| NEUTRALITY
To the People of North Carolina:
In view of a multitude of let
ters it seems advisable to make a
candid statement to the people of
North Carolina on the subject of
legislation Intended to preserve
the neutrality of our country for
the purpose of keeping us out of
.war.
There are three subjects before
us ? (1) the existing law; (2) the
House bill; (3) the Senate Com
mittee bill, reported out Septem
btr 28th, and before us only since
then. In due course there is like
ly to be a fourth, the conference
bill, in the final phase, in the na
ture of a compromise between the
pending bill and the bill passed
by the House in the recent ses
sion. The first three have been |
approved, in their time by the
President and great numbers of
people, and they have also been
opposed by many. It is likely that
the fourth ? the conference agree
ment, yet to be wrought out, will
likewise be both approved and
opposed? We must read our let
ters in light of these facts, and |
interpret many received prior to 1
September 28th as either support
ing or condemning a measure that
was not made known until that
date. Let It be borne in mind that
under the rules a bill In new
form may be wrought out and
submitted by the Conferees of
House and Senate, and such a
measure will not be subject to
amendments from the floor of
either Branch of the Congress.
Nevertheless one may be suf-'
ficiently definite with respect to
the iS&tter before us, and this is
my purpose in this public com
munication.
First of all. I am for keeping
this country out of the present
?war and I shall go far in the fu
ture to keep It out of any war.
The welfare of the human race
demands ot us that this country
shall escape the disaster and ruin
entailed by modern warfare. The
preservation of our constitution
al democracy and the welfare of
our people is more important to
mankind now than ever before.
Moreover, I have the, utmost ab
horrence of any policy that could
possibly ensue in the sending of
our boys to battle. If we ever
fight, it must be on our own
shores and in the defense of our
homes against invaders and op
pressors. Commerce is not worth
the cost of war and peaceful
means of promoting It are more
effectual than the means of force.
I am not inclined to think that
so-called international rights are
worth the cost of war. and here
too the methods of peace are more
effectual. I believe that the in
volvement of -this countiy in a
?war at this time, even if we
should be successful, would tend
to bring this country to ruin and
our people into poverty, and hun
dreds of thousands of homes into
incurable sorrow. We should pre
pare our defenses in the highest
degree. We must have a great
navy, a great merchant marine
and a well trained, efficient and
modern military equipment. Some
of us may not like this, but we
are dealing with the world as It
is, and we must remember that
there are In the world nations
that seem disposed to take what
ever they can, whenever they can,
wherever they can. Power to re
sist there must be. Our peace may
not otherwlsa be preserved.
With the foregoing convictions
governing me. I have decided that
the new legislation, as reported
by the Committee of the Senate
on Foreign Relations, will tend
more to make lor the peace and
security of our country than the
existing law. The new legislation,
?when adopted, will remove our
ships, not only from the ports of
belligerents, but from zones of
danger, designated in the bill as
combat zones. The existTRg law
leaves our ships free to sail the
seas regardless, carrying other
than arms, ammunition and Im
plements of war. We may be sure
that the distinction will not be obj
served. A merchant ship carrying
food, cotton, tobacco, or people,
would be just about as likely to
be attacked In the present situa
tion, as a ship fully armed and
carrying airplanes, explosives, or
guns. I subscribe to the policy
that we should not only play the
part of a neutral, but we should
also avoid provocation, and seek
to avoid incidents that might In
flame our people and change their
minds, now so profoundly attach
ed to peace.
The policy proposed in the new
legislation has also the virtue of
being consistent with the inter
national law ot neutrality and
with the historic policy of our
country. That is to say, the new
bill is 1n *coord with experience
and Is approved by time and the
customs ot nations. It will be un
derstood everywhere ns actuaHy
and historically nc.Ur?.l, The on
ly deviation from the standards of
International law lies In the fact
that we of our own mdfton with
draw our ships from belligerent
porta and zones, of conabnt. ThU
Is dons In our own interest and to
avoid Incidents that might change
the tempar of some of our people.
SENATOR J. W. BAILEY
from peace to war.
There are those who say that
to change the law, now that war i
has started, is not sound policy, j
and will be regarded as unneu- ?
tral. I do not think this position
can be sustained. WHen the Con
gress adjourned in August, notice
was given, not that we would
maintain the present law, but
that we would postpone action on
the subject until the next session
of the Congress. This was fair no
tice to all concerned that we
might changevthe law. In addition
to this, we do not owe any obli
gation on this point to any na
tion. No treaty rights are invol
ved. No moral obligation is im
plied. We have right to frame our
policy in the interest of aur peace,
and this right is fortified by the
fact that we propose to change it
in the direction of historic inter
national law and our historic pol
icy as to neutrality.
On the subject of our relations
to other nations. I do not intend
to make utterances tending to
arouse emotions or to create ir
| ritation. Let us pursue the true
course of neutrals. We may have
| our attachments and we may have
our antipathies, but let "us be
careful not to make utterances
tending to inflame feelings. I
have said this because I propose
I to present here what seems to me
to be the essence of our situation.
We have a choice to make. We
may choose to maintain the ex
isting law, knowing that it is not
consistent with our historic pol
icy, Knowing that it is not the on
ly course consistent with the ac
cepted international law of neu
trality. knowing that its conse
; quences may be to aid Germany
and her allies, and to deprive
England and Prance and their
allies of the normal means of de
fense and of sustenance, or we
muy support the proposed law,
knowing that It Is in accord with
our historic policy and with the
historic standards of the interna
tional law of neutrality, and
knowing that It will, without risk
to our ships and without risk of
money or men, tend not to de
prive England and France and
their allies of the means of de
fense and of sustenance, which
normally are available to them
not by reason of anything we have
done, but wholly because they
may control the Atlantic and
Mediterranean Seas against their
enemy ? if indeed it shall be prov
ed by events that they can.
Confronted with this choice,
there are many considerations,
but the consideration that appeals
to me with the greatest force is a
moral consideration, which I will
not undertake to elaborate now, I
as I am sure our people know
what is going on in Europe and
what is involved. Whatever may
be said on behalf of the German
leader, it must be said that he j
has shown to the world that no
obligation is binding upon him.
and that there is no way to deal
with him by way of covenant or
agreement. We, and those who
come after us in this, country,
will have to deal with world pow-j
j era and we may justly desire to i
deal with powers which respect
their agreements and which do
not hold that might makes right. |
We may now set a precedent that
will serve us well_in the future,
for we can never hope to treat
successfully with powers not sub
, ject to accepted moral restraints.
The motive in the pending bill
is that of providing the security
of the United States by avoiding
involvement in the existing war.
To this motive we must stead
fastly hold in all events. The
policy outlined in the bill is not
so much one of aiding England
and France as it is one of not
contributing to the plans of Ger
many and her associates. And it
is because it is considered that
the existing law does uninten
tionally so contribute to those
plans that we have for months
been getting about to revise it.
Since" we are unwilling to aid
England and France, surely we
must see to it ttiat we do not
assist Germany and ner associates
by following a policy recognized
the world over as unnecessary to
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neutrality as defined by Interna
tional law.
I could well stop here, but I
am Impelled to add that I deeply
desire that this country shall not
pursue an abnormal policy, un
necessary to neutrality, the con
sequence of which would be to
further the plans of the German
leader. If he should succeed I do
not wish it to be said that we
aided him. We have an account ]
to give to posterity and to the
God of Nations, to the Righteous i
Ruler of the Nations who exacts
at last of every Nation and every
ruler, and Indeed of every human
being, even to the third and
fourth generations, the penalty of
iniquity. He is a convenant-keep
ing God and requires that rulers
shall keep their convenants. He
does justice and loves mercy and ?
in due time visits His judgments :
upon all cruelty and upon all who
persecute and oppress His off
spring of every condition, race
and creed. The Creator of men
created also the moral law. It is
self-executing. This moral law is
the warp and woof of civilization. 1
Others may forget but we must I
always remember that it unde?- j ,
lies and sustains all abiding law.
Soon or late it blesses all who ob
serve it and overthrows all who
disregard it. These considerations
do not justify us in taking steps
that might involve us in this war,
but they would rebuke us if we1
should maintain a policy, unneces
sary to our neutrality, the con-i
sequence of which would be to!
contribute to the plans of the Ger- j
man leader.
We must make it plain beyond j
all question that under no circum
stances or temptations will we
lend money to England or France
or engage our country or its sons
in this war.
Finally, let me say a word of
comfort to those who are fearful
that we will by some means be
come Involved In this war. I do
not think we will be involved.
None of us can forecast the long
future. I see no likelihood that
within two years we will be in
volved, and two years from now,
I hope we will be able to look
forward to another two years of
National peace and security. Our
people are determined upon peace.
Let them maintain this determin
ation.
With all good wishes,
Very truly yours,
Joslah w. Bailey.
From a flock of Rhode Island
Red hens, J. E. Evans, Burnsville^.
Route 1, nets $40 a month of the
year to add to his regular farm
income.
ADMINISTRATRIX NOTICE
Having qualified as Administra
trix of the estate of H. S. Hayes,
deceased, late of Franklin Coun
ty, North Carolina, this is to no
tify all persons having claims
against the estate of said deceas
ed to exhibit them to the under
signed on or before the 13th day
of October, 1940, or this notice
will be pleaded in bar of their re
covery. All persons indebted to
said estate will please make im
mediate payment. This 12th day
of October, 1939. ?
FANNIE S. HAYES, Admr'x.
R 1, Henderson, N. C.
G. M. Beam, Atty. 10-13-6t
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