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CLp
ju-ju i
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Ay Ay Ay Ay Ay
VX SHERWOOD & LONG.
& jFamilg Newspaper 23ebote& to literature, agriculture, jHanufaetures, Commerce, anfc JHtsceiianeous EUafcing.
TERMS $2.00 IN ADVANCE
rOL. XXII.
GRBENSBOEOUGH, 3ST. C, JANUARY 3, 1861.
NO. 1 119.
vy Ay R. y fay
The CrccnsboTougK Patriot.
. miiwod. ami a. tomi.
SHEltWOOI) & LONG,
EDITORS AND PROPRIETORS.
TERMS: VJ.OO A YEAR, IX ADVANCE.
RATES OF ADVERTISING 1.1 THE PATRIOT.
Om dollar per Rjuare for the first week, and twentj
Bft cents fur eerj week thereafter. Twilvi Line on
t,M making a square. Deduction! mad in favor of
tandinf matter aa follows:
3 MOUTH. 6 MOHTHf. 1 TIAB
One square $3 60 T 60 $8 00
Twoajuare 7 00 10 00 MOO
Thre- 10 00 16 00 20 00
BUSINESS CARDS.
OS. L'TEEY, OKiM'KR AM COMMISSION
MERCHANT, Kajeitevillc, N. f. 100-Iy
J
ID. !tlYER,Comiiilnlon Merchant,
OLD COUHTT WIIADr,
.Vrubern, tf. C,
Will give prompt attention to all business entrusted to
him. December Ifi, lh.V.. lypd
I ttllKEEY, Manufacturer of
LADIES' FINK
f ailOE. iMHfin AM) WAITERS.
which he
at wholmale and retail, Thomasville, Davidson
county, N. ('.
Order lor khoe y th quantity promptly attended
to. ' M
l J. MOO HE, Formerly of Stoke county. N.
If la C . witli M FAR LAND, TAT MAN A CO.. Im
porters and wholeale dealer in FORF.KiN and DO
MES! 1C D K Y (iOODM, No. J47 Market Htreet and 234
Church Alley, between Second and Third Street
J. U. M'Farland. I I'll I LA UKLI'H I A. J II Uerghaune.
J. I. Talman. jan'JiM'.m j J R C. Oldham
OII M. (LARK,
" W ilmimrton. N. C.
ComniiBMion Merchant,
Krt-p rnii'nly on hurid for rule, Freti Stone
l.i me, ( '.Inrinl I'Unter, ll)draulic I'enii-nt and I'laa
lerinjr llnir. "
l'r'un't piT'i'tixl attention B"iven to ronipnment ''I
hvhI ."r.irf!. t i.ttnri. flour, Wheat or other country t
pr'iduMi for rule or tliipiui-tit.
ii pr JO f:i 1y
ChHinbrN-il,
f New York, l'ii v every kind if Merchandiir
n the
tiet irrio, mi I l'irwiir'l fir l'j per cent. comniiioii.
De'iler in I'iir., I'm-lor Oran. Organ Melodeon,
Mrln lM.ii, II irp, tiuiUrr, SiooN, Cover, Muiic, etc.,
wi. di tli' urid retail. All I Artriiinenla warranted.
Agent for 1. 1 1 1 . 1 j v " - 1'iifcnl I'ump." Garden En
gine, etc. Cirrol ii of Instrument and Pump Dent
tree, on application. Refer to John A. Gilmer, C P
Mri. li'iiht'l. I. I.. Swuin. and othrrx. !"0
N' i. i kit i iv. into.
M commission ME
h. CO., GROCERS
RCIIANTS,. No. lo!,
Syetiinore Street,
I'rlcmburfc, la.
A. If. MiUTI.V .SO k CO.,
COM M IS SI ON M KK(!IIANTS,
Jtlcliiiiontl, Va.
! m ihti?i,
R. A M HTI.
W. K. MMITI1,
a
BO. TAfXAHILL,
II. L. I'LCMMCK, It-.
X. M. MAaTIK, Jft.
liaT'Sirict personal attention given to the tale of pro
duce Order for good promptly filled. "gfg 40 ly
i, jvoitrii,
!. o. I'Aitrn.,
For pat 7 yearr with T.
C. A II. G. Worth.
I. file of Aaheliofo', N. C
IVOItTII - l4XIEE, WHOLESALE AND
TV LETAIL lilUKERS AND COMMISSION
MKIlCUANIS, No. U tirunitc Row, Front Street,
W ilmiuglou, N. C.
Dealer in all kitiol of (Jrocerie, Provisions, Fruit,
Li'iior. Win., Cigiir und Tobacco.
Solicit roii.ijtt,nient of Flo ir, Dried Fruit, Feather.
Her.-W nx, Totiacro, and Country Produce generally.
A Kent tor Howe celebrated Scale. 6-ly
VM. I. IIIVM'I.I" i. II. RiWI.AMi... II. . RKTNOLU.
Yr l. lli:i.OLDS & CO.. Succeors to
tf Row land A Reynolds,, GROCERS AND
COMMISSION MERCHANTS. Norfolk, Virginia.
Rein Agent for REESK S MANIPULATED GUANO
and alao keepiug on hand NO. 1 PF.RUVI AN GUANO
obtnlrcl from the Covernment Agent, we can furninh
luriuara upon RF.ASONARLK TERMS, AND OCR
STOCK OF GKorEKIES BEING l.AKCF. AND COM
PI, IF., all orders will be filled at lowest market pri
ce. S-tf
4 ,l Nprrry,
I CRAY DON,
oT Vortli Carolina, with
McCREERY &. CO, importer and
wliolale dealer in Foreign and Domestic Dry Goods,
Fanry Goods, c., No. 41 Rarday Mrrct, and 40 Park
Place (will leiiii'voin July next to the Appleton build
ings. Broadway,) New Y'ork.
Our stock will be complete by the lf February, and
under the urwTviri n of our Mr. McCreery (rec ntly
Shepherd. McCreery, Charleston, S. 0.) will couiprir
every devripiion of good in our line, adapted to tU
Souiliein and South-VVcittern trade.
Merchnit visiting .Vew York are respect full r inTi-
ted to ,ive u a ill. febl"-ly
I .no in iii:r, j i: m e e e e r a v i
W Tt II MAKER, Went Market, (iiiKissBoiio
N. C , '"i on hntid an' i receiving aplendid and wen
Hflt'etrd r'iK'k of tine and fft;hionhle Jewelry of every
d '-iptioii. among wuich may be found several niagni
tic "tit ritsol cornl Jewelry.
lie tins nl.o ikrtock ot tine Gold and Silver Watchc.
All r. j mnng d. tie in the REST MANNER and vt.ir
r iiiict ll peisons p'irchiisiiig Jewelry, would do well
o I in. teto?e nr.-Ii i n elsewhere 'I he
c 'ii i n o ' l.i.i In' . Hi. -rll goo.i hargiiins as can ' e
' j i C ' ' ' HI III.- m.irk.'l
4 n II - I !. !,, f ill i ,
' Jl I.I I'.V M iliol.it oif r Hud deuleis
' hi HI'. DuUil.K MiLKD r.Uo't; N.
INt.l.K s.ol.1.1) '.Kot.N, tiKNl.s KIP HRO
t. .. ,ii. I OXFORD 1 l, at wholesale and r.-luil.
1 iiinii.iv 1 1 1 N C.
P.ir'u i.l.ir altei tion um to double-toled Rroniu,-. lor
i.rjito Hir whieh air warranted to do good erti.. nl
I.OW Pi; ICR
I l.f pat i.ni ot the outUreli people is respectfully
s'.luu.i to this HO.Mi: l t A HI.IH M K.N I', with the
.i.-'i.tne th.il everything sold by us shall be of a good
,i. i'i'v . in I n- i MODF.RAI'F. PRICK
S
iM'l. ii. TIIO.1l AS ha removed his II AR
NI.SS SiP to the rooms recent v occunied bv
F- M Wxlki.h. Es.p, two door Northe-V LINDSAY'S
Store, an 2 i mined lately oppoite the New Court House,
wlo te he will be pleed to receive call from hi old
trends and the pnlilic generally. It i hi intention
l.i keep c hi "t it nt lyr on limid a good assortment.
Htnes, uii 1 i.ther articles in hi line, which he will
be pleaded to ell on reuoiible term.
y C .lOVKI,L'N l'holoKraplilc;al -
lrr i now opened, and Cameotr pea, MeUino -
tj,,. AMmttiTYl'F.. which cannot be surpiuaed
f.-r Pl'K AP.ILITY D.l UKAUTVare in ken in Locketa
I'iua aH.H'iiHr, to auit the lantea and purges of all.
Having permanently located in Oreennborough, they
conS'leiiily eipect a liberal 'patronage.
pa tU and rxaniine ipeiniena, and learn the I
Trice. Koottii formerly occupied by A ftarrett, rc
ond rtory ..f Garrett' brick building, Vat Market St , 1
Urenl.tri.iigli, N. ('. Sept.. IHo'.i. 63 tf
XT OTIC E. The firm of PULL1AM k BETTS j
i.1 having tin dy crae 1. William H. Rett will
continue in tho NKGKQ ACCTIO.N busineM, ami has
tnken into Co partnership with him F.. J. Gregory.
They will conduct the buines under the firm of Metis
Grecory. at their ale Room
four duora below Vitll Street, and about one Squire
Iwlow the lurmrr otfice of Pulliam k Betta, and re
np'Ctfully solicit a continuance of the patronage which
w i o liberally extended to William H. Betta while in
the in n of Pulliam & ltetts.
They have obtained the aerricea of Mr. Bushrod W.
Elmore a Clerk, who has an interest in the business.
W.M. H. BETTS.
E. J. GREGORY.
maj2 88-ly
THE NATIONAL CRISIS.
LETTER FROM HO! JOHN BELL.
- - -
Secession no Remedy for South
ern Wi-onjjrs.
NaahTille, Dec.f.tb. 18'.0. ,
Dear Sir .Could I have flattered myself
that any argument I could address to tho
Mass Meeting appointed for the 29th ult., at
Vicksbvrg, would contribute in any important
degree to aid ynu and your compatriots in
staying the progress of the sentiment which
threaten to precipiUtoyour State into apo
litical vortex, which in my judgment would
would be no Io?.i fatal to her own interests
than rur.iou-j to those of her neighbors, I
would, at any personal sacrifice, have obeyed
the Hummon ol my friends, but feeling no
such confidence in my ability to servo them
as you ascribe to me in your letter, I have
yielded to the force of circumstances which
claimed my attention at home.
So lar as my views and opinions have any
weight or inlluonco in determining tho course
of any portion ofthe'people of Mississippi in
tho prcHont critical juncture, they may bo
stated on paper, and l suppose would bo hs
effective for tho purpose intended as they
would Ih; if communicated in a speech
Tho question of chief importance to be con
Hidereil. and answered is, whether te elec
tion of .Mr. Lincoln to tho Presidency, consid
ered in all its significance and bearings to
gether with all precedent and existing griev
anceH, would justify Misif-sipp , or any other
State or Mate, in withdrawing from the
Union '. In form, tho election was in strict
accordance with the regulations prescribed
bv the Ctihj.iiu.lion and laws. Thoobieelion
j to it j tliut it was ellecteu by a purely sec
tiunal Karl v. organized upon the principle of
i huctilily to -lavery,and having for its prime
'object tin- rcpreMon of slavery us a perma
nent adinihiMratiivo policy, with a view to its
Ultimate extinction. It cannot be doubted
Uiul an administration of the Government,
buwed upon this policy; cou'd operate far
more cll'i c t ually in bringing about the extinc
tion ol hlavery in the Souulh through official
influent e and patronage, than by any more
direct mode of attat k.
Hut it is clear that the Federal Govern
ment was established for no such purpose or
object ; lor, however strongly many of the
Iramers t the Constitution wero opposed to
slavery, it i notorious that it was owing to
their forbearance to insist upon their objec
tions to the rlause in the intrument, providing
for the rendition of fugitivo slaves to thvir
owners, that we have any Federal Union. It
was upon thi question that the Convention
was, at onetime, upon the poir.t of breaking
up in contusion. The policy of making tho
tioverntnent an instrumentality lor the re-
! pression or extinction of slavery as is now at-1
i tempted by the party which is soon to be in
power, was never contemplated by the tra
iners ol the Constitution. -
I l.'.f.. .It. in 1 4 1, n r inn
the .success ot a purely sectional party, orga
nized upon any principle, sentiment or policy,
in stroiii; antagonism to tho interests and
sentiments of the opposing and defeated se c
tioji wojld deeply imperil tho Union ; nor did
I bolieve, until the result of the ktober elec
tions became known, that a majority of tho
Northern people would ever so far disregard
the counsels and warnings of Washington as
to elect tho candidate of such a party to the
Presidency. The election of Mr. Lincoln by
a sectional party, organized and sustained
upon the distinctive principle cf opposition to
slavery, as it exists in the Southern States,
and avowing the policy of its repression and
final extinction (by prohibiting its extension
into the Territories,) was a bold experiment
upon the temper and forbearanco of the Sonth,
and upon the strength ot their loyalty to the
Union. This experiment, if not conceived in i
a spirit ot disunion, was made with a reckless
disregard of consequences. No greater strain
upoti tin ligaments which bind the two grat
sections of ibe country tJgtther could bt. de
j . ised, llian the attempt to tablish or ina.iu- '
! -ated jii rmancni government policy upon
I s icli principles. The late Harrison Gray Otis,
of li jtioh, one of the most distinguished and
' able ot New England Htatesinen, when called
upon, ii. 1? :',o, to give U C weight ol b. name
and ihtliiciire ii. checking the further pmrees
ot a n'bid ablution spirit, th n begmging to
dill'ue ii.M-lf .ivcr M lisf-ai h iset li and ol ti t :
S :t' . f 1 li - F. on! -N Tin. in -i i. r l. !
ivirtd n. I'aiiiiiil al . lid not li-Mta t;
i pi t i i.r ...n."i tiiat tin- I'l.ui- n.'d tie
Mr n i i.,' Ai'i lili"!. 'of"'ie, "r a Hm
it i re I h. i. culled, Ant -Sl.iwry At-Mn iai ions,
i uiii n. i.i'cd hiicli ;Mi it iei ti l e: re wi b tlte
iluni. 'tH pulley and Of"', it 'i' ion - ol t he S uih
a ttnuul be a violation bth ot the hjiirit and
letter id l he Constitution, und weiein hut
i e . 'Intionat y in their t hai at ter and tendni
ey. 1 am nut able Indiscriminate between the
liaiacter.sp.rit A; tendt n y l the anti-slavery
pi iiu i pies and the nlavet V i epi es'nii polu v
""t the lu publican parly, e.inilil ei eil in Con
nection with the torrent of inflammatory
publications at d invectives ayatiist the do-
mostic institutions and s. cial relations t f, the
South which is daily poured forth by Repub-
lican journals and orators, and the character,
', tendency and designs of the Abolition Socio
I tics, and the incendiury publications which
I.-... it' .
i find their way to the public under their au
; spi The only - ssential difference lean
I ' , . . . . . ..
1 I'cive between the spirit and tendency ot
1 hc doctrines and avowed policy of the Lc-
1 publican parly and and those of the doctrines
I nnd avowed policy of the Abolition Societies
is in tbe extent and degree ol the mischiefs
which may boinflictd upon the South by one
or tbe other, and tho deliberate intention to
inflict them by the Abolition Societies, which
it would be unfair and unjust to impute to
tho whole body of tho Republican party.
But both aro obnoxious to tho charge of pur
suing a policy which iu violation ot tbe spirit,
it not tho letter, of the Constitution, and rev
olutionary in ils tendency. The policy of
both tends strongly to stir up internal strife
in tbe Southern States, to excite dimensions
and insurrections among tbu slaves, to pro
duce alarm and a hcoso ol insecurity, both as
to lite and property, among tho whito popu
lation of every Southern Staie, and finally to
influence the whole South to revolt against
the Government. The degree and extent of
the mischief which the Republican party may
be able to inflict by its antislavery policy,
for reasons which 1 Deed not state, it will be
readily acknowledged, will be ten-fold grea
ter than any which the Abolition Societies
have it in their power to inflict.
That I do not unjustly charge the Republi
can party with having apopted a policy which,
in its character, tendency and practical opera-
uon, is in connici wun tne spirit, n dot. me
letter, of the Constitution, can be made man
ifest in a very few words : One of tho impor
tant objects to be accomplished by the adop
tion of the Constitution, as a doclared in the
preamble, was to "insure domestic tranquil
ity;" and the power was expressly given to
the Fedoral Government by that instrument
to "suppress insurrections." The simple
announcement to tbo public that a great par
ty at the North, opposed to slavery, has suc
ceeded in electing its candidate for the Pres
idency, disguise it M we may, is well calcu
lated to raise expect tions among the slaves,
and might lead to servile insurrections in the
Southern States. If such an event, which is
more than possible, should really happen, it
might become the duty of Mr. Lincoln to re
store the tranquility which the policy of the
party had disturbed, and to suppress an in
surrection which the same policy had excited.
Instating the exceptions which may be
lairly taken bv the South to the election of
Mr. Lincoln, I have purposely presented, in
the strongest light, the dangers to which
Southern rights and interests are exposed,
that it may not bo supposed that I had not
considered or eompreneuded the full extent
ot tho injurious consequences which may re
sult from the present menacing attitude of
the ISorth upon the slavery question; betore
I formed an opinion upon the grave question,
whether he election of Mr. Lincoln, in all
its bearings, together with all tho precedent
grievance of which the South has a right to
complain, furnish any sufficient cause to jus
tify tre surrender by the Seuthern States of
their interest in the rich and glorious heri
tage of the Union, and to 6eek safety and the
undisturbed er.joyment of their rights in a
Southern Confederacj. With this explana
tion,! am now prepared to say, unhesitating
ly and unequivocally, that it would not ; and
the confidence I feeel in the solidity of theH
grounds upon which I cive this answer will
. 1
be justified by the following considerations :
1. Mr. Lincoln, it is well known, does not
b Id extreme opinions on the subject of sla
very. It is certain that ho has expressed a
decided opinion that the South has a consti
tutional right to demand the faithful execu
tion of the Fugitive Slave Caw, and that un
der certain circumstances he would feel ii his
d ty not to oppose the admission of a new
slave State into the Union. His declaration
on this poin is little satisfactory to tbo South ;
but neither that declaration, nor the opinion
expressed by him on the subject of the rugi
tiv j Slave Law, is at all satisfactory to the ?x-
trennst ol his own party
Upon the whole, if Mr. Lincoln's public
declarations on the subject ot slavery are to
be considered the true exponents of his lu-
ture policy, and if he possesses tho moral cour-
ago to adhere to them in opposition to the
counsels of tho extreme men of bis party (and
it is just and fair to presume that he does pos
sess that virture, (no serious mischief need
be apprehended during his administration ex
cept the usual evils attending the perpetu.l
agitation of the slavery issues.
2. Hut it is assumed by somo that Mr.
Lincoln has disguised his true sentiments;
that his true character has not been under
stood; and that he will bo under tho control
of the worst men of his party. I do not think
so I have every confidence that bis future
policy will bo found to be in strict conformity
with his past declarations. But apart from
this, it is now generally known that ho will
be powerless for misehief, except to a very
limited extent, during the first two years of
his administration, unless the Southern Sen
ators and Representatives elected to the next
Congress should rashly, and, as I think, in
excuseably resign their seats or retire from
Congress, and thus voluntarily surrender the
control in both Houses to the Republican
party, which surely they will not do. With
both Houses opposed to him, Mr. Lincoln
cannot appoint his Cabinet ministers or fill
ary otlices ot high grade without the absent
ot the Senate, or indeed of any interior grade
above that of a clork or petty deputy post
master. Ho will K-oab.e to carry no meas
ure connected with the subject of slavery
which does not commend ilselt to the South
and the conservative mem hern from the North.
it. As to any apprehensions that the He
publican party, encouraged and stimulated
I', tnrtlif- el1'.rti by t h-1 r late micivhis, may
lo so i rrngi hen d in tne result of the elec
tions ol Sen .twis and Kepresenlat ives. in the
in an nine, as t. obtaiti a t..ajority in both
Houses ot the oSlh Congress, that is, during
the Lsl iwo years of Mr. Lincoln's adminis
, ualiot while it may be well to regard such
j an even as possible, the sronges. reasons
, exist ..r the lontideiil belief that no such un
lortunate r sull will attend the elections in
I the Noilh, which are to decide the complex-
ion of the 3Stb Congress.
(Jl the whole number of votes cast for Mr.
i Lincoln in the recent-election, troni my own
I personal knowledge, and tn-m information
received from other wiurccs, of the sentiments
j of the Snuth, and especially of those i f the
J Middle Staler, and the Slates north of tne
, Oh.o. I am sure I hazard nothing in stating
mam large nu in Dor at ie it one-lliiru ari
devoted to the Union, and although opposed
to slavery in the abstract, have hut little
sympathy with the Republican party, and j
Mould bti Miu ei el i;lad 10 iee tho slavery
.. 1..., .. ... . . 1... . : . !
v-v.. uwvvi'.y wmriii iiir ivtii ri'ui nv lions
of the country speedily terminated. They
supported the Republican candidate in the
lat election, mainly influ.nced by 1 h 1 r
strong and inveterate feeling of opposition
to the Democratic party believing that Mr.
; Lincoln was tbo oniy availahle caudidate in
I the held to defeat that party.
party
I am also well satisfied that not more than
one-third part of Mr. Lincoln's supporters 1
aro so extreme in their anti-slavery senti
ments, and are animated by so intense a ha
tred ot ihe South, as to be either wholly in
different to the effect upon the Union of the
policy of tho Republican party, or actually
desirous of a separation of the free from the
slave Slates.
Of ihe remaining third of Mr. Lincoln'
supporters, 1 think 1 am warranted in say
ing thai they are attached to the Union,
though anti-oluvery i.i their sentiments.
They joined the Republican paity as a reUl
iatory measure, adopted in resentimentof tbo
repeal of the Missouri Compromise, which
they regarded as little less sacred and bind
ing than the Constitution, and in further re
sentment of the attempt to force the Lecorap-
ton Constitution upon the people of Kansas
But now that they have so signally triumph-
ee in lue late eiecuuu, aim in view ot lue ev
ils already inflicted upon tho country, and the
still greater evils to be apprehended they
will be content to cease the war upon South
ern interests and feelings.
For tho foregoing reason 1 leel confident
that the 38th Congress will exhibit a falling
in the strength of the Republican party, in
stead of an increase.
4. All of the existing grievance of which
the South may justly complain can be re
dressed in the Union. As to the indignity,
not to say insult, offered to the South, of nom
inating and electing the candidates for the
two highest offices of the Government by a
sectional party, on principles which practi
cally exclude the Southern States from a
voice in the election, contrary to established
usage, and in violation of the spirit of the
Constitution they may be pardoned for the
sake of peace and harmony, and in consider
ation that the South has not been guiltless of
having contributed, and that in no small de
gree, to increase) the violence and asperities
of the slavery controversy between the two
sections. . ,
In expressing the opinion that all griev
ances may be redressed in the Union, 1 in
tended to exclude other greater offences which
have been apprehended from Republican
domination, and which are of possible occur
rence. How they shall be redressed; should
they unhappily occur, will call for new coun
sels, but "sufficient unto the day is the evil
hereof."
The existing grievances are the obstruc
tions interposed by somo of the con-slave-holding
States to the prompt and faithful ex
ecution of the Fugitive Slave Law, by What
are called Personal Liberty Laws, and the
refusal of the Governors of several of those
States to surrender fugitives from justice from
the slaveholding States, in those cases in
which the crime imputed to the fugitive is
the abduction or stealing of slaves. Some
further legislation by Congress may be re
quired to secure the surrender of such fugi
tives, but the due enforcement of the Fugi
tive Slave Law is all that is required to re
dress the grievances arising from the escape
and abduction of s aves from the Southe-n
Stales. The Presidenr is arn: ed with suffi
cient power and means to enforce this law in
defiance of all obstructions which may be
thrown in the way to defeat it If he neglects
or fails to see it executed, he is liable to im
peachment. The next ubject which 1 purpose to myself
to notice briefly, is the doctrine or theory of
secession, which, as I understand it, is the
right claimed to exist under and by the Con
stitution, in the exercise of which a State
may withdraw from the Union, whenever a
majority of the citizens may decide to do so,
for any cause whatever. For it is quite im
material whether any grievance or wro.ig
sustained at the hands ot the co-States, or by
the action of the Federal Government, is set
up tj justify the exercise of this right or not,
inasmuch as tho people of the seceding State,
under this theory, claim to be the sole tribu
nal or judges to decide whether any such
grievance or wrong has been inflicted and
upon the extent and sufficiency of the wrong.
In fact, the theory of secssion implies the
right ol a State to dissolve its connection with
the Union at discretion; and the whole ques
lion resoves itself into this: whether the
Federal Union, as it now exists and as it was
intended to be by its framers.-is anything
more than a voluntary association of States, j
for common defence and other objects of vi
tal importance to their interests and prosper
ity, carrying with it no binding obligation
upon any of the States to yield obedience to
the Federal Government any longer than
such State should consider it expedient. 1
propose o enter into no elaborate argument
to demonstrate tbe unsoundness of this theo
ry, and to show that no such right was re
served by tho Constitution either to the State
or to the people. This has often been done
by abler ens. I must be permitted, howev
er, to say that when its nature is p. operly de
fined and its logical and necessary conse
quences are candidly stated, its absurdit
mast strike the commonest understanding!
Its reasonableness and fo aside from its
absurdity, will be illustrated by a single ex
ample :
The possession and control of the mouth
ef the Mississippi was held to bo of such
vital importance to the interests ol tho peo
pic inhabiting the valley of the - Misisippi,
111 being the great outlet to market of tbe
rich products of their soil, as to make its
acquisition, either by purchase or conquest,
a great politic ia necessity. The purchase
was made by the United States for that rea
son, at a cost ot fifteen million of dollars.
It was stipulaied in the treaty of cessit n
that the territory thereby acquired should
be admitted into the Union as a Slate, or
States, with all the
the other States of
be supposed mat
rights and privileges of isting circumstances, in withdrawing from
the Union But, can it ' the Union. I confidently hclcivc that the hap
Mr. Jefferson and the ! pieVt con-i.fniences would result from a con.
other great statesmen ot that day, it they in-
j tcrpreled the Constitution as tbe advocates
ot 1 he theory ot secession no do, would 1, ave
j K-en so inettably st upid and blind l conse
! quences as to have assented to Mich a stipu-
lation ?
rar wioer and better wou.d it liave
iave paid five tim s the price, and to
been t
have neb! the countrx a- a Mibiect proitn e.
w r a
having first amended the Coi-slituiion so a
to autlionze ouch a ho dint' And ohou.d
Louisiana now secede from the Union and set
up an independent government, .in the ex. r
cise of the rt ht of Recession, even supposing
. he right to exist, can there be any duht that
the same commercial and political necessity
which led to Us original ai-ofjiMtion. would
! to its subjugation bv the government of t!ie
United States, or bv the Stales interested in
United States, or by the Stales interested in
t e navigation ot tbe Mississippi river and
its tributaries ?
Auer due consideration of the subject, with
becoming deference to the opinions of others.
I am forced to the conclusion that secession
is but anoter name for an organized rem.
tance by a Sta e to the laws and constituted
authorities of the Un on or which is ihe name
Ining, for revolution. The'hcory appear t
me to have been conceived and propagated
in a spit it ot disatTeei nm t the Union, n-.d
can serve no other purpose than t l ai tne
unusKiCling and credulous tnio the mippou
1 of the scheme ot disunion, under the delusivu
expectation that they would only be thereby
exercising a right reserved to them under
tho Constitution, and that they would be in
no danger of incurring the penalties of trea
son, or of exposing themselves and their
country to the ca'amitics of civil war.
In the preceeding pages of this letter, I
have attempted to show that the friends of
the Union in the South should not deBpair
of obtaining redress from the North, of all
existing grievances, and that the prospects
of being able to avert the greater -ones, of
which there may be some apprehension in
future, are so encouraging, that it would be
the extreme of rashness and folly to think of
resorting to any means of redress, not war
ranted by the Constitution. What gives me
the greatest concern at present, is the pain
ful conviction that the movement in favor
of secession, in Mississippi and other States
of the South, is led, for the most part, by men
of distinguished ability and influence, with
whom the expediency of secession is a fore
gone conclusion and a settled conviction, men
who can be reached by no argument of re
monstrance men who do not want to be
convinced of the insufficiency of existing grie
vances to justify a disruption of the Union
men whose imaginations have been taken po
ssession of, and their judgements led enptive,
by tho dazzling, but, as I think ,deluBive vis
ion of a new, great, and glorious Republican
empire, stretching far into the Soulh. The
scheme of disunion, as I have reason to believo,
has been long cherished by some of those lea
ders and they have only waited a pretext
more plausible than any heretofore presented,
to attempt the accomplishment 01 it.
What between the inflammatory appeals
and highly colored and exaggerated story of
wrong and oppression already endured, and
the still more intolorable oppression to be
anticipated from the fanatic spirit of the
North, on the one hand, and the glowing
pictures and seductive representations of the
grandeur, power and prosperity of the new
Republic, on the other hand, it is not surpris
ing that a body of highly gifted men, strong
ly excited and carried along by their own
fanacies, have been able to mislead many
housands of a peculiarly excitable and im
pressible population, against the dictates of
1 I . a 1 .
tneir sooer juugcmeius. Ana it is a sad re
flection that upou 1 he speedy return of this
class of Southern citizens to wiser and more
temporate counsels may depend the fate of
the Union. May no hope be indulged that
a little time for calm thought will suffice for
the change of what seems to be their present
purpose and determination ? a little time for
reflection upon the nature and amount of
evils which are certain to attend a revolution
ary movement, and also upon other and more
appalling contingent e ils, which may and
probably will arise between its beginning and
consummation.
I do not forget that I am addressing,
through you, brave men who are ready to
die in vindication of their honor or in defence
of what they believe to be theier rights, I do
not appeal to their fears.
Hut whatever may be tbe final decision
of the people of Mississippi upon the gravest
question ever presented to their consideration
and which deeply affect the relations existing
between them and the people of Tennessee,
and of every 1 ther State of the South, 1 can
not bring myself to tne conclusion, all the ex
isting evidences to the contrary, that Missis
sippi will take upon heasell the responsibili
ty ot doing an act that would expose the
peace and security of her sister States of th
South to direct and eminent danger, and per
haps decide their destinies for wea or for woe
forever without previous consultation with
lhem, and first exhausting every peaceable
mode of redress for the grievances of which
s'o complains. In a community of indepen
dent States or sovereignties, if any one of
them should pursue a course which would
put in eminent peril the peace and security of
the other States, without first exhausting,
every means of peaceable redress for any
grievames of which she might, complain,
they would be justified by the law of nations
in making common cause against her, and in
preventing her by force, if necessary, from
pursuing, such course. Such being, the
responsihiiity, attaching, 'to the action ot
one of a community of separate and indepen
dent States, how mu.-h greater would be the
responsibility incurred by oneol the Southern
States ol this Union n adopting the des oer
ate tin azures of breaking up the Union nnd
thereby putting in jeopardy the highest and
' dearest interest of them all without first taking
solemn counsel together. 1 hese interests are i
common to them all, and the grievances com- j
plained of are common to all. Could tho evil 1
fCiisequences certain to ensue be confined to j
" the State adi pung th-r rash measure ot seces-
snm, the oiltei states might not leel called
upon to protest against it. B.it that cannot
be The consequences and who can forsee
their extent? tiinsl be felt bv all.
Vi'-win? the subject in every light in which
it can be presented. 1 am constrained to say
mat by no public law, by no code of morals,
by no law ot F rth or Heaven, would Missis
sippi or any other Mate be justified under ex
let ence of all the Southern States, las con
fidently oeliove that a 'majority of the people
oi t'.e Non Ii ate this du. prepared to agree
to any fair and reasonable plan or adjust ment
w Ii en Mien a cot.iecence 01 me ooutnern ; every nonoraoio coiiswiuuonai anu lawiui ei
Sc.tes would i-nrpoMi I purposely abs'ain : tort to seenje them is exhausted, will they
truth MijrgeMii e wbul in my opinion, thould j conenl to any effort for its dissolution,
be the ba.M it s.ich pian nt adjustment. ! The people of Maryland are anxious tha'
Alter s hat I h:ve written n tbe preceding I time be given an i an opportut ity afforded
oaircs ol 1 tun let i.-r, it is m.;u eel v' 11 cesarv to f.r a fair and honoraMe adjustment of tho
sny I iuiiicie to 1 1,- union l will not say that ;
in no p'h$ibh' mi.t inqnu'ij would I consent to a j
M-pai at 1011 ol the S iit'-s lint I would ex-'
haust every e -1 1 t it w n n.-i I in as for the re-
dress 01 our 'i i.v anc. s before I would think
ot dissolvit g 1 be Ui.ion. 1 am not willing
1 1 1 ill 1 nn Slate should be wit bd 1 awn from the
Union that one st : r bHiid be sin ken Iroin
the bright clti-ter w hieli e w emblaZ 'ns the
national Aug.
I have long torseon the probable occur fence
of a crisis liKe ibe pn-nl nnd shrunk trm
the possible i-sue, of it, urid I could never c h
template the destruction of the Union with
oui sctisat ions not uniike those which I imag
ine would overwhelm me on beholding the
last goicg down ol the sun never 10 rise
Hi,ain torever.
NN uh the lnlu si c iriM-leration and esteem,
1 .llll V 'HI' felloW-cttizen,
JOILN BELL.
To A. BtKALLL. Lmi . Vu k.itjiuru. Mian.
L-q , Vn. k.-oJur
the Unittn -Position of
Gov. Wise.
We find in the papers the following letter
from Gov. Wise. Heving been written to by
a gentleman of Columbus, Georgia, to define
what he meant by "fighting in the Uniou,"
he replies as follows :
RolliBton, near Norfolk. VaJ "l
December 1, I860, j
Dear Sir : Yours of the 22d ult., was late
coming to band. 1 now thank you for it.
Ab to my doctrine of fighting in the Union,"
it is one of true policy.
1st. If a sovereign State is judge ot the w
f radion m well as of the mode and measure
of redress, she may remain in the Union to
resent, or resist wrongs as well as do so out
of the Union.
2d. If other States have infracted the Urv
ion, not she, the State wronged is bound to
defend the Constitution and the Union against
those who have infracted tho one and threat
ened the other. Logically the Union belongs
to those who have kept, not those who have
broken its covenants.
Sd. Tho Union is not an abstraction: it is
a real substantial thing, embracing many es
sential and vital political rights and proper
ties. It has nationality, lands, treasury, organ
ization of nrmy, navy, ships, dock-yards, arse
nals, &c., &c, &c. Shall we renounce these
rights and possessions because wrong doers
attempt to deprive us of other rights .' Is it
not cowardly to renounce one right to save
another? Are these rights not as precious
as f he mere right of properly in negroes. But,
4th. If you secede, you not only renounce
the Union and its possessions, but you fail to
unite your own people, because you do re
nounce these rights. Wake a man up to de
stroy the Union and Constitution, and be
will stare at you and turn away. But tell
him that the Constitution is infracted and the
Union threatened by Black Republicans, and
call on him to aid you in defending both, and
he will act heartily with you.
5th. Then how is this to be done ? Tho
3rd clause of tbo 10th section of the 1st art.
of the Constitution of the United States per
mits a State to keep troops and ships of war
in time of peace, and to engage in war, when
actually invaded, or when in such imminent
danger as will not admit of delay Now, are
we not actually invaded ? Is our danger not
imminent? Does it admit of delay? May
not a sovereign State decide ?
6th. And what is the difference t Will it
not be revolution and war in either event?
I say, then, stick to all your rights, re
nounce none, fight for all, and save all 1
Yours, truly, &c,
HENRY A. WISE.
Mississippi and Maryland.
The following is the letter of Governor
Hicks, of Maryland, partially reported in our
Telegraphic news of Saturday. It sufficient
ly explains the purport of the letter of Judge
Handy, the Commissioner from the State of
Mississippi, to which it replies:
STATE OF MARYLAND.
Executive Chamber. Annapolis, Dec. 'J 1830.
Sir : Your letter of the 18th instant informs
me that you have been appointed by the Gov
ernor of Mississippi, in pursuance of a re so
lution of her Legislature, a commissioner to
the State of Maryland, and that the occasion
of your mission is "the present crisis in the
national affairs of this country, and tbe dan
ger which impends the safety and rights of
the Southern States by reason of the election
ot a sectional candidate to the office of Presi
dent of the United States, and upon a plat
form of principles destructivei of our consti
tutional rights, and which, in the opinion of
the State of Mississippi, calls for prompt
and decisive action, for the purpose of our
protection and futule security."
You also inform me that Mississippi desires
the co-operation of her sister States of the
South in measures necessary to defend our
rights, and to this end you desire to know
whether I will convince the Legislature of
Maryland for the purpose of counselling with
the const i tuted authorities of tbe State of Mis
sissippi, and at what time it may be expected
our General Assembly will be called for that
purpose.
In the conversation I had with you this
morning you were good enough to explain
more fully the views and intentions of Missis
sippi in this matter her desire that our Leg
islature should also appoint Commits oners
to meet these of othern States, and that ac
tion at once be bad by all the Southern Stales
for the formation of a new government among
themse'ves.
The position of Maryland, as a small South
ern Border Slate, render the exerci-" of any
power I may possess. r the purpose m Ii
cated by you, a matter of very grave imp r
tance Our State is unquestionabh nJe.-i
fied with the Southern Sla'e in feebng and
by the institutions and habits which ptetai:
among us. But she is also conservative, and
above all things devoted 10 the union of these
Stales under the Constitution. Her people
will use all honorble means to preserve and
perpetuate these. 1 liink I know the servi
ents of her citizens in the matter, and that
I am not mistaken when 1 say tha, almost
ur animously, they inUnd to uphold that Un
ion and to maintain their right under it; tha
they believe these last will yet bo admitted
and secured; and that 'until it is certain that
they will be respected no 'onger, not until
difficulties fijfu grievances of which they
more than the people 01 any outer joutnern
Stai e, have a ribt to compiain ; and, in niy !
opinion, if the people of. he Union really de-'
Mrc ils continuance and perpi tuity SU h ad
jiisiment m y be affected. I hope and be-1
lieve it wib be ff-cied. and promptly. And
until the effrt is tout d to be in vain I ca-n't
conv nt, b any T ci itatc or r voiui ionuiy
aiio. , to .-iid 11 tin- di memberment of tin
Union. When 1 si ah si e cb at l that tin re
is no hope of Mich ;dj'is inctii . m i am convin
ced thallhepowo 01 the Federal (jovei anient
is to bu perverted to the deslriution. instead 1
of being Used for the protection, of our rights
then, and not till ti . n, can 1 cot sent s to
I'Vi'lTIMl' nnv HOWer With which 1 ll m invested
...... j " J I
astoafl id even the opportunity tot such a
proceeding.
What i er powers I mny have I shall use
onl alt.i iu.1 oiiMilun 'on. and m fiatcn.ai
com-crt w.tn the tliL-i B-idn S. unci-
Fighting In
we and they, in tbe event of any dlsemVer
raent of the Union, will suffer more than ail
other combined, I am now in correspondence
with the Governors of those States, and I
await with solicitude for tbe indications of .
the course to be pursued by them, When
this is made known to me I shall be ready to '
take such steps as our duty and interestahall -demand,
and 1 do not doubt the people of Ma
ryland are ready to go with too people of
those States, for weal or woe.
I fully agree with all that you hare sard as
to the necessity for protection to tbo rights
of the South ; and my sympMies are entirely -with
the, gallant people of Mississippi, who
stand ready to resent any infringement of
those rights. But I earnestly hope they will
act with prudence as well rs with courage.-
Let us show moderations as well as firmness j -4
and be unwilling to resort to extreme meas
ures until necessity, shall leave, us no
choice.
1 am unable to inform you when the Leg
islature of this State will be called together;
for until I can perceive tne necessity for such
a step I am not willing to awake the appre
hension and excite the alarm which auco s
call at the present time could not fail to
create.
1 have tho honor to be, with great respect,
your obediant servant,
THOS. H. HICKS, -Hon.
A. H. Handy, Commissioner of Mis
sissippi.
From the Washington Constitution, Dee. 21.'
The Abstraction of Bonds from the
Interior Department.
Tho public are already aware that on the
volunteer confession of God ard-Bailey, the
Indian appeal clerk of tbe Interior Depart
ment, and who was charged with the euslo
dy of the bonds and other securities held in
trust for the Indian tribes, it was discovered
late on Saturdry night that some of these
bonds to the enormous amount of 8870,000
had been fraudulently extracted by Bailer
and given by him to William H. Russell, of
the firm of Russell, Majors & Waddell.
Immediately on tbe receipt of Bailey s let-
tor disclosing the above fraud, the Secretary
of the Interior made a close ezaminat:on of
the securities. Tbe examination lasted seve
ral hours, and resulted in disclosing that out
of the 83,396,241 72, (the gross amount of
tbe Indian Trust Fund,) but $2,520,341 82
were forthcoming, and that 8870,000 were
missing. Immediate steps were taken lor
the arrest of tbe perpetrators ot this fraud.-
The Department is in possession of ample
means of identifying the bonds, wheroyer
they may be, and proceedings have been ta
ken for their recovery.
Yesterday morning Secretary Thompson
sent a letter to the Speaker of the House of
Representatives, (of whioh we subjoin a
copy,) acquainting him of tho fraud, and ask
ing for a full investigation of tbo entiro mat
ter with a view to the exposure and punish
ment of all the guilty parties. In compliance
with his requost a committee of five was ap
pointed, tbe members of which immediately
waited on the Secretary at the Interior De
partment, to announco their appointment and
their purpose to commence the investigation
at an early day.
Tho following is Secretary Thompson's let
ter to the Speaker ot the House of Represen
tatives :
Department of the Interior, Dec. 24, 18fl0
Sir: On Saturday night last I was inform
ed, by tho voluntary bonfession of an officer
of this Department, that State bonds, held in -trust
by the United States Government tor
certain Indian tribes, to the amount of eight
hundred and seventy thousand dollars, had ,
been abstracted from its custody and convert
ed to private use.
Tho enormity of this fraud demands a full
investigation by a com rait too of Congress in
to all tho facts and circumstances which have -attended
its perpetrati n.
To vindicato ray honor and integrity, and
to expose tbe guilty and the derelict, I desire
to appeal, through you, to the House of Rep
resentatives over which yon preside, for the
appointment of a committee of that body,
with full power to send for persons and pa
pers, and report upon the subject.
I ask this investigation in order that foil''
justice may be done in the premisos.
I am, with much respect,
your obedient servant,
J. THOMPSON.
Secretary ol tbe Interior.
The lutllan Bonds Bobbery.
M!i er A R Allen, one of those sent on to
N. w York to arrest Mr, Wro. H RukhcI', in
ns -se bands (ioddard liailey priced the' -I
.'. . i-O'.d ilieall' absti acted fa'ira. the
r : i nv f be Int rior Department, re
tun.' d to .. 1 1 n Mon 'M, Chritma day with
his prisoner. Kissell was arretted at the
California Pony Expess Otfice iu New York,
and, having been taken betore Justice BettS
in that city, was du.ly delivered up to officer
Allen. On arriving here RuselJ was taken .
to the residence of Cant. Goddard, Chief of
Police, and committed to jailj and subse
quently another hearing was held at tho jail
before "the Chief of Police. The District At
torney appeared for the Government, and.
.Messrs. Davidgr, Chilton, and Humphrey
Marshall, of Kentucky, for tbo accused. The
bail demanded by Justice Goddard was $500,
000, which not being forthcoming, Air. Hus
sell was committed for trial at Court in the
usual fotm. It was expected yesterday-that
an effort would bo made to bring him before
Judge Crawford, with a view to the reduction
of the bail; but it was not done.
On .Mond iy evenirg Goddard Bailey was
released from jail on two securities m the
sum of $3,000, but yesterday the' securities
surrendered him, and he was returned to jail,
where he is at present.
Many ruin us aro afloat in . reference tON
tr . ns n-i ionf pr or to t be larceny ol the lndin '
boi ds, an-! for which that larceny wut in
tended as a remedy; but, as the whole affair
will undergo an official investigation, it will
be best not to anticipate. national Intelli
gencer, Dec. 27.
At best life is not very long. A few more
.n.llav' a i'uw mnra loam art nrw rwl rut
' V ' , ... Wt ' , W lilt I 1.1 J ,
much pain, sunshine and -ong, clouds nnd
darkncs, hasty greeting, abrupt farewells
i hen our little play will close, and ihV in-
jut er and injured will pass uway I Is H worth
while to halo each other