111
!ggg"
TA Uhdcncyof Dtncracyittou:ardthflntifiAtrthttn4ttrloclMttht litereat 9f thttr emfart, thtmifrtto tfthttr &ifrUty,th4 UbUhnt f tktr potter."
BY ROBERT WILLIAMSOX, Jr.
LIXCOLXTO N. C, APRIL 14, IS 11.
VOLUME IV. NO. 4G,
1
.
NEW T E 11 M S
OF
THE LINCOLN REPUBLICAN
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TO COntlKSPONDFNTS.
To injure prompt attention to Letters addressed
to the Cditr, the postage should in all cases be paid.
MoflM's Vegetable Life Medi
cines. T1ESE medicines are indebted for their name
to their manifest and sensible action in pu
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the human frame is liable, the happy effects of
MOKFATS LIFE PILLS AND PHE.M BIT
TERS have been gratefully and publickly acknowl
edged by tne persons benefitted, and who were pre
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The LIFE MEDICINES recommend themselves
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' first operation is to loosen from the coats of the
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medicines only partially cleanse these, and leave
such collected masses'behind as to produce habitual
costiveriess, with all its train of evils, or sudden di
arrhaM, with its imminent dangers. This fact is
well known to all regular arrataniists, who exam
ine the human bowels after death : and hence the
! prejudice of those well informed men auainsi quack
medicines or medicines prepared and hei aided to
the public by ignorant persons. The second effect
-uf the Life Medicines is to cleanse the kidneys and
the bladder, and by this means, the liver and the
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AH that Mr. MolTitt requires of his patients is to
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in their favor, that lis hopes to gain credit. Itisa
lone by the results of a fair trial.
MOFFAT'S MEDICAL MANUAL; designed
as a domestic guide to health. This little pamph
let, edited by W. li. Moffat, 375 Broadway, New
York, has been published for the purpose of explain
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These valuable Medicines are for sale by
D.& J. RAMSOL'R,
Llncolnton, N. C.
September 2, 1S40.
"Aercr despair of the Republic"
Proposal s
TOR A NEWSPAPER IN THE CITY OF RALEIGH
To be called
The Southern Times;
And to be Edited bv
11ENIIY I TOOLE.
PROPOSALS of this sort usually abound in
promises: few will be made in this case,
tiut they will all be redeemed-
The design of the proposed paper differs some
what from that of any now published in thia
ity: combining more Literary Miscellany with
Politics, than is customary with the party Pres-.
Its main character, however, will be political, and
its doctrines of the Jcffersnnian chod.
The first number will be issued about the Fourth
of March next, if a sufficient number of subscribers
is obtained to justify the undertaking. As it can
uot be regarded as perfecly certain that such will
he the case, no subscriber ic expected to pay until
he receive the paper.
The sizo will be abont the Fame with the "Ra
leigh Register," and it will be published twice a
week during the session of the General Asfctnbly,
juul weekly at all other times. The price will be
Four Dollars per annum.
Every person to whom this proposal is writ,
will please, as soon as all have subscribed who,
may be supposed desirous to patronize the under
taking transmit their names to the Editor at
Wu:!:i:rrto:i, North Carolina.
COXGRESSIOXALi.
UNITED STATES SENATE Execu
tive Sesniou
DISMISSAL OF THE PRINTERS TO
THE SENATE.
Thursday, March 0, 1811.
Mr. Calhoun said: 1 rise, Mr. President,
as the question is about to be put, to state
the grounds on which I propose to place
my vote. Thure are some questions too j
clear to be supported or opposed by argu-;
ineiii, and this appears to me to be one of
thai description. AM tint can be done in
such cases, is to give a distinct statement
of the points involved, and leave them to
force their way by their own intrinsic en
deuce. It is that which I propose to do in
the present instance.
The first point involved in considering
this question is, has (he Senate a right to
employ persons to do its printing? No
one can doubt that. It is admitted on sdl
Sldi s.
The next is, can it enter into a contract
with such persons for tne purpnst? liuw
can that he doubled? How el-e enuld tin y
he employed, hut by contract, expressed or
implied? It is the only mode in which it
has ever been done from the foundation of
the Covernrneiit. At first. Hie mode was
by letting it out to the highest bidder; but
that was found to be objectionable. Per
son not competent, and without adequate
mean, were in the habit of bidding for the
contract on speculation, and afterwards ei
ther execute it improperly, or fail to execute
it at all. A Change, in consequence, be
came necessary in the mode of selecting
Printers, which twenty years ago termina
ted in the present; to fix the rate of coin
peusation, and leave it to each House to se
lect their Printers by the vote of a majority.
Such has been the invariable practice ever
since. It is in fact, as far a the present
question is involved, the same in principle
with the original mode. The only differ
ence is, that, in tbe .present, the rate i3 fix
ed, and the persons selected or designated
by each House by a vote of the majority;
and in the original, the lowest bid deierm
ined both the rate and the persons. The
execution, in each case, was under con
tract. The next point is, has the St'nate made
its .-election to do its printing for the time
sp cified; ami have the persons so selected
entered into a coniraci to perlorm ii? There,
Sir, on the laid.' of the Secretary, lies the
bond of Messrs. Blair and Hives, duly elec
ted signed, sealed, and delivered, with
adequate security. a'id a heavy penal sum
fir the faithful execution of the priming;
tiiev having been prevmuslv s led-d in due
form, under ihe order f the Senae. Lve
ry thing lots !x en done orderly, and ar
cordmg to the iina: "lahle practice m hich has
preva led fo- the last twenty ars, witiio .1
being disturbe-l or questioned, under all the
patty change which have occurred during
that long period, until the present time.
It is this contract, thus u a h , that tlrs
resoluainn proposes to rescind, noi dir ctli,
but indirectly, by dismissing B,ar & Rives
as Printers to "the Semite, but whicn would
be in effect, to set aside and annul their con
tract; and what would that be but a pi tin it
palpable violation of contract a naked act
of power and bad faith on our part?
Such is the inevitable consequence, from
a simple statement of the points involved in
the question. There can he no escape, but
hy denying that the instrument which they
have signed, and by which they have bmind
themselves to execute the printing of the
body, is a contract; and on this extremity
have gentlemen been driven, against the
plain facts of the case. For this purpose,
they distinguish between employment and
office, and insist that they arc not simply
persons employed to do the printing of the
Senate, but that ihey are officers of the bo
dy, appointed under the provisions of the
Constitution, which authorizes each House
to appoint its own officers; and that, as such
l:iey are as liable to be dismissed as oi.r
Secretary or Doorkeeper, t do not deny
that all public employments may be regard
ed as offices, taking the term in it broad
sense, and offices as employments; but the
distinction between them, as far as the.
question of contract, or the right of dismis
sing at pleasure, is concerned, is as broad
and plain as the Penrisyivi'.nia avenue.
M hen the business to he done is to be per
formed by the person employed, it may be
either one of the other, according to cnctim
stances. If the capital and material be ong
to the person employed, if he hires the
workmen, if he runs the risk of loss and
gain, he is simply an employee, and not an
officer; and ihe engagement between him
and the public a contract, and not simply a
bond fir the faithful execution of official du
ties, as this has been represented to be.
The reason of the difference is obvious. A
reciprocal obligation in all such cases, ei
ther expressed or implied, between the nn
ployer and the employee, always exists,
unless there is an express stipulation to th
contrary; and it is on such understanding 'f
mutual obligation that the bnsinees of the
community is almost entirely conducted.
Such is the fact in this case. Blair and
Rives engaged to do the printing of the Se
nate at their, not our, expense. For this
J jmrposc a large capital must necessarily be
invested in building printing apparatus, &
materials, accompanied by the heavy outlay
in the hire of hands and incidental expenses.
There is the hazard. If the building or
materials should be burnt or destroyed; if
prices should rise, so as to make it a losing
concern; the loss is theirs, not ours. And
is it to be supposed that all this hazard
would be incurred without the plighted
faith, on our part, that they should contin
ue to do our printing, fur the time stipula
ted, provided they should faithfully perform
their engagements? The contrary suppo
sition would be absurd. I put it in tho Se
nators on the opposite side, if, instead of
having the buildings and printing apparatus,
they had erected the one and purchased the
other, under the bond which they have giv
en io execute the printing, would you not
regard ihe dismissal an act of gross injus
tice a violation of a fair understanding be
tween yon a. nl them, which justified the in
curring of such heavy expense on their
part, as necessary to ihe execution of the
workj? And can it make iheir bond more
or less a contract, because they happen to
have them already in iheir possession? If
you reverse it, ai d suppose the building,
thf priming app::raiu'. and the expanse and
risk, to be ve public's smd not their', and
that they had been elected to take general
superintendence of a public establishment,
nstead of their own, then, indefd, they
would be officers n the sense you contend
ed for, and liable to be dismissed, like oth
er officers, and not mere employees to do
the printing of the Senate, as they clearly
are. Such and so wide is the difference
between officers, in the proper sense, and
mere employees, as far as the question of
rescinding this contract is involved.
But it has been said that it has been de
cided they are entitled to be admitted in
this chamber on the ground that they are
officers of the body. But is there not obvi
ously a marked distinction between that &
the principle on which the question of con
tract stands In deciding by the Vice Pre
sident the case of the right of admission, it
was not necessary to distinguish between
an olfieer and that of an employee, the per
formance of whose duty made his presence
necessary here, as much so as if he super
intended a public printing establishment as
a salaried officer, and not a private one, at
their own risk and expense, and even more
so in some respects.
It is also said that their bond is no more
a contract than that given by the collector
of she. ciKtoms, or any other officer for the
f nt'if il discharge of duty, and which it is
admitted does not permit his dismissal.
What h;is alre.idy been said is sufficient to
distinguish between the two cases. But
su;ipie t'ic case to be reversed, an I that
the coilr-ctor, s;iy of the port f N. Y.. in
stead of being a mere superintendent, to col
lect the revenues of that port, sit the px-
ppns of the public, as is the case, had ma'de
arrangement wit'i the (overuiinui to rol
led it aHns own expense, and risk, for a
fixed period, at a given rate per centum,
could ne. in that case, be dismissed, so long
as he faithfully performed his engagement,
without violation of contract? If tarihto il
lustration of the difference of the two cases
be necessary, the Post O Free Department
will furnish it- The two classes, officers
and employees, are both to he fo:nd in that
branch of service. The deputy postma-ters
are f tho former description, and can be
dismissed the service without violation of
contract; but very different is the case wiih
the persons employed to carry the mail.
They do it at their own expense, and are
acknowledged to be contractors; and can, as
such, only ln dismissed, as is acknowledg
ed, in consequence of a positive stipulation
in their contract to that effect.
But other grounds are assilmrd in at
tempting to justify this lawless act of pow
er, as I umst regard it. We are told, that
the other House have changed the practice
under the joint resolution of 1619 and 1823.
I reply, that each Ilousa has a right to in
terpret for itself; and it is not for us to say,
whether they adopted the true interpreta
tion or not. O ie thing, how -ver, is cer
tain, that they have never yet dismissed
their Printer, or attempted to do so, even
under circumstances any way similar to the
present. But. -uppose they had. would
ttia: justify us in departing from our uni
form custom of twenty years' standing, and.
which, no one cm doubt, is in conformity
to the letter an I spirit of thos.-. resolutions
Hut. sir, I lay hoih resolution out of tbe
question i i t':e view I have taken. I do
not inquire whether they are constitutional
or u t, or wheth'T we lnve, or have not
conformed to them. It is unnecessary as
far as the present question is concerned. It
is sirficient that we hare a right to employ
contractors to do our printing; that Blair t
Ivives have been so employed, a-'d that they
have entered into a written contract, with
all due solemnities, to perform their duty.
It tiie original resolutions be constitutional,
or if there be in what we have done any
want of conformity to them, it is we, and
no they, who are responsible. So say jus
tice and common honesty, as well as self
res peel.
But. Sir, I have stated thelcase far strong
er than is neccss.iry for the side I support.
I might waive our undoubted right to em
ploy per?on3 to do out priming by cou'.ract;
I might admit it to he xl mhiful whether the
bond given by Blair and Kives is a contract
or not. and whether they are in fact officers
or merely employee, and yet .-land on io.
pregnable grounds in o.aiiUaining hat yu
have no right to pass this resolution. I
might rest the question on the simple fact
that you Iccted thern as Primers, and
have entered into a written instrument wiih
them that they are to do the priming, ar.ii
might concede that it is a dispired and
doubtful point whether they are officer in
the sense you contend for, or not. and yet
show conclusively, on the soundest princi
ples, that we have no right to do this act.
We are one party, and they another, to
this transaction we the powerful & they
the weak; pnd is there any rule more fun
damental, according to the coda of morals,
and the principles of our free political sys
tom, than thai no one has a right to judge
in his own case? Or tuat the right of de
cision, in such cases as this, belongs to an
other a id appropriate department, and not
to u? To asuuio th reverse, would be
t assu ne that one Legisla urc had the right
to set aside the contracts entered into by its
predecess rs, whenever a question of doubt
i-a i be taised: no, still stronger, entered in
to hy itself; for the Senate is a perpetual
body. I: is tne body which authored this
tr oisaction, that it now undertakes to undo.
Pass this resolution, and 'you would s t a
precedent, incousiderab e as is the inteiest
involved in this case, which would author
ize any state to cancel ii bonds, to revoke
its charters, and annul i's contracts, ami to
make it a question of mere expediency of
personal and party like and dislike & not
a violation of the eternal principles of jus
tice whether they should or not adhere to
their engagements.
And with whom does so dangerous
measure originate I With those w ho have
assumed to be the protectors of the sanc
tity of contracts the champions of vested
rights and chartered privileges; who, in
their zeal, stigmatized their opponen s as
Loco Focos, Agrarians, and contemners of
plighted faith. And let me ask, at what
time is such a measure brought forward ?
At the moment when the indebtedness of
ihe country is greater than hasver been
known; when many of the States have
thoughtlessly plunged themselves in debt
almost beyond their ability to m-et their
engagements; when the pressure of the
times, ami ihe example of the non-fulfilment
of engagements by the great moneyed
institutions of the country, have done so
much to weaken the force of contracts, in
the estimation of money; and when espe
cially it is tht duty of all good citizens, and
fiis body in particular, which has such ju-si
and great influence over public opinion, io
avoid any aet which can, by possibility, be
interpreted ir.to a disregard of the sacred
obligation of contracts. It is, at such a
moment, that the tarty w hich professes to
be tlie special guardian of the public faith,
call on us to do this dangerous aci; and for
what purpose? The p nr , the pitiful one
of turning out Printers of o:i pol ileal faith,
in ord-r to put in oihers of a dilf-reir; to
put out Blair and Rivi s to put in Gales and
Seaton, who. in no re-pect whatever, eitMer
in punctuality in the performance of tuei
duty, or personal respectability , are their
superiors. I caniioi but express my aunz
ment at the s ep, co mug from the qu oter it
does, and wiih ihe comse which, it is on
derstood, the partv from which u eo nes in
tend to take in reference to a leading mea
sure of policy I refer to a National Bt k.
Ii is said, and believed, that it will he ope
of tneir fi st nieas ires, an I that o;i wue i
they iely io carry through their avi.ved
p licv. Do you no sen tli it this ma ts ire.
as inconsiderable as it is, will f.iims'i ground
from Inch to assail such an institution ith
powerful effuct: You propose to set asi ie
this contract because you believe that the
Senate has no consti ufo:ial right to m ike
it. Is there not a large party in the conn
try, now accidentally in a intiiority. who
believe, and have believed from the begin
ning, that Congress has no right to chatter
such a b ink, and have ever resisted its es
lablishnient in consequence of such bidiei?
You believe that the instrument signed by
Blair and Hives to do your printing is not
a contract. Is there not a considerable por
tiort of the co:n nuniiy who believe that a
bank charter i no contracts That it ia a
grant merely of a puhiic franchise, which
can he withdrawn at the pleasure of the
grantor? If I may venture an opinion. I
would say it is far more difficult to prove
lhat tin instrument tint a contract, than
that a charter of a bank is one.
Bui we are toJdtlr.it we were forewarned
not to make the appointment of Printers;
lhat we would soon be in a minority; and
t at if we ventured, in spite of such waru
iiig to appoint, that those we might select
would be dismissal when the majority
changed s'.des. Will not the same warn
ing be tiven when you come to propose a
bank charter ? Will yon not be lolj, that
it is clearly unconstitutional ; that you have
seized on the accidental ascendancy of your
party, to force it on ihe country, against
its sober and habitual conviction, hoth as
toils expediency and constitutionality;
and that, if you venture to act under such
admonitions, your acts will not bo respec
ted when you conic to be again in a mi
Thii.kmg, as I do, in nference to a Na
tional ILnik. I wni.l r j ice io seeu
raising up such didieu! its in the way id the
establishing one. could the rff ct of ftus
pernicious example you are about s?l be
confined to ttial. But that i impossible
It will go fir beond. and he followed by
n . easurable evils. linlcM. as 1 hope,- the
seii-e of justice in the public mind should
react rgains' v. hat you purpose io do.
As to myself, I, on the preseil "Ccasion.
act on the same principles which guided
me in 183-, on the question of if e removal
of the " drpoSMf s by (lenerid Jackson. 1
then, ami now, believed that the Hank had
a right to the use of the depnsites under its
charter, and of which it cm. Id not be di
vested except on just apprehensions that
they were not safe in its vaults, or for its
neglect or mismanagement as the fiscal
agent of the Treasury. Thus regarding
it I acted with those whom 1 now oppose,
in opposition to the removal, and that on
the principle on which 1 now act. Of the
two, I regard that a less clear ense, as clear
as I consider it, of contract than the pre
sent; and ihis resolution, should it pass, a
more palpable violation of pghm secured
by contract, than the measure 1 then op
posed. Mr. King of AUbama said he was not
disposed K enter into a on argument.
The clear, forcible, and i:icont:.vertihle
ground occupied by the Senator from Sou h
Carolina, .lr. Calhoun, rendered it uu
necessary that he should say any thing.
He frit that this matter was spA led. He
felt lhat argument was of no avail. He F it
lhat an appeal to justice, to a sense of pro
priety, would be disregarded ; that every
consideration which ought u influence the
Senate in tiie discharge of its duties, was
to be set aside in this case. Did the $ tu
tor from Mississippi Mr. Henderson,
know any thing .f tne hLtory of his Co
vert) ment, when he got up here and told
them that thi must iiccessaiily be an office,
because the individual executed their prin
ting? 4f lhat Senator would bui itirn nis
ar.enuon to the subject, be would find thai
uniformly, individuals had been employed
by contract up to ihe year 1819. Previ
ous to 1815, they were- employed by the
officers of the two Houses, and they en
tered into bond for li e faithful execution of
ihe wi rk. Tne Printers were riot elected
by tids or the other House, but the Secre
tary and Cierk canted the piiniii'g to be
executed for their respective Houses. In
1815. in consequence of us being htlieved
thai it would he more economical and bet
ter fr the country thai tho officers of the
two Houses should be associated together
in contracting for this work, a resolution
was adopte I which be would read to the
Senate' Th resolution was read, and
directed me Secretary of ths Senate and
Clerk of the House of Representatives,
immediately after the adjournment of tha
and each succeeding Congress, to advertise
fr three weeks successively, -n two news
papers printed in the Dimtici .f Columbia,
for proposals lor supplying the Senate and
t louse iff Representing es f.r the succeed
ing Congress, with the ntct ssary statione
ry, printing, tfee.
Will. Mr. Picsident. tinder that joint
resolution, which Hois beca i e the law f
t ie laud, a Mr. D 'Ktaf. became the con
iractor. He wa the lowest bidder, and
tie entered int bop i to p. rf t.h the work;
ii it ii iif r thai contract tio-j ritd otg u ::s so
nadly done, that itbeC ime ; m ri-ms ".ii
j. ct i'f Mipla.tr. in b th Uoti.-cs. lie
e"iieqiieuce was, ih-it a co n i.iite.r- m. .is
raised to asceri mi Ihe tiuevala if the
priming, for u had Iv en lutim ited ih:U IMS
Hid vidua!, fiom Ins anxiety to get the joh,
had stipulated to lake less than it was
torih, soul const quemlv lie could n-I exe
cute il in sii.-ii a manner as it w as imp i
t til the printing; for Congress should be
executed, and oil piper of the proper de
scription, without serious hss bv hi con
tract. At the head of that committee was
Wr. V ilson, a Senator foui ihe State of
New Jersey, a practical printer. That
comioiUte reported, fixing precisely the
prices to be p.r.d fir every spec-en i.f" work
nectssiry for the printing of ihe two iou-
jsts. In c nformity with thai rcp"it. 'lie
! resolution uf ISl'J m;ii p.i-sud, ::r,d iht-n it
j was they commenced designating the lrmj
! vidua! who tdnuild t xecuto ihe work at tl e
prices thus fixed, 'i'loy ha 1 a e lei 5 on that
j resolution inrn 1319 tithe present time,
I without variation or cha irt.-. What, l-o
woui-j were tne t niros ot I r3 1 II.
when Way and Wpjght .;.n were the con
tractors ? Were they officers of the Se
nate? No one will venture to make the as
sertion. Til were simply contractors,
and if thry violated their contract, they
were haile? to haie it set aside, and suit
brought agiinst them for damages. U hat
were the obligations of I). Kraft a an
officer of lint Senate, when be became the
contractor under the resolution of 1812?
None nobody ever pretended that he oc-
; copied any such official position. It would
i have been ridiculous to have done for.
i though the work w as badly executed, he
J was held to hi? contract; w hile some other
I printer was occasionally employed to do
! portions of the work, he being compelled
I to pay the difference in the price. He
(Mr. King) believed they had never beard
of the Printer hetng an officer of the Se
nate, until a gentleman, now no longer 3
megiiiber of tins hody, took oTe::ce at sorce
thii g published in the paper of the then
Public Printer, when he intiirated his in
tention to bring tbe matter before the Se
nak', and to move for the dismissal of tho
pruner ; but lhat gentleman backed m:t, fi.T
he knew he could not susiain such a pmce
dure. Las it Come to this, that this Se
ait-, actuated by political or private fio
tilny or by individual griefs, th i.!-! set it
self to nullify an agreement with indi
vidual who has done Ins work f.'.id. fully 7
Was any Senator here prepared ! Fay tha
work was not well done ? N -: p di icul
hostility alone actuated Ser.:ttir, a-:d it
was i.ll they could avow, lie (Mr. K.ng)
had traced this matter from the ea 1 si -nod
in the present lime, and lie c ni l en
teiiain no oilier belief, than that t. e ii .:i r
was simply an employee of the (J.kmi
ncut: that he was like other individuals.
who contracted to do work, and if lie failed
to execuie it, or did not do it coriectlv. lie
was liable lobe prosecute! for damages.
But, as he had already said, he fi ll that the
itiiug was settled. The fiat had g ne forih
from headquarters, and those who in their
secret hearts might regret it, were brought
to do an act of which their judgments dis
approved; being carried along by their par
ty predilections lo perpetrate it. He (Mr.
King) would not reply his indignant
feelings would not permit him :o reply
io the imputation of motive by w liu h it
was alleged Ins side of ihe House were ac
tuated. Such imputotions were unworthy
.f the person who uttered iheoi tinjusi to
ward his (Mr. King s) friends, and un
worthy of ihis b' dy. What were Ulair &
Rives the contractors for the public prin
liugl Suppose, for a mott.ein, they were
every thing thai Senators in iheir places
here have thought proper to denounce them
for suppose they were base suppose;
they had no character suppose ihey did
not deserve the countenance or support of
this body were these sufficient grounds
on w hich lo set aside their contract, o long
as the work was correctly executed ? What
was it to the honorable Senators whether
those individuals were of good or bad
character? He (VI. K ) was not there tho
advocate of Hlair &. Rives; he looked be
yond lhat ho looked at ihe principle ir
vlved, and the consequence which would
follow to the country, should this resolu
tion be adopted. This act would becom
a precedent, which must forever fchnt the
moulds of the Senators who established it.
No more shall we hear of the Democrat
being Agrarians of being disposed to
break down vssted rights; or to violate the
obligation of contracts; they must be for
ever silenced by their own net. Bui who
is tins Mr. Blair, who has been so violent
ly assailed on this floor? If his (Mr. IC.'s)
recollection served him aright, this man
Blair resided some years gone by in the
State of Kentucky, where he figured as no
inconsiderable personage. He was then
the political friend of ihe Senator fiom
Kentucky; his intimate associate; and, if
ha was not misinformed, his confidential
correspondent. Was he infamous then?
ie pre -uu d not. He (Mr. K.) knew no
thing of Mr. Blair, except hy character,
until lie made bis appearance in ihis city
some yeais past- S;r.ce that lime, be had
he. n n terms of social intercourse with
hire iind observed his conJuct in the fo-e-:d
and pr:v;',;e udiUons of i:fe ; and he
f. l; bo'.iid t say, l'::;i for kindness of heart,
mi aa n v, and excrnpltry dep-trimeril as s
priva e ell z P. he could pn udly compare
with the St tu'or faun Kentucky, or any
Senator on this floor by wr.o.'ii l:e has been
.ssailed.
But he was the ro.idtictor r,f a political
newspaper, which was a'us:ve in i:s char
acier. With the manner in which that pa
p-r was conducted, he (M. King) had no
ihmg to do. He tdiould neither ui.tlertakc
here to approve or condemn. Bat were
ihey to exclude as Printers of the Senate,
i men who conducted political, or, i!" you
please, abusive newspapers? Then l .ty
oiiiit exclude ihe man who. imi tventy
j days past, in ui addrts !el t; t ti ;v.. tt.t
avenue, and published in the N..li- n.:l In
i tellieiicer. grns-lv insulted every i.a:., of
j both Housfa id Congress, mm w.-.sop
(posed to the present dominant ;aru, ty
utitrirrg and publishing what he u.n-l I ave
I known to be i;ttei!y uuiiue. C'enth en
spen:; of the import-dice of havn:g l- r
Printer., men who so conduct tfiems lie
lo produce harmony and good feeling in
this body. Admitting ii o be correct, and
be (Mr. King) wa not disposid to ques
tion it, would the n an who deliven d that
address, if clecied Printer, produce this
ktniily feeling? He (Mr. King) knew not
who it was the majority ir. this b- dy inten
ded to elect as Pi inters; bui he ki.ew that
gentlemen, actuated by political fate, wero
running counter to their declarations; and
were about to do what they had denounced
in such strong terms The object cannot
be mistakei ; it is to wreak iheir vn.geance
on a political foe, and provide for a politic
al friend. His friend and coil. xge bad
just suggested an idea, which be would
throw nut. Let the country bear it. and
lei the Senate understand it. Could Blair
S; Rives, having given bond, resign this ap
pointment, wiihout tho assent of the Se