Newspapers / The North Carolinian (Wilson, … / Dec. 11, 1858, edition 1 / Page 2
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PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. Fellow-Citizens f the Senate and House of Representatives : When we compare the condition of the conn try at the present day with what it was one year ago, at the meeting of Congress, we have much reason lor gratitude to that Almighty Providence, which has never failed to inter nose for our relief, at the most critical periods of on- history. One venr ago, the sectional strife between the North and the South on the dangerous subject of slavery, had again become so intense as to threaten the peace and perpet uity of the confederacy. The application for admission of Kansas as a State into the Union, fostered this unhappy agitation, and brought the whole subject once morp before Congress. It was the desire of every patriot that such measures of legislation might be adopted, as would remove the ex itement from the States, and confine it to the Territory where it legiti mately belonged. Much has been done, I am hnppy to say, towards the accomplishment of this object, during the last session of Congress. The Supreme Court of the United States had previously decided, that all American citizens have an enual right to take into the Territories whatever is held as property under the lnws of any of the States, and to hold such property there under the guardianship of the federal con stitution, so long as the territorial condition bhall remain. This is now a well-established position, and the troceedinrs of the Inst session were alone wantinn- to give it practical effect. The" prin-)any ciple has been recognimzed. in some form or ornr,"Ty-an"5Tfnosrn ianrrn7rusv0teTJTt)oin houses of Congress, that a Territory has a right to come into the Union either as a free or a slave State, according to the will of a majority of its people. The just equality of all the States has thus been vindicated, and a fruitful source of dangerous dissension among them has been removed. 7--.. Whilst such has been the beneficial tendency of your legislative proceedings outside of Kan sas, their influence has nowhere been so happy as within that Territory itself. Left to manage and control its own affairs in its own way, without the pressure of external influence, the revolutionary Topefca organization and all resistance to the territorial povernment estab lished by Congress, have been finally abandoned. As a natural consequence, that fine Territory now appears to be tranquil and prosperous, and is attracting increasing thousands of immi grants to make it their happy home. The past u-ifortnnate experience of Kansas has onf rfnd the lesson so often already taught, that resistance to lawful authority, under our form of government, cannot fail in the end to prove disastrous to its authors. Had the peo ple or the Territory yielded obedience to the laws enacted bv their legislature, it would at the present moment have contained u large ad ditional population of industrious and enter prising citizens, who have been deterred from entering its borders by the existence of civil strife and organized rebellion. It was the resistance to rightful authority, the persevering attejnpts to establish a revolu tionary government under the Topefca consti tution, which caused the people of Kansas to commit the grave error of refusing to vote for delegates to the convention to frame a consti tution, under a law not denied to be fair and just in its provisions. This refusal to vote has been the prolific source of all the evils which have followed. In their hostility to the terri torial government, they disregarded the princi ple, absolutely essential to the working of our form of government, that a majority of those who vote not the majority who may remain at home, from whatever cause must decide the result of an election For this reason, peeking to take advantage of their own error, they de nied the authority of t Tie convention thus elec ted to frame a constitution The convention, notwithstanding, proceeded to adopt a constitution unexceptionable in its general features, and providing for the submis sion of the slavery question to a vote of the people, which in mv opinion, they were bound to do, under the Kansas and Nebraska act. This was the all-important question which had alone convulsed the Territory ; and yet the op ponents of the lawful government, persisting in their first error, refrained from exercising their right to vote, and preferred that slavery should continue, rather than snrrrender their revolu tionary Topeka organization. A wiser and better spirit seemed to prevail before the first Monday of January last,, when an election was held under the constitution. A majority of the people then voted for a gov ernor and other State officers, for a member of Congress, and members of the State legislature. This election was warmly contested by the two political parties in Kansas, and a greater vote was polled than at any previous election. A large majority of the membeis of the legisla ture elect belonged to that party which had previously refused to vote. The anti-slavery party were thus placed in the ascendant, and in the political power the State was in their own hands. Had Congress admitted Kansas into the Uuion under the Lecompton constitn- the legislature might, at its very first ses- ive submitted the question to a vote of rhether they would or would not to amend their constitution 2TV or any other question, and means for giving f the majority. Thus been lmmedi- to all eS t, elected by themselves the trust of framing B constitution, without requiring them to subject their constituents to the trouble, expense, and delay of a second election. It would have been in opposition to many precedents in our history, commencing in the very best age of the republic, of the admission of Territories as States into the Union, without a previous vote of the people approving their constitution. It is to be lamented that a question so insig nificant when viewed in its practical effects on the people of Kansas, whether decided one way or the other, should have kindled such a flame of excitement throughout the country. This reflection may prove to be a lesson of wisdom and of warning for our future guidance. Practically considered, the question is simply whether the people of that Territory should first come into the Union and then change any pro vision in their constitution not agreeable to themselves, or accomplish the very same object by remaining out of the Union and framing an other constitution in accordance with their will ? In either case, the result would be precisely the same. The only difference in some point of fact is, that the object would have - been much sooner attained, and the pacification of Kansas more speedily effected, had it been admitted as a State during the last session of Congress. My recommendation, however, for the imme diate admission of Kansas, failed to meet the approbation of Congress. - They deemed it wiser to adopt a different measure lor the settlement - r i . : T?.M m r nAft . T cKmitl i oi tne question. A' ui uij vn i,. -. onu... I have been will in? to yield my assent to. almost constitutional measure to acconrftHsh this object. I, theirefore.-cordially pfauiesced in wfi&t has been called the Knglish Compromise, and approved the " Act for the admission of the State of Kansas into the Unicu V upon the terms therein prescribed:' Under the ordinance which accompanied the Lecompton constitution, the people of Kansas had claimed double the quantity of public lands for the support of common schools, which had ever been previously granted to any State upon entering the Union ; and also , the alternate sections of land for twelve miles on each side of two railroads, proposed to be constructed from the northern to the southern boundary, and from the eastern to the western boundary of the State. Congress, deeming these claims unreasonable, provided, by act of May 4, 1858, to which I have just referred, for the admission of the State on an equal footing with the origi nal States, but " upon the fundamental condi tion precedent " that a majority of the people thereof, at an election to be held for that pur pose, should, in place of the very large grants of public lauds which they had demanded under the ordinance, accept such grants as had been made to Minnesota and other new .States. Under this act, should a majority reject the proposition offered them, "it shall be deemed and held that the people of Kansas do not de sire admission into the Union with faid consti tution under the conditions set forth in said proposition." In that event, the act author izes the people of the Te rritory to elect dele gates to form a constitution and State govern ment for themselves, " whenever, and not be fore, it is ascertained by a census, duly and lecrallv taken, that the population of said Ter ritory equals or exceeds the ratio of represen tation required for a member of the Ilcuse of Representatives of the Congress of the United States." The delegates thus assembled ' shall first determine by a vote whether it is the wish of the people of the proposed State to be ad mitted into the Union at that time, and, if so, shall proceed .to form a constitution, and take all necessary steps for the establishment of a State government in conformity with the federal constitution." After this constitution shall have been .formed, Congress, carrying out, the principles of popular sovereignty aisl noninter vention, have left " the mode and manner of its approval or ratification by the people of the proposed State" to be "prescribed by law," and they "shall then be admitted into the Union as a State under such constitution thus fairly and legally made, with or without slavery, as said constitution may prescribe." An election was held throughout Kansas, in pursuance of the provisions of the act, on the second day of August last, and it resulted in the reject-on by a large majority, of the pro position submitted to the people by Congress. This being the case, they are now authorized to form another constitution, preparatory to admission into the Union, but not until their number, as nssertained by a census, sha'l equal or exceed the ratio required to elect a member to the House of Representatives. It is not probable, in the present state of the case, that a third constitution can be lawfully framed and presented to Congress by Kansas, before its population shall have reached the designated number. Nor is it to be presumed that, after their sad experience in resisting the territorial laws, they will attempt to adopt a constitution in express violation of the provis ions of an act of Congress. During the session of 1856, much of the time of Congress was oc cupied on the question of admitting Kansas under the Topeka constitution. Again, nearly the whole of the last session was devoted to the question of its admission under the Lecomp ton constitution. Surely it is not unreasona ble to require the people of Kansas to wait, before making a third attempt, until the num ber of their inhabitants shall amount to liintty three thousand four hundred and twenty. Du ring this brief period the harmony of the States, as well as the great business interests of the country, demand that the people of the Union shall not for a third time be convulsed by an other agitation on the Kansas question. By waiting for a short time, and acting in ob( di UDion ence to law, Kansas will glide into the without the slightest impediment is excellent provision, which Congress applied to Kansas, cught to be extended nderd npphenble to ull Territories which eafter seek admission into the Union. Congress possess the undoubted pow- og a new Mate into the Union, II may be the number of its inhnbi- power ought not, in my opinion, before the . population shall a- tio required by the act for the gas. Had this been previonsJv y would have escaped all tunes to which it has been .sas question. be uniust to five this lication, and exclude a on the past practice of cady formed its consti- tnre and other officers. nter the Union. dopted, whether we people of the Terri- )f the existing States psions which have Siroughout the coun- ied, had this rule r period of the gov- Imition of a new Cerent States and to it, for the land- their ; condition is to , open " and lads, to "establish Iiajcus worship, "NTh v. tttj and to devote their energies generally to re claim the wilderness and to lay the foundations of a flourishing and prosperous commonwealth. If, in this incipient condition, with'a population of a few thousand, they should prematurely enter the Union, they are oppressed by the bur den of State taxation, and the means necessary for the improvement of the Territory and the advineerr-M-t of their own interests are thus diverted to very different purposes. The federal government has ever been a liberal parent to the Territories, and a pener ons contributor to the useful enterprises of the early settlers. It has paid the expenses of their governments and legislative assemblies out of the common treasury, and thus relieved them from a heavy charge. Under these cir cumstances, nothing can be better calculated VtO retard our material progress, than to divert them from their useful employments, by prema turely exciting angry political contests among themselves, for the benefit of aspiring leaders. It is surely no hardship for embryo governors, senators, and members of Congress, to wait until the number of inhabitants shall equal those of a single congressional district. They surely ought not to be permitted to rnsh into the Union, with a population less than one half of several of the large counties in the .in terior of some of the. States. This was the condition of Kansas when it made application to be admitted under the Topeka constitution Besides, it requires some time to render the mass of a population collected in a new Ter ritory, at all homogeneous, and to unite them on anything like a fixed policy. Establisrr.the rnle, and all will look forward to it and g&rtrfla themselves accordingly. But justice to the people of the several States requires that this rnle should be established by Congress. Each State is entitled to two sena tors and at least one representative in Congress. Should the people of the States fail to elect a Vice-President, the power devolves upon- the Senate -to seloet this officer from the tw 'high est candidates on the list. In case of the death of the President, the Vice-President thus elect ed by the Senate, becomes President of the United States. On all questions of legislation, the nonators from the smallest States of the Union have an equal vote with those from the largest. The same may be said in regard 'o the ratification of treaties, and of Exeoutive appointments. AH this has worked admirably in practice, whilst it conforms in principle with the character of a government instituted by sovereign States. I presume no American citizen would desire the slightest change in the arrangement. Still is it not unjust and une qual to the existing States, to invest some forty or fifty thousand people collected in a Territory with the attributes of sovereignty, and place them on an equal footing with Vir ginia and New York in the Senate of the Uni ted States ? For these reasons, T earnestly reromrnend the passnge of a general act, wliich shall pro vide that rpon the application of a territorial legislature, declaring their belief that the Ter ritory contains a number of inhabitants which, if iii a State, would entitle ihem to elect a member of Congress, it shall be the dntv of the President to cause a census of the inhabitants! to be taken, and if found sufficient, then by the terms of this act to authorize them to proceed j " in their own way" to frame a State const i-i tntion preparatory to admission into the Union, j 1 also recommend that an appropriation may be made, to enable the President to take a census of the people of Kansas. - The present condition of the Territory of Utah, when contrasted with what it. was one i year ago, is a subject for congratulation. It! was then :n a state of open rebellicn, and, cost j what it might, the character of the govern-! ment required that this rultidtion chculrf beaiMjj pressed, and the Mormons compelled to yieirl j obedience to the constitution and the laws. In order to accomplish this object, as I informed you in my last annual message, I appointed a new governor instead of Brighnm Voung, and other federal officers to take the place of those who, consulting their personal safety, had found it necessary to withdraw from the 1 erritory. 1 almost ever since the period ot the revo.ution, To protect these civil officers, and to aid them, to have been annoyed by a suecessioi. of irrita as a pnsse ccmitclus, in the execution of the ting aud dangerous questions, threatening their laws in case of need, I ordered a detachment of j friendly relations. This has partially prevent the armv to accompany them to Utah. The j ed the full development of those feelings of mu nccessity for adopting these measures is now tual friendship between the people of the two demonstrated. countries, so natural in themselves and so con- On the 15th September, 1857, Governor duehe to their common interest. Any serious Young issued his proclamation, in the style of interruption of the commerce between the U. an independent sovereign, anneuncing his pur-j States and Great Britain, would be equally in posc to resist by force of arms the entry of the furious to both. In fact, no two nations have u direct stares troops lino our own i errucry of Utah. I? y this he required all the forces in the Territory, to " hold themselves in readiness to map'ii at a moment's notice to repel any and all such invasion, and establish martial law from its date throughout the Territory These proved to be no idle threats. Fcrt Bridger and Supply were vacated and burnt down by the Mormons, to deprive our troops of a shel ter after their long and fatiguing march. Or ders were issued by Daniel II. Wells, styling himself ' Lieutenant General, Nanvoo Legion,' to stampede the airmals of the United States troops oii their inarch, to set fire to their trains to I u n the grass and the whole country be fore them and on t'teir flanks, to keep them from sleeping by night surprises, and to block ade the roads by felling trees, and destroying the fords of rivers, &c. These orders were promptly and effectually oboyed. On the 4th October, 1851, the Mor mons captured and burned on Green River, three of our supply trains, consisting of seventy five wagons loaded with provisions and tents for the army, aud drove away several hundred animals This diminished the supply of provi sions so materially, that General Johnston was obliged to reduce the ration, and even with this precaution, there was only sufficient left to sub sist the troops until the first of June. -' Our little army bclumd admirably in their encampment at Fort Bridger ur-der these tryii circumstances. In the midst of the mountains in a dreary, unsettled, and inhospitable region, more than a thousand miles from home.they passed the severe and inclement winter without a murmur. They looked forward with confi dence for relief from their country in due sea son, and in this they were not disappointed. The Secretary of War employed all his en ergies to forward them the necessary supplies and to muster and send such a military'force to Ut-di as would render resistance on the part of the Mormons hopeless, and thus terminate the war without the effusion of blood. In his efforts he was efficiently sustained by Congress. They granted appropriations sufficient to cover the deficiency thus necesaarily created, and al so provided for raising two regirnenis of volun teers 'for the purpose cf quelling disturbances in the Territory of Utah, tor the protection of supply and emigrant trains, and the suppres sion of Indian hostilities on ihe frontiers.' Hap pily, there was no occasion to call these re-ri-ments into service. If there had been, I should have felt serious embarrassment in selecting them, sO great was the number of our brave and patriotic citizens anx ous to serve their country in this distant and apparently danger ous exhibition. Thus it has ever been, and thus may it ever be ! - The wisdom and economy of sending suffi- cient reinforcements to Utah are established not only by the event, but in the opinion of those who, from their position and opportuni ties, are the most capable of forming a correct judgment, General Johnston, the co4rfnander of the forces, in addressing the Secretary of War from Fort Bndger, under date of Octo ber 18, 4857, expresses the opinion that "un less a large force is sent here, from the nature of the country, a protracted war on their (the Mormons)4part is inevitable." This he consid ered necessary, to terminate the war "speedily and more economically than if attempted by insufficient means." I am happy to inform yoj, that the gover nor and other civil officers in Utah are now performing their appropriate functions without resistance. The authority of the Constitution and the laws has been fully restored, and peace prevails throughout the Territory. A portion or tne troops sent to Utah are now encamped in Cedar Valley, forty-four miles southwest of Salt Lake City ; and the remain der have been ordered to Oregon to suppress Indian hostilities. The march of the army to Salt Lake City, through the Indian Territory, has had a pow erful effect in restraining the hostile fee ings a gainst the United States, which existed among the Indians in that region, and in securing emi grants to the Far West against their depreda tions. This will also be the means of establish ing military posts and promoting settlements along the route I recommend that the benefits of our land and pre-emption system be extended to the people of- Utah, by the establishment of a land office in that Territory. I have occasion also to congratulate yon on the result of our negociations with China. You were informed by my last annual mes sage, that ojir minister had been instructed to occupy a neutral position in the hostilities con ducted bv Great Britain and France against Canton. He was however, at the same time directed to co-operate cordially with the British and French ministers, in all peaceful measures to secure by treaty those just concessions to foreign commerce, which the nations of the world had a right to demand. It was impossi ble for me to proceed further than this, on my own authority, without usurping the war-making power, which, under the Constitution, be longs exclusively to Congress. Besides, after a careful examination of the nature and extent ot our grievances, I did not believe they were of such a pressing and aggra vated character as would have justified Con gress in declaring war against the Chinese em pire, without first making another earnest at tempt to adjust them by peaceful ncgociation. I was the more inclined to the opinion, because of the severe chastisement which h;ni( then but recently been inflicted upon the Chinese by our squadron, in the capture and destruction of the Barrier forts, to avenge an alleged insult to our flag. The event has proved the wisdom of onrneu trality. Our minister has executed his instruc tions with eminent skill and ability In con junction with the Russian p!enipote:iti!ir , he has peacefully, but effectually co-opcn.ted with the English and French plenipotentiaries ; and each ot the four powers has concluded a sepa rate treaty with China, of a highly satisfactory clianicier. l ne ireaiy tonciuueu iv our u plenipotentiary will immediately be submitted to the Senate. I am happy to announce that, through the energetic yet conciliatory ifl ris of our consul trential in Japan, a new tr aty has been con cluded with that empire, which may be expect ed materially to angn ent our trr.de and inter course in that quarter, ami remove from our .countrymen the disabilities which have hereto-, fore been imposed upon the exercise of their re ligion The treaty shall be sul mitled to the Senate for approval without delay. It is my earnest desire that every misunder standing with the government of Great Brit ain should be amicably and peaceably adjusted. It has been 'the misfortune of both countries, ever existed on the lace ot me eartn, wnicn could do each other so much good or so much harm. Entertaining these sentiments, I am gratified to inform you, that the long-pending contro versy between the two governments, in relation to the question of visitation and search, has been amicably adjusted. The claim on the part of Great Britain, .fort ibly to visit American vessels on the high seas in time of peaee, could not be sustained under the law of nations, and it had been overruled by her own most eminent jurists. A his question was recently brought to an issue, by the repeated acts of British cruis ers, in boarding and searching our private ves sels in the Gulf of Mexico and the adjacent seas. These acts were the more injurious and annoying, as these waters are traversed bv a large portion of the commerce and navigation of the United States, and their free and unre stricted use is essential to the security of the coastwise trade between d ffiient States of the Union. Such vexatious interruptions could not fail to excite the feelings of the country, and to require the interpositton of the government Remonstrances were addressed to the British government against these violations of the rights of sovereignly, and a naval force was at the same time ordered to the Cuban waters, with' directions " to protect all vessels of the United States on the high seas, from search or detention by the vessels of any other nation." These measures received the unqualified and even enthusiastic approbation of the American people. Most fortunately, however, no colli sion took place, and the British government promptly avowed its recognition of the princi ples of international law upon this subject, as laid down by the government of the United States, in the note of the Secretary of State to the British minister at Washington, of April 10, 1858, which secure the vessels of the Uni ted States upon the high seas from visitation or search in time ef pence, under any nirmmstan ces whatever. The elaim has been abandoned in a manner reflecting honor on the British government, and evincing a just regard for the law of nations, and cannot fail to strengthen the amicable relations between the two coun tries. The British government, at the same time, proposed to the United States that some mode should be adopted, by mutual arrangement be tween the two countries, of a character which may be found effective without being offensive, for verifying the nationality of vessels suspected on good grounds of carrying false colors. They have also invited the United States to take the initiative, and propose measures for this purpose. Whilst declining to assume bo grave a responsibility, the Secretary of State has in formed the British government that we are ready to receive any proposals which they may feel disposed to offer, having this object in view, and to consider them in an amicable spirit. ASgtrong opinion is, however, express ed, that the occasional abuse of the flag of any nation, is an evil far less to be deprecated, than would be the establishment of any regulations which might be incompatible with the freedom of the seas. This government has yet received no communication specifying the manner in which the British government would propose to carry out their suggestion ; ai d I am in clined to believe, that no plan which can be devised, will be free from grave embarrass ments. Still, I shall form no decided opinion on the subject, until I shall have carefully and in the best spirit, examined any proposals whith they may think proper to make I am truly sorry I cannot also inform you that the complications between Great Britain and the United States, arising out of the Clay ton and Bulwer treaty of April, 1850, have been finally adjusted. At the commencement of yonr last session, I had reason to hope that, emancipating themsel ves from further unavailing discussions, the two governments would proceed to settle the Cen tral American questions in a practical manner, alike honorable and satisfactory to both ; and this hope I have not yet abandoned. In my last annual message, I stated that overtures had been made by the British government for t! is purpose, in a friendly spirit, which I cor dially reciprocated. Their proposal was, to withdraw these questions from direct, negotia tion between the two governments : but to ac complish the same object, by a negotiation be tween the British government and each of the ; Central American republics whose territorial interests are immediately involved. The set tlement was to be made in accordance with the general tenor of the interpretation placed upon the Clayton and Bulwer treaty by the United States, with certain modifications. As nego tiations are still pending upon this basis, it would not be proper for me now to communi cate their present condition. A final settle ment of these questions is greatly to be desired as this would wipe out the last remaining sub ject of dispute between the two countries. Our relations with the great empires of France and Russia, as well as with all other governments on the continent of Europe, ex cept that of Spain, continue to be of the most friendly character. With Spain our relations remain in an un satisfactory condition. In my message of De- ! cember last, I informed 3on that our envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Madrid had asked fer his recall ; and it was my purpose to se.d out a new minister to that court, with special in -tructions on all questions pending between the two governments, anel with a determination to have them speedily and amicably adjusted, if that were possible. This purpose has been hitherto defeated by causes which I need not enumerate. The mission to Spain has been intrusted to a distinguished citizen of Kentucky, who will proceed to Madrid without delay, and make another and final attempt to obtain justice from that government. Spanish officials under the direct control of the captain general of Cuba, have insulted our national flag, and, in repeated iastances, have from time to time inflicted injuries on the per sons and property of our citizens. These have given birth to numerous claims against the Spanish government, the merits of which have been ably discussed for a series of years, by our successive diplomatic representatives. Not withstanding this, we have not arrived at a practical result in any single instance, unless we may except the case of the Black Warrior under the late administration ; and that pre sented an outrage of sutrh a character as would ha ve justified an immediate resort to war. AM our attempts to obtain ri dress have been baf fled and defeated. The frequent and oft-recurring changes in the Spanish ministry, have been employed as reasons for delay. We have been compelled to wait, again and again, un til thetnew minister shall have had time to in vestigate the justice of our demands. The truth is that Cuba, in its existing colo nial condition, is a constant source of injury and annoyance to the American people, it is the only spot in the civilized world where the African slave-trade is tolerated ; and we are bound by treaty with Great Britain, to main tain a naval force on the coast of Africa, at much expense both of life and treasure, soielj for the purpose of arresting slavers bound to that island. The late serious difficulties be tween the United States and Great Britain respectirg the right of search, now so happily terminated, could never have arisen if Cuba had not afforded a market for slaves. As long as this market shall remain open, there can be no hope tor the civilization of benighted Africa. Whilst the demand for slaves continues in Cuba wars will be waged among the petty and bar barous chiefs iu Africa, for the purpose of seiz ing subjects to supply this trade. In such a condition of affairs, it is impossible that the light of civilization and religion can ever pen etrate these dark abodes. It has been made known to the world by my predecessors, that the United States have, on several occasions, endeavored to acquire Cuba from Spain by honorable negotiation. If this were accomplished, the last relict of the Afri can slave trade would instantly disappear. We would not, if we could, acquire Cuba in any other manner. This is due to ournat o:ial character. All the territory which we have acquired since the origin of the government, has been by fair purchase from France, Spain, and Mexico, or by the free and voluntary act of the independent State of Texas, in blending her destinies with our own. This course we shall ever pursue, unless circumstauces should occur, which we do not now anticipate, render ing a departure from it clearly justifiable, un der the imperative and over Fuling law of self preservation . 1 he Island of Cuba from its geographical position, commands ihe month of the Mississip pi, and the immense and annually-increasing trade, foreign and coastwise, from the valley of that noble r'ver, now embracing half the sovereign States of the Union. With that Island under the dominion of a distant foreign power, this trade of vital importance to these States, is exposed to the danger of being de stroyed in time of war, and it has hitherto been subjected to perpetual injury and annoyance in time of peace Our relations with opain, which ouiiht to be of the most friendly character, must always be placed in jeopardy, whilst the existing colonial government over the Island shall remain in its present condition. W hilst the possession of the Island wonld be of vast importance to the United States, its value to Spain is, comparatively, unimportant. Such was the relative situation of the parties, when the great Napoleon transferred Louisiana to the United States. Jealous, as he ever was of the national honor of and interests of France no person throughout the world, has imputed blame to him, for accepting a pecuniary equiv alent for this cession The publicity which has been given to our lormer negotiations npon this subject, and the ormcr negot.auons npon tins subject, and the , partment, in making contracts for the transpor large appropriation which icny be required to I tatiou of the mail, to coufiae itself to the pay- effec. the purpose, render it expedient, before making another attempt to renew the negotia tion, that I should lay the whole subject ber fore Congress. This is especially necessary, as it may become indispensable to success, that I should be intrusted with the means of making an advance to the Spanish government imme diately after the signing of the treaty, without awaiting the ratification of it by the Senate. I am encouraged to make this suggestion, by the example of Mr Jefferson previous to the pnrchase of Louisiana from France, and by that of Mr Polk in view of the acquisition of terri tory from Mexico. I refer the whole subject to Congress, and commend it to their careful consideration. . In reference to the Panama route, the Uni ted btates, by their existing treaty with New Grenada, expressly guarantee the neutrality of the Isthmus, " with the view that'the free tran sit from the one to the other sea may not be interrupted or embarrassed in any future time while this treaty exists." In regard to the Tehauntepec ronte, which has been recently opened under the most favor able auspices, onr treaty with Mexico of the 30th December, 1853, secures to the citizens of the United States the " right of transit over it for their persons and merchandise, and stipu lates that neither government shall "interpose any obstacle" thereto. It also concedes to the United States the " right to transport across the isthmus, in closed bags, the mails of the Unitetl States not intended for distribntioa along the line of the communication ; also, the effects of the United States government and its citizens, which mat1 be intended for traifcit, and not for distribution on the Isthmus, free of custom-honse or other charges by the Mexican government. These treaty stipulations with New Granada aud Mexico, in addition to the considerations applicable to the Nicaragua rente, stem tore quire legislation for the purpose ot carrying them into effect. . The public expenditures during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1858, amounted to eighty one million five hundred and eighty-five thou sand six hundred and sixty-seven dollars and seventy-six cents ($81,585,061, 16,) of which nine million six hundred and eighty-four thou sand five hundred and thirty-seven dollars and ninety-nine cents ($9,084,537 99) were ap plied to to the payment of the public debt, and the redemption of treasury notes with the in terest thereon, leaving in the treasury on July 1, 1858. being the commencement of the present fiscal year, six million three hundred and ninety-eight thousand three hundred and sixteen dollars and ton cents, ($(5,398,316 10.) The receipts ir.to the treasury, during the first quarter of the present fiscal year, commen cing the 1st July, 1858, including one-half of the loan of twenty millions of dollars, with the premium npon it, authorized by the act of 14th June, 1858, were twenty-five million two hun dred and thirty thousand eight hundred find ssventy-nine dollars and forty-six cents, ($25, 230,Sr9 40,) and the estimated receipts for the remaining three quarters to the 30tii June. 1859, from ordinary sources, are thirty-eight million five hundred thousand dollars, ($38, 500,000,) making, with the ballance before stated, an aggregate of seventy million one hun dred and twenty-Hide thousand rne hundred and ninety-five dollars and fifty-six cents, ($10, 129.195 50. In . addition to this sum, the Postmaster General will require from the trtnsury, for the service of the Post Office Department, tiueo million eight hundred and thirty-eight thousand seven hundred and tweut j--e"ght doPars, ($3, 838,128,) as explained in the report of ihe Secretary of the Treasury, which will increase the estimated deficit on the 30th June, I8G0, to seven million nine hundred and fourteen thou sand five hundred and seventy-six doilars and eighty-nine cents, (1,914,510 89 ) To pro vide for the payment of this estimated deficien cy, which will be increased by ftich appropria tions as may be made by Congress, not estima ted for in the report of the Treasury Depart ment, as well as to provide for the gradual re-, demption, from year to year, of ihe outstand ing treasury notes, the Secretary of ihe Treas ury recommends such a revision of the present tariff as will raise the required amount. After what I have already said, I need scarcely add that I concur in the opinion express! r in Ids report that the public debt should not be in creased by an additional loan, and would there fore strongly ;.irge npon Congress the duty oi' making, at their present session, the necessary provision for meeting these liabilities. The public debt on the 1st July, I58, the commencement of the present fiscal year, was $25,155,911 G6 During the first quarter of the present year, the sum of $1 0,000,000 has been negotiated ot the loan authorize d by the act of 14th June, 1858 making the present outstanding public debt, exclusive of treasury notes, $35,155,911 66. There was on the 1st July, 1858. of treas ury notes issued by authority of the ait of De cember 23, 1857, uniedeemed, the sum of $19, 154,800 making the amount of actual indebt edness, at that d.-ite, $54,910,111 00. To this will be added $10,000,000 during the present fiscal year this being the remaining half of the loan of $20,000,000 not yet negotiated The Postmaster General is placed in a most embarrassing position by the existing laws. He is obliged to carry these into effect. He has no other alternative. He finds, however, that this cannot be done without heavy de mands upon the treasury over and above what is received for postage ; and these have been progressively increasing from year to year un til they amounted for the last fiscal year ending on the 30th June, 1858, to more than four mil lions and a half of dollars ; whilst it is estima ted that for fhe present fiscal year they will nmonnt to $6,290,000. These sums are exclu sive of the am u:il appropriation of $100,000 for " compensation for the mail service Tier- formed for the two houses of Congress and the other departments and office s of the govern ment in the transposition of free matter " The cause of these large deficits is mainly attributable to the increased expense of trans porting the mails. In 1852 the sum paid for this service was but a fraction above four mil lions and a quarter. Since that year it has annually increased until in 1858 it has reached more than eight millions and a quarter ; and for the service of 1859, it is estimated that it will amount to more than ten millious of dol lars. The receipts of the Post Office Department can be made to approach or equal its expendi ture, only by means of the legislation of Con gress. In applying any remedy, care shoi-ld be taken that the people 6hall not be deprived of the advantages, which they are fairly enti tled to enjoy from the Post Office Department. The principal remedies recommended to the consideration of Congress by the Postmaster General, are to restore the former rate of pos tage upon single letters to five cents ; to. sub stitute for the franking privilege the delivery to those now entitled to it, of post office stamps for their correspondence, and to direct the de-
The North Carolinian (Wilson, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Dec. 11, 1858, edition 1
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