestal informes us that he intends ex
hibiting this girl, whom he calls Christine Mil
ly, at the Fair . Grounds to-day. It will be
the most attractive and interesting- feature of
the day. Nashville Banner.
Agricultural Address.
Extract? from the Speech of T. L. Clingman, at
the State Fair:
"Our t tate, from the seashore to its western
limit, is probably as well watered as any equal
extent of territory on the face of the globe,
and in all the middle and upper portions, the
Bupply of water power is inexhaustable. In
fact there are single rivers, such as the Cataw
ba and French Broad, or "Racing river" of the
Cherokees, which are sufficient to move the
machinery of a State. Throughout our entire
territory, there are no barren wastes, and rarely
a square mile to be toend. winch cannot main
tain its proportionate hare of population. In
all its parts, too, the variety, magnitude and
beauty of its forest trees fully sustain the en
comiums of those early explorers. While the
ffeeaboard counties have tho0e peculiar to that
region, like the cypress, juniper, live oak, and
the gigantic pines of the swamps, fit to be
come the "masts of great Admirals," and the
mountains such varieties as are suited to a
hardier climate, the State as a whole seems to
contain representatives of almost all the trees
of the North American forest in their fullest
and grandest developemtnt, and to afford in
the greatest profusion all manner of timber
and beautiful woods for the uses of the arti
ficer. When we look beneath the surface of the
earth there are abundant objects of interest,
North Carolina has the distinction of being the
first of all the governments of the world that
(ordered a geological survey of its territory, and
she has in my opinion, a greater variety of min
eral substances than any single State of the
Union. Not only does she present the dia
mond, platinum, gold, silver and maiy other
substances interesting to the man of science,
for their rarity, or attractive to the lovers of
ornament for their beauty, but she possesses
in great abundance those minerals which add
most to the wealth and permanent prosperity
of a State. Though her coal measures are
not perhaps as extensive as those of some of the
other States, yet they are sufficiently so to be
inexhaustible, while me coals are 01 the very
best qualities lor iuei, tor the making ot gas,
and lor the manufacture of iron.
With respect to the ores of iron, I think she
may fairly claim to be the first of al! the States,
because she not only has all such ores as they
possess, in the greatest abundance, but she is
the only one known to contaiu the rare and
valuable black band ore, and that in quantities
vastly surpassing the deposits in Scotland
itself. V hen, therefore, we took to the coal
measures on Deep river, and find all these ores
in the greatest abundance, overlaying, or be
tween the coal seams themselves, aud consider
all the advantages of this locality, we can hard
ly doubt the correctness of the opinion expres
sed by the most experienced miners and manu
facturers of iron, that when proper outlets are
opened, by the completion of the works of im
provement now in progress, iron can be there
made and transported to Wales, and sold at as
cheap a rate as that for which the Welch man
ufacturers now afford the articles.
Extensive beds of valuable marls are ascer
tained to exist over almost the entire eastern
portion of the State, and afford the means of
making fertile, most parts of that section.
Recent examinations have brought to light to
so great an extent, lime, copper ores, and other
valuable minerals, as to satisfy every one that
North Carolina is eminently fortunate in her
geological formations.
The agricultural productions of the State are
not less varied than its surfaces and soils. I
know of no article grown in New England, or
New York, that cannot be obtained with less
labor, and at lower rates in the mountain region
of North Carolina. Whatever the middle aud
western States of the Union yield can be pro
duced in abundance, not only in the central
parts, but in fact all over our State. While
tobaicomay be profitably grown in almost
every portion of it, some of the northern coun
ties produce varieties, equal and probably su
perior, to what old Virginia herself, or any
other part of the world grows Cotton of fine
qualities is produced in the lower counties, in
as great quantity to the acre, and with as high
profits, as in the south western States. The
progress this culture has of late made, with us,
when we consider the large area suitable to it,
renders it probable that at no distant day North
Carolina will take rank amonjr the first cotton
States of the Union. The rice of the Cape
Fear is esteemed equal to the best in the world,
and its culture may be largely extended in that
region. The lowland counties of the east and
northeast, as producers of breadstuffs, are des
tined to be the adjacent regions what Egypt
was in the time of the Pharaohs.
The grape is indigenous in every part of the
State, from Currituck to Cherokee, and among
the hundreds of native varieties that are from
time to time brought to light, after the neglect
and waste of centuries, there arc doubtless many
which will equal, possibly surpass the delicious
Scuppernong of the Albemarle region, and the
famous Catawba of Buncombe. With such in
dications, and our favorable soils, and climate,
why may we not in time, approximnate the
vintages of France and Germany?
Mr Webster once remarked to me in conver
sation, that he did not believe that we should
ever be able to obtain good wine from the At
lantic slope of the American continent. The
reason given by him was this: the prevailing
winds of the temperate regions being from the
west, and as in the United States they came
from the land, a much higher degree of heat
was felt in the summer than in Europe, where
they blew from the Atlantic ocean. Hence he
thought the extreme heat of the summer here
would bring about too soon an acetous fermen
tation, unfavorable to the production of good
wines. Jf this view should present an insur
mountable difficulty, with respect to wines made
toreijrn crrapes. that ripen in the heat ot our
summers, it nevertheless would not exist in the
case ot the natives, which do not usually come
to maturity uutil the greatest heats of the sum
mer are past, namely, in the months of Septem
ber and October. In fact in a district of a
few miles in extent on the Tryon mountain,
where neither dew nor frost are ever known,
and which is remarkable for the variety and
excellence of its native grapes, they are often
found in fine condition in the open air, as late
as December.
In the wine districts of France, there are
embraced in all abont eight thousand square
miles, a considerable portion of which consists
of rocky steeps, and terraces, unfitted for the
production of the cereals, and yet the yield In
wine is of the value of more than fifty millions
of dollars annually, while the product of brandy
is from ten to twelve millions.
It thus appears that the whole yield from
these eight thousand miles of territory, is equal
to about one half of the average valve of the
cotton crop of the United States for the last
five years. There is doubtless in North Caro
lina a much greater amount of land than this,
suitable to the growing of grapes, and may we
not hope, one of these days, to become a great
wine producing community?
Seven vessels from Southern ports loaded
wi th sweet potatoes, ore now IviDg in tbe-port 1
of New Bedford. I
For the Carolinian.
The Heart.
Why should the heart do more than pulse.
The life-blood through our veins?
Why should its throbbing throes convulse
The soul with direst pains?
We look and love, and straight the heart
Its merry music beats;
And foolish Hope, with foolish art,
Is cheated while she cheats.
Alas! what gives ns length of days,
Still fills that length with strife:
A double-part it plays always.
And mingles death with lifel
O. Ileart, grant me to toil in peace,
To eat, to drink, to sleep;
And you your busy strokes may cease.
And all your loving keep!
The Next House of Representatives as
Affected by the Recent Elections.
The recent elections, though they do ridt'
decide the character of the next Honee, , show
that, in all probability, the Republicans will be
considerably in the minority. The House (in
cluding Oregon) will consist of 237 members.
Of these 80 have been elected, as follows:
South Carolina,
33 52
The States yet to elect are represented in
the present House as follows:
Dem. Rep. Amer.
Alabama, 10 0
Connecticut, 2 2 0
California, 2 0 0
Delaware, 10 0
Georgia, 6 0 2
Illinois, 5 4 0
Kentucky, 8 0 2
Louisiana, 3 0 1
Maryland, 3 0 3
Massachusetts, 0 11 0
Michigan, 0 4.0
Minnesota, 2 0 0
Mississippi, 5 0 0
New Hampshire, 0 3 0'
New Jersey, 3 2 0
North Carolina, 10 1
New York, 12 21 0
Rhode Island. 0 2 0
Tennessee, 1 0 3
Texas 2 0 0
Virginia, 13 0 0
Wisconsin, 0 3 0
88 52 12
Already elected to Kext
Congress - - - - -
121 104 12
From the above it will be .seen that if parties"
hold their own in the elections yet to t;ike place,
the Democrats will have a majority iu the next
Congress of seventeen over the Republicans,
and five over both K -publicans and Americans;.
There may he some le.-s s in Ne Yoik.
Connecticut, Minnesota, aud New Jersey; but
where the Democrats will lose in those Stutes-,
they will iu all probability make a coi respond
ing gain from the Americans iu the South.
Wash. Stales.
II on. J. J. Me Rae, without opposition has
been elected to Congress, Mississippi, to supply
the vacancy created by the death of the Hon.
A. Quitman.
Cloths, Cassimeros, Satinetts, Twcdes
Kent'k Jeans, Kerseys, Linseys, Flannels,
BlanketsMerinoe's Bonib'zines, Alpaccas
Muslin DeLanes, Calicoes, Ginghams,
Brilliantes, Marseiles, Silk Velvets, Silk
Robes, Silk Dress Goods. Jaconets,
Nain-sook, Swiss, Tarlton, Book Muslins,
Silk Illusion, Lace Veils, Silk fringes,
Laces, Edgings, Braids, Tapes, Bonnet
Ribbons, Table Damasks, Napk;ns,
Towels, Diapers, Irish Linen Shirting,
Sheetings, Bedticks Shawls,
Cloaks, Mantillasj Cha dices,
Elastic, Enameled, and Ribbon Belts,
Bonnets, Col'd Flats, Rucnes, Artificials,
Extension skirts, skirt cord,
Brass, spring, ratan, Whalebone.
Cotton seine twine, nett twine,
Cotton cards. Hats, Caps, Boots, Shoes,
and Gaiters.
Oct. 23. tf
IS now receiving one of the largest and most care
fully selected stocks ever ottered by him in this
market, comprising every style and quantity of
And, ix fact, everything usually sold ix nrs i.ixe.
Planters and all others who desire to purchase a
superior article of
are respeetfully solicited to call and examine his stock.
Having just returned from the North, and exam
ined my Goods carefully before purchasing, I natter
myself that I am now prepart d to sell them upon as
good terms as they can be bought in this market.
LEATHER of all descriptions, and for all pur
poses, constantly on hand.
The above articles will be Bold cheap for cash.
Oct. 23 tf
M GRAHAM, is now receiving, a fine Stock of
READY-MAD Id CI-OTHISG, to suit the
He wonld solicit his customers and friends to give
him a call, as he offers his Clotoixo low for CASH
or on Reasonable terms to prompt paying customer!.
He may be found east jam on Market Square.
Oct. 9, 3m
The Wilmington Charlotte Rutherford
, Rail Road Company.
IT is ordered by the Board of Directors of this Corn
nan v that a seventh instalment of TE twf pent.
ot the Capital Stock subscribed be called in, and that
the same shall be due and payable on the 15th day of
November next. II. W. GUNION. Prest.
Oct. 16, lm
npHIS CONVENIENT and well furnished
Establishment was opened for the reception
of boarders on the 12th inst. The subscriber will
spare no pains to make all comfortable who may stop
ftt. her honsft. VJpcrnlar hoarders will here find the
qaiet comfort of home, combined with the advantages
to business men of a Hotel. e .
The stables of Mr W. C. Troy are in the rear of the
Hotel, and travellers may entrust their horses to His
care, with the assurance that the best treatment will
be bestowed upon them. p0TTEE
Oct. 3rd, 1858. 3m

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