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The Alamance gleaner . , r ? - ___ VoL LXIV GRAHAM, N. C., THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 22, 1938 No. 33 .. .. Weekly News Review Four-Power European Treaty May Avert General Warfare By Joseph W. La Bine Foreign Until he spoke at Nuremburg ? fortnight ago, Adolf Hitler had nev er given open, out-and-out promise of assistance to Czechoslovakia's Sudeten Germans. If his purpose was to brew trouble, it was not long in coming. By promising his exiled fellow Germans the right of "self determination," Der Fuehrer gave overnight, rise to demands for a plebiscite, demands which were not long in bringing bloodshed. Confident that frightened Prague would tolerate anything, the hench men of little Fuehrer Konrad Hen lein organized demonstrations that ended in riots which took six lives. By this time the Czech government was forced to show its hand. Tight martial law was clamped on five Sudeten towns, then on three more. While a jittery world held its breath, Fuehrer Henlein shot back an ulti matum that martial law be lifted in six hours or his party would "de cline responsibility for all further developments." In the next 24 hours Prague re jected the ultimatum, rushed troops NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN In c crisis , he took to the air. to the frontier and won a brief se ries of skirmishes that took on the temporary aspect of a civil war. Since further trouble would cer tainly bring Germany to the rescue, since France and Russia are bound by treaty to aid Czechoslovakia, since Great Britain must aid France, this overnight turn of events assumed international impor tance. In Berlin, the press cried out at "terrors of the Czech police." France maintained her high-pitched military machine and looked, as usual, to London. Next afternoon came the most precedent-setting move yet made. A thoroughly frightened Prime Minis ter Neville Chamberlain announced he would take his first airplane ride, crossing the channel to Berchtes gaden for a conference with Adolf Hitler. Said he: "I am going to see the German chancellor because . . . discussions between him and me may have useful consequences." Later the same day he landed at Munich, sped to Berchtesgaden, where Der Fuehrer was waiting. For three hours Britain's strong man talked to Germany's strong man, then Neville Chamberlain emerged to tell the world he was returning to London, would come back to see Hitler in a few days. What happened at Berchtesgaden was mere conjecture. Best guesses said London and Paris seek a four power pact with Germany and Italy, since Prime Minister Chamberlain's visit was suggested by French Pre mier Edouard Daladier. No one could figure how the source of this trouble, Czechoslovakia, fit into the picture, but it was clear Der Fuehrer would accept little short of outright autonomy for his Sudeten friends. The Chamberlain flight brought little but gloom in Prague, where resistance stiffened and an angry cabinet ordered Konrad Henlein's arrest. But Fuehrer Henlein, who had just broadcast a proclamation demanding Sudeten union with Ger many, was already fleeing to Mu nich. In the mood she was in, Czechoslovakia was ripe for lo&d broadcasts that came from Moscow that night, assailing Neville Cham berlain's "sellout" to Fascism, urg ing Prague to "fight to the last" against Germany. White House Like any other hospital visitor with time on his hands. Franklin Roosevelt waited impatiently at Rochester, Minn., watching Son James on the mend from his gas tric ulcer operation. Finally he went riding on Minnesota's rain soaked roads, found his car mired, stopped to chat 20 minutes with a farmer about crop prices. Out come: The President promised he would try to raise them. From his special train, which served as hotel, the President watched the outcome of his "purge" ( S m POUTICS), also watched nervous Europe (S? FOR EIGN). Finally, interview-hungry correspondents were told: "At this time, Minnesota is not a news source for events in 'Europe, Mary land and Maine." Mr Roosevelt's worries about Europe were obvious. To a nine year-old visitor who found him studying Czechoslovakia's map, he advised: "Just now, more than ever, it is necessary to remember my geography lessons. So keep up your interest in geography." That night the presidential special left for Washington where Secre tary of State Cordell Hull waited to talk diplomacy, where Secretary of the Treasury Henry Morgenthau Jr. waited to discuss U. S. money and stock market action in the event of war. Politics Until August 11, the word "purge" had little application in American politics. On that date Franklin Roosevelt asked Georgians to de feat their Sen. Walter F. George be cause: "He is out of touch with the broad objectives of the party . . . On most questions we don't speak the same language.'' > Subsequently, "purge" went after South Carolina's Sen. Ellison D. Smith and Maryland's Sen. Millard E. Tydings. Both won anyway. Add ing to the President's consternation was Maine's historically prophetic election in which all Republicans won, all Democrats lost. Only two days later, Georgians voted to give "piUge" a final shellacking, to bury with vengeance the gravest politi cal error Franklin Roosevelt has ever made, to send Walter George back to Washington. Business No target of New Deal dislike has been U. S. small business, though a leading small town business man is often regarded by his fellow towns men as the counterpart of big busi ness. Last spring, Franklin Roose velt called a meeting of little busi ness men at Washington, was later shocked to see his conference turn into a near riot. Not the outgrowth, rather a re action from this meeting is the Na tional Small Business Men's asso ciation, founded by a letter-writing letterhead manufacturer from Akron, Ohio, Dewitt M. Emery. Jokingly called "little in everything but stature," 6V4-foot President Em ery solicited members by mail from business firms not employing more than 500 persons, not capi talized at more than $1,000,000. Pre sumably too inarticulate for mem bership are the butcher, baker and ] LITTLE MAN EMERY How little is little busineetf grocer who lit into Franklin Roose velt's more logical definition of a small business man. To Pittsburgh last week for their first convention went Dewitt Em ery's little business men. Though Pittsburgh's C. W. Elton hopefully predicted 2,900 delegates, the flrst day found a scant 200 whose re straint held discussion to a mini mum. Next day, with their num ber increased to 300, little business men talked more freely. Drawn up were resolutions which lashed fiercely at administration policies in relation to business. Their demands: Free enterprise, less waste, removal of excess bu reaus and employees, balanced budget, lower taxes, sound money. Crime Fortnight ago, before hit rackets case against Tammany Leader James J. Hines was thrown out of court, New York District Attorney Thomas E. Dewey was a good bet to win Republican gubernatorial nomination. Cause of the mistrial was Tom Dewey's reference to Tammanyman Hines' alleged con spiracy in Manhattan's poultry racket, a reference which Justice Ferdinand Pecora thought consti tuted a breach of court etiquette. Since Justice Pecora has a Tam many-Democrat background, it was easy for disgruntled prosecutors to mutter about political influence. Day after the mistrial decision, even the august New York Times pontificated that "Justice Pecora has made a profound mistake of judgment." In Its efforts to prove Politician Hines had participated in the late Arthur ("Dutch Schultz") Flegen JUSTICE FERDINAND PECORA "... made a profound mistake . ? heimer's policy racket, the state had spent $50,000, presented four weeks of testimony, gone to great pains guarding precious witnesses. But Justice Pecora's decision hiad hardly ceased echoing through the courtroom before Tom Dewey be gan planning his next move. Though the Republican nominating conven tion was but two weeks away, though Defense Attorney Lloyd P. Stryker had sarcastically suggested that a new trial be delayed until "after the political campaign," the state will probably rush through a new trial which would preclude the 36-year-old prosecutor's running for governor. Biggest job will be to avoid Justice Pecora's sitting on the case. Relief As enacted, social security is in surance based on a man's lifetime earnings. But Depression and Re cession have shown that some never earn enough to retire comfortably. For this reason, also because 1938 has brought an alarming rebirth of pension ideas (Townsendism had 100 supporters in the last congress) social security will probably be re vised next winter in the face of such "short cuts to Utopia" as Cal ifornia's "$30-every-Thursday" plan. Changes Franklin Roosevelt re portedly wants: (1) Beginning of old age insurance payments in 1940 instead of 1942; (2) increasing mini mum monthly old-age payments from $10 to $30, decreasing maxi mums from $85 to $60; (3) pay ments to widows and orphans of workers equal to those received by a man retiring at 65. Already announced are plans to expand social security among 16, 000,000 now excluded; Farm la borers, domestics, seamen, federal reserve bank employees, and pos sibly self-employed persons. War In theory the forlorn League of Nations applies sanctions against aggressor nations. Ineffective against Italy's Ethiopian campaign, the league has been even less capa ble of spanking Japan for her Chi nese conquest. Fortnight ago, when the league began its current ses sion, China resolved to demand ac tion. From Hankow went hundreds of telegrams to league representa tives. But last week all hopes were dashed when a European crisis (St FOREIGN) developed into such pro portions that China's complaint drifted to the background. Only hope remaining is that Great Britain will force the league's hand to protect her swiftly vanishing economic domination of the Far East. Mean while, Jap troops continued creep ing up on Hankow. Miscellany On Utah's Bonneville salt flats, Englishman John Cobb drove his j button-shaped, 2,500 horsepower racing car 350.20 miles per hour, capturing the record held by a fel low countryman, Capt George K T. Eyston. Bruekart'a Washtmgtom Blgmmt Government Must Be Kept Liberal, Cry of President and Spokesmen Roosevelt's Definition of Term Means He Has Cast Die For Realignment of Political Parties; Time May Prove Fallacy of Today's Liberal Doctrines. By WILLIAM BRUCKART WNU Service, National Prcaa Bid J, Washington, D. 0. WASHINGTON.? There is a great to-do being made these days about "liberalism." We are told in the press, through the radio, in personal conversations that "liberalism," lib eral thinking, is vitally necessary; it is urgent that our government be kept liberal, and that our daily lives be moulded along liberal lines. President Roosevelt says so, and sought in a recent speech to define liberalism; his spokesmen repeat and emphasize whit he has said; the vast army of ballyhoo artists on the government payroll is saying it after the manner of a stooge for a ventriloquist. A lot of Republi cans, trying to ape the New Deal ers, are saying it, too, and making just as much of a mess of the propo sition as the less slick-tongued among the New Dealers. Well, any way, at any cost, there must be liberalism. If we don't be liberal, we are warned, the devil will get us. The nation, its 130, 000,000 inhabitants and all of their works will sink to the depth of per dition. It's a very sorry situation, indeed. Recognizing the need, the urgent necessity for liberalism, Mr. Roose velt undertook recently to define it. I quote his words from a recent speech iii Maryland where he had gone to try to bring about the defeat of Sen. Millard Tydings in a race for the Democratic senatorial nomi nation: "For example, Mr. A is a compos ite conservative. He admitted that in 1933, interest rates charged by private bankers to ordinary citizens who wanted to finance a farm were altogether too high; he admitted that there were sharp practices, ex cesses and abuses in issuing securi ties and buying and selling stocks and bonds; he admitted that the houis of work in his factory were too long; he admitted that old peo ple, who became destitute through no fault of their own, were a prob lem; he admitted that national and international economics and specu lation made farming and fishing extremely hazardous occupations; and he even admitted that the buy ing power of farmers and fishermen had not kept pace with the buying power of other kinds of workers. "But conservative Mr. A not only declined to take any lead in solving these problems in co-operation with the government. He even found fault with and opposed, openly or secretly, almost every suggestion that was put forward by those who belonged to the liberal school of thought. Would Force Realignment Of Politic ? of Country Mr. Roosevelt's pronouncement on what constitutes a liberal fol lowed very closely a statement he had issued in a meeting with the newspaper correspondents at the White House, saying that he had no objection to election of "liberal Re publicans." Said he: "If there is a good liberal running on the Repub lican ticket, I would not have the slightest objection to his election. The good of the country rises above party." The importance of these two dec larations? Mr. Roosevelt has cast the die for a new alignment of political parties. He has swept aside all previous bonds that held men and women within the Democratic par ty or the Republican party or the lesser political groups and has said, in effect, "Come with me into a new fusion of forces and action." Of course, no one who has studied Mr. Roosevelt's course since his politi cal ears were first pinned back in defeat of his malodorous plan to add six justices of his own choosing to the United Stataa Supreme court could have failed to recognize this eventuality. He was planning to force realignment in politics in this country for some months; but now the thing is out in the open, and the Democrats and Republicans, alike, know what confronts them if it is their desire to maintain the present political party setup. What will happen is quite another question. Undoubtedly, the Demo cratic party will be the greater suf ferer. It has to be so, because Mr. Roosevelt became titular head of the Democratic party by virtue of election to the presidency in 1S32 and again in 1934 as the candidate of that party. So many of the for mer Democrats have become wed ded to the New Deal either by con viction or as a result of having won office on New Deal coat tail* that there is no turning back tor them. Thus, there is a split, with those who subscribe to the New Deal the ory of liberalism on the one hand and the Democrats who adhere to the hundred-year-old principles of the Democratic party on the other. There will be some Republicans drawn into the new alignment, but they will be fewer than the wing formed from Democrats. The Re publicans who will go over to any new alignment will be of the type of Harold Ickes, now secretary of the interior, Senator Norris of Nebraska (who once wore a Republican label) and others of the here-today-gone tomorrow category. Ideaa Subject tt> Quick Change; Try Something Else Then, too, their ideas are subject to such quick change that few of them are retained very long. They are cast aside for something else that has more glamor. A case in point is an incident of recent his tory. After New Dealer Senatoi Pope had been licked for the Idaho Democratic nomination for senator by the youthful Worth Clark, there was talk among the New Dealers about having Senator Pope seek re election independently; it was pro posed and discussed with Mr. Roosevelt whether Senator Pope should embrace the faith of the La Follette's progressive ticket in Ida ho. It was found, however, that the LaFollettes had a candidate for the senate on their ticket. To the suggestion that he withdraw and let Senator Pope be their candidate, the LaFollette spokesman said: no sir ee! Senator Pope isn't progressive enough for us? and Senator Pope had campaigned as a 100 per cent New Dealer. One can walk around the halls of congress any day when the session is on and find hundred-per-centers arguing how far "reform" must be carried; what "liberalism" means. And, in downtown Washington, where the really important head men of liberalism are to be found, they are constantly fuming and fret ting at each other. Instances are on record where two rabid liberals ac tually have sought to get each other discredited in the eyes of the Presi dent because of their differences over what liberalism means. The only thing about which they seem to agree is that anyone who insists on sanity in governmental thinking? anyone who takes heed of lessons of experiences and tradi tions of the past? must, of neces sity be a tory, a bloodsucker, a trampler of the poor, an obstruc tionist, a "republicrat," or some other animal in human form who is overcome with personal greed. On ' that point, the liberals that we see in the government these days pre sent a united front. Time May Provm Fallacy Of Today ? Liberal Ideas That is the story of the fetf-ip pointed liberals. To them haa been given the right? in their own minds, at least? to guide the deatiniea of the nation. I assume that if they regard me at all they classify me aa coming from across the railroad tracks, question my mental balance. But I shall continue to study their methods, commend what is good, criticize that which is obviously un sound. More important, I shall continue to cling to the doctrine of the ages that human nature ia go ing to be changed by some Power that is considerably above the level of human intelligence; I ah all hold to a conviction that real progrcsa comes by that method and not from the crackpots who look upon the hu man race as a fresh litter of guinea pigs. But, anyway, we have liberalism defined at last by a man who ia qualified to define it, and we find that it differs from what liberalism formerly meant. It waa only a few generationa ago that liberaliam meant restricting, not increasing, the powers of government. Neither Mr. Rooaevelt's definition nor hie record in office coincides with the former understanding of the word. It seems to me likely, therefore, that we will go on for quite some years with this quarrel, and that may be? and this ia }oat a hunch time will prove the fallacy of eome of the so-called liberal doctrine* at this ^ ?Speaking of Sportg ? i Comeback of Di Mag Makes Yanks Happy By GEORGE A. BARCLAY AS THE New York Yankees kin thundered down the home (tretoh in the American league pen nant race, piling ip a lead that could not be challenged, the deal i en* of Gotham'i "Little Italy" have been happy. For Joe Di Magglo wai hlttinf and hi* bat was winning ball rame*. Joe'* battinr average Is a barometer of Joy or despair In the east side neighborhood where the sons of Italy have settled and raised their bambino*. In the early days of the season when Joe was in the dog-house with the Yankee ownership and his bat was feeble, there was consterna tion in "Little Italy." But as the sea son wore on and the Yanks began pulling away from the Cleveland In dians, there were smiles, for Joe had found his batting eye again. If "Little Italy" wai happy over Di Magglo's revival, so was Joe Me JOE DI HAOGIO Carthy, for once again this astute manager's faith in a ball player waa vindicated. McCarthy is Doted for sticking with a player when the av erages are throwing him down. He demonstrated that long ago with Pitcher Pat Malone when Joe was manager of the Chicago Cobs. In Malone's first year as a Cub, he lost his first live starts. Joe Is Game That might have discouraged the average manager, but not Joe Mc Carthy. He sent Malone back for his sixth start. Pat justified this confidence by winning that game and going on to become one of the most effective pitchers in the National league. You could cite other examples of this tenacious McCarthy faith. There's the ease of Pitcher Lefty Gomes, who ran into a discouraging series of defeats and finally worked his way back into the winner's es tate. Or you might mention Lou Gehrig, who was a bust in the early days of this season. Joe didn't give up ou Lou when the fans and critics were panning him. And so Joe Di Maggio is the lat est reward of McCarthy's loyalty. Joe's troubles this year staited with his holdout demand for $40,000, after a brilliant 1937 season. Joe's hold out was a failure and he finally compromised for $25,000 a year aft er missing the training trip entirely. Obvioualy out of condition because of missing the training trip, he missed the first ten days of the sea son and one of the disciplinary measures adopted by Col. Jacob Buppert, owner of the club, for this recalcitrant holdout was to dock Joe at the rate of fl<B for each game he missed, or a total of $1,610. Once Joe got into the lineup, however, he was careful not to miss another game. Joe Gels Going The going wasn't easy for Joe in the early stages of the season. The hits didn't blast into the outfield as they had in his two previous years and a home run was something of a curiosity. But McCarthy stuck with him. As a matter of fact he tried to drop Di Maggio into the lineup as a pinch-hitter on opening day, but was overruled by Business Manager Ed Barrow. That gesture, aa well as McCarthy's serene confidence in him when Joe apparently couldn't get going, was a convincing evi dence that his manager believed the slump was only temporary. Joe's performance in the home stretch of the pennant race proved how right McCarthy was. Finishing his third year in the Mg leagues, Jee DI Maggie can rest and Intfte Ma mL His batting average, and aba his record fer runs bat ted ti and runs scored mark him as eae a t baseball's greats. - ..idL. ? Softball School THE axiom Uiat England's battles of tomorrow arc bctaf won today on the playing fields of Harrow aad Eton might be paraphrased far baseball as foUowa: Major leagae Karnes of tomorrow are beiaf m on Softball fields at today. For the outstanding baseball lhids of the past several years got their start playing Softball. Joe Di Maggio was a Softball play er before he jumped to baseball and started toward the hall of fa"* as a member of the New York Yan kees. His sensational young team mate, Tom Henrich, broke into the game via the Softball diamond. Ken Keltner who has made a name lor himself this year as third baseman for the Cleveland Indiana, was a member of a Milwaukee Softball team that played in the world's championship meet two years ago long before he thought of profession al baseball as a career. Baseball men who watched Am world's championship Softball tear nament in Chicago which drew teams from 44 states af the Ditw, agreed that a player who can at tain a respectable batting average against competent mondssies in the fast ball pitching events, sfcaaM be able to hit a baseball withont ex ceeding difficulty. The Softball pitcher stands only 40 feet away from the batter at home plate, whereas the baseball pitcher stands 60 feet away. The ball be uses is not much larger than a reg ulation baseball ? 12 inches in cir cumference compared to 9%. It is nearly as hard. It comes to the batter with almost blinding speed when thrown by a star Softball pitch er. Far from scoffing at saftban as a sissy game, thoughtful baseball aaea frankly agree that it may be effec tive in preparing a youngster for baseball later on. Says Joe Cnah, manager at the Boston Red Sex: Here and There (GREATEST fullback in the Mid die West this fall will be Howie Weiss, of the University of Wiscon sin, according to Coach Harry Stuhl dreher . . . The Longwood Cricket club of Chestnut Hills, Mass., haa the first tennis racket it ever pur chased. It was bought April M. 1878, or 50 years ago . . . Among Temple university's football oppo nents this year are three with whom the Owls played scoreless ties last year. They are BuckneU, Holy Cross and Boston college . . . With the signing of Cecil Isbell of Purdue and Andy Uram of Minnesota, stars of the recent All-Star football gam* in Chicago, the Green Bay Packers have made themselves a formidable threat in the National Professional Football league this falL Shake-Up Time Wl HEN the winter baseball meet " ' ings are keld several maaths hence, it is the prophecy of iafarmed baseball men that there win ha more trades between big league teams than the national game haa experienced in a long time. "Shake-up" talk is in the air aa baseball gives way to football in seasonal sports interest and teams that promised well but fared indif ferently are preparing to strengthen themselves for the 1939 race. It is conceded that three teams ? the New York Giants, and the Chi cago Cabs in the National league and the Cleveland Indians i> the CONNIE MACK American ttt mest la ml of oTerhaaltef if they are to be pennant contender* agaia next year. How to do itT Few manager* wouid be prepared to take the drastic steps used by Connie Mack of the Philadelphia Athletics on two occasions years ago when he decided his teams had passed their peak. Bat Managers Terry, BirtasH. aad Vitt, respectively, win be D asvally receptive to trades that wfli
The Alamance Gleaner (Graham, N.C.)
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