. "x. ssv-
- From the Globe. -CORRESPONDENCE
OF MR. FOX
AND MR. WEBSTER.'
We publish, to-day, this very interesting
correspondence.' It is singularly character
istic of the respective parlies represented,
and of the individual diplomatists represent
ing them.
Mr. Fox's letter is peremptory, positive,
and pointed. The demand for the release
of McLeod is not dressed in the usual cir
cumlocution of diplomacy, when it is in
tended to veil the enforcement of an hum
bling concession-und?r 'a candy deal of
courtesy." On the contrary, Mr. Fox, in
the first paragraph, refers to his correspon
dence with Mr. .Forsyth, in which he as
serted the right ol his government to in
vade our jurisdiction, to bum the Caroline,
and murder our citizens as pirates simply
to tell Mr. Webster that his Government
''entirely approves of the course" which he
look, and which Mr. Forsyth so promptly
repelled. The next paragraph follows
this up by saying that he is instructed "to
Jotnn ad from the Government of the Uni
ted States, formally, in the name of the
J3.-iti.ih Government, the immediate release
-oj Mr. Alexander McLeod."
This is in the true spirit of John Bull,
"when addressing those who he understands
are ready to submit. Always fully armed
and prepared to cut down the weak, or in
timidate those who want the courage, or
are not in a condition to encounter him, he
never hesitates a moment to strike such as
are too feeble to resist, or to bully the tim
id authorities of a nation which he dares
not rouse o action.
Mr. Webster's reply to Mr. FoX taken
in connection with n;s instructions to Mr.
Crittenden -whiclwpe letter itself was bo
laboriously prepares to palliate is in per
fect keeping with his character,- and the
spirit of subserviency to England and her
policy, which has so long distinguished the
party of which he is the head.
It will be seen, that while Mr. Webster
displays his usual skill and ability in argu
ing a minor point, so as to gain a little of
"the law's delay," in complying with Mr.
Fox's demand for "the immediate release"
of McLeod ; yet he at once concedes the
main matter, viz: that England, by assum
ing the responsibility of the atrocity com
mitted, has the right to shield from punish
ment a body of men, who, with fire and
"word, invaded our country, and trampled
under foot its laws who butchered at leasi
tine of our unresisting citizens, on our own
shores, and sent other unoffending men
headlong over the cataract of Niagara, in
the midst of a conflagration.
The pretence under which the British
justify this outrage upon our Government,
and thn property and persons of our citi
zens, is the right of self-defence. This is
nothing more than to 6ay that we have no
Government to which it could appeal for
protection against, or the punishment of,
wrongs perpetrated by American citizens.
We must admit that we have no Govern
ment that foj&gn nations should respect, to
afford thefcleasl countenance 10 the justifi
cation insisted upon by Mr. Fox in the
name of his Government, and Mr. Wei
ster, in assenting to the position assumed,
that a foreign Government can send in time
f profound peace, a body of men, to com
mit offences against our laws, without-rendering
themselves amenable to them'con- j
cedes the point that the foreign authorities
can suspend the laws and supersede the
established tribunals of justice. If this be
so, do we not yield our own means of self
defence, touching the most vital and sa
cred concerns within our own domicils, in
favor of the foreign pretension, which, not
content with defending itself against at
tacks at home, calls an invasion of another
nation and an attack upon its sleeping citi
zens, self-defence. The same doctrine
might be applied between citizon and citi
zen, and it would follow that the laws
. would no longer be looked to for protection.
One citizen entering the domicil of another,
slaying him while sleeping, might plead as
justification that he had reason to. expect
an assault from him, and that, in selt-de-fence,
he took that way of prevention in
stead of appealing to the constituted author
ities for security. Mr. Webster's admis
sion that the British Government can justi
fy, by taking on itself the responsibility,
violations of our laws, is a concession
which that high-handed sovereignty dare
not assume for itself at home. Suppose
her Britannic Majesty, and her privy coun
cil, had sent Mr. McLeod and his follow
ers to cut the throat of Lord Wellington or
Sir Robert Peel, or even of the humblest
British subject, while sleeping, as sc'f-de-
fence, could it be pretended that the avow
al of such an act as the act of the Executive
Government would supersede the laws of
the nation, 3iid prevent a trial of the cnmi
nals? We think not. It was once i
nrero-'aiive of the Hiitish crown to suspend
iSe l.v.vs of the kingdom, but the spirit of
1)16 nation has long since abrogated it ; and
shall we for one moment countenance the
idea that there is any thing in the law of
nations to sanction the arrogant pretension,
that our civil code can be suspended in a
time of profound peace by the declaration
of a foreign Government, that it thought fit
to command its violation ?
In a time of war the civil code, is sup
planted between the belligerant nations by
tho laws of war. If we had been at war
with Great Britain, the malefactors who
burned the Caroline and murdered part of
he crew, would not have been considered
as breaking the peace of the country or its
Jaws. . Their acts would have been judged
by the laws, of war, then alone subsisting,
and if the actors had fallen into our hands,
. they would have been treated accordingly.
But while the relations of peace prevail
between nations, their civil codes have di
rect application to those who violate them,
m matter under whose authority the wrong
is perpetrated.
So in a state of war, the assumption by
superiors of an act committed against the
laws of war by an inferior, is no exonera
tion of the active offender, from the conse
quences of his crime. The case of Major
Andre is a memorable exemplification of
this. When he was on trial as a spy, the
British Commander-in-chief endeavored to
save him, by insisting that the crime was
not his, but that of the authority under
which he acted. It was insisted that he
was not only commanded to do the act by
General Clinton, who commanded ths
British forces, for which he was held res
ponsible, but that he had the authority of
the American General (Arnold) for entering
the lines within which he commaidod. It
was urged that he was but the instrument
of others in violating the laws of war, as it
is now urged that McLeod is but the instru
ment of others, in violating the laws of
peace. Br.t Geo. Washington did not ad
mit, as Mr. Webster does now, that any
superior power can give impunity to an
inferior violating the laws which reigned
over the jurisdiction of which he was the
Executive officer. The gallant and chival
rous Andre suffered deatli under the gal
lows, amidst the tsars of friend j and foes,
and while threats of retribution were thun
dered in the ears of Washington by the
British power, which commanded in the
emporium of our country.
From the Globe, of June 11.
SENATE.
The resolution of .Mr. Sevier of Arkan
sas, asking information in regard to the cau
ses which required the taking of Gen. Ar
buckle from his station and command on
the frontiers of Arkansas, to a place where
there was no command separating him
in effect, from the' military service, and
sending him into a disgraceful exile from it
came up as the morning s busiues. Gen
Arbuckle is a General by brevet he is the
Colonel of a regiment' in Florida. If on
his withdrawal from his post, guarding the
frontiers of Arkansas, Gen. Arbuckle had
been restored to his regiment in Florida, he
would have had chief command there as the
elder officer in that service. The inquiry
of Mr. Sevier proposed to ascertain from
what causes Gen. Arbuckle, who had giv
en so much satisfaction to the people of die
frontier of Arkansas, whose safety he guar
ded, was, without the oeprivation of his
commission, banished from the public ser
vice, or rather from the post which he held,
and the regiment which it was his dutj' to
command. It must be admitted that the
head of the Department had the rightful
power to put Gen. Arbuckle out of service,
and not put him out of commission by stri
king him from the rolls; but it is insisted
that the people, through their. representa
tives, had the right to ask information as to
the causes for an act wfveh, on its face, has
the appearance of oppression and tyranny.
Mr. Benton united with Mr. Sevier m in
sisting that the whole army and navy, and
the. dispositions made by the Government
of any portion of it, was a . proper subject
of Congressional inquiry, either to ascer
tain whether it was in a condition to render
the best service of the country, or any por
tion of it was unjustly suffering under any
improper order of the Government of the
country. Mr. Sevier instanced the resolu
tion of inquiry submitted by Mr. Preston,
chairman of the Military Committee, ask
ing information as to the causes which broi'
home the Mediterranean fleet receni'y, and
so unexpectedly. The inquiry, for this
purpose was not looked upon by the friends
of the Administration as an inadmissible
call for information on the head of the Navy
Department. Mr. Sevier reiterated the
declaration of his conviction that the remo
v;d of the veteran General was-at instance
of John Ross, the Indian, under whose in
fluence, if not direct orders, the shocking
assassination of the friendly chiefs, to whom
we were indebted for the success of the ne
gotiations with the Cherokees, was perpe
trated. The hostility of this craf'iy half
breed to Gen. Arbucklo is well known, and
the intimate relations which have subsisted
between him and the present Secretary of
War, is also well known. If, therefore,
communications from -Ross to Mr. Bell,
had been employed to induce the removal
or Gen. Arbuckle horn his post, is it not
due to the people of Arkansas, who wished
him to remain, thai they should' be inform
ed what representations from Ross, or oth
ers, had induced the course which they
considered repugnant to their interests ?
Messrs. Preston. Clay, Barrow, and some
others, opposed the call for information, &
it was voted down by a parly vote. :
After this matter was disposed of, the
dpbato on the correspondence between
Messrs. Fox and Webster, was resumed
Mr. Choate. who we supposed sought an
adjournment to consult Mr. W ebster on the
aspect which the Question had assumed.
made the best defence .of which the case
Was susceptible. lie argued that the at
tack on the Caroline, now assumed to have
been under the anthoiity of the British Go
vernment, was an act of war, for which the
Government should be held to account, and
not the individuals engaged in it.
Mr. Calhoun, in reply, with his usual
originality, en-countered this -position" by
sifting the whole qurstion, and reducing it
to its naked elements. He showed that if
it was an act of war, then there existed no
right in the British Government to demand
the release of McLeod, for it made him a
prisoner of war. The developement of the
whole subject in Mr. Calhoun's generaliz
ing and succinct way, imparted new inter
est to the discussion. Mr. Huntington fol
lowed Mr. Calhoun, in reply to Mr. Buch
anan ; at the close of his remarks Mr. Pres-
ton took the floor.
Senate adjourned.
on whose motion the
From the Globe, of June 12, 1841.
SENATE. ''
..The remarks of Mr. Clay of Alabama
yesterday, on Mr. Sevier's resolution of
inquiry, in which he insisted that the re
jection of the proposed call for information,
would hb a deniat of the subordination of
the military to the civil authority of the
nation, were more than justified by the pro
ceedings of the Senate this mornings. "Mr.
Clay of Kentucky introduced a proposition,
designed to defeat a rule, and the constant
practice of the Senate for the last fifty years,
for the purpose of gagging and disarm
ing the minoritj', and excluding them from
bringing before the country such matters
appertaining to the Administration of its af
fairs, as might expose the ruling powers to
the action of public opinion., Mr. Clay
expressly alluded to the Arbuckle resolu
tion, (as he called it,) as an example of ihe
sort ol proceeding which he sought to sup
press. That the public may understand
his movement, we will explain the rule
which Mr. Clay sought to rescind. f 'i
An hour in the morning is set afit for
the introduction of petitions, memorials,
resolutions, &c. The reason for th pro,
vision is obvious. The public well know
the great public measures which are'deba
ted, not less to lay before the country all
the information to which their Representa
tives in Congress ma' abtain access, than
to influence the action of the legislative bo
dies, occupy long periods of time. While
these dabates are going on for months,
which has always been the case when vi
tal measures involving the destiny of the
Government are under discussion, if some
portion of the day were not set apart for
petitions and resolutions, both would be ex
cluded during the whole debate. Individ
uals could ml be heard in Congress at all,
nor could their Representatives press a sol
itary inquiry-on tho Departments during
such protracted debate. To shield the Ex
ecutive department from all callslunYig the
present session, Mr. Clay proposed to re
peal the rule so far as it set apari the mor
ning hour for the admission of resolutions,
and proposed that the unfinishedllebaie of
one day should be resumed on the ' next, to
the exclusion of resolutions, although there
might be matters of ihe highest importance
going on in the Executive administration
on which the Congress should be called to
act, and the country be informed. These
resolutions, which are indispensable to a
minority, who have no other access to the
information in the hands of the Administra
tion opposed, or the committees constituted
by Congress, of which the majority have
the control, air. Clay resolved to stifle un-
oer the measures, which he has laid down
in his protocol, and which he could make
fill every moment of Congress hours, until
his caucusing majority should be ready to
vote an adjournment sine die. '
When we entered the Senate this mor
ning, Mr Benton was resisting'this innj
vilion, this fatal invasion upotr the rights
of the minority, and Of the country, as se
cured by the sacred rule which lias existed
from tho foundation. of the Government.
What he said was enough to shock the e'e
termination of any but the most hardened
partisan, under the control of the most in
exorable party leader. Mr. Clay threw it
off as mere factious opposition to a very
salutarj' reform. Mr. King of Alabama
and Mr. Buchanan, severally appealed to
the majority to weigh the hazard of such
an attack upon the long guarantied rights,
which were so much more important to a
minority than their opponents because
the majority, having every thing in their
hands, had no necessity for the power to
call, in the imposing shape of resolutions,
backed by the authority of public opinion,
for what they could obtain by courtesy
from those in power in the Executive and
Legislative 'departments. Mr. Clay was
deaf in all expostulation, and demanded the
"question " "question." Mr. Calhoun
then entered his solemn protest against this
highdianded attempt to gag a large body of
the Representatives of sovereign States of
the union, and disarm them of tho most
efficient means of protecting the rights of
the august constituency they represented.
He pronounced that it was a more fatal
suppression of the freedom of public scru
tiny, than that which led on the despotic
career of the elder Adams; and that being
done at a moment when every dangerous,
every monstrous scheme which Federalism
had devised from the beginning, to crush
and extinguish the Democratic principles
inherent in our institutions, lie looked up
on the proposition as- one of most gloomy
augury. Mr. Clay answered by calling
the "question, question' .
Mr. Allen of Ohio went more elaborate
ly into the matter, nnd in the strongest
manner portrayed the design which promp
ted, and means employed to effect this ra
dical change, subvening the most inJubita
hie and most inestimable rights of a legisla
tive minority, and wounding, through them.
the paiiy out of power, all over the contin
ent. He showed,' what was afterwards ve
ry apparent, that it was the despotic will of
one. man which was thus fettering the free
action of a body, never palsied before by
the disabling process now for the first time
I proposed by a niajority in any deliberative
oodv. Mr. Lvlav answered AJr. Allen s
strong appeal by" calling "question ! ques
tion.'" Mr. Calhoun then -proposed that
the-resolution should be 13$ on the table.
lie wished a breathing given, that the ma
jority might consider theHconsequenee s.
Mr. Ciay demanded tl.e question" on
this motion; but the sense of right began
to operate on men who could not "venture
to vote ttieir own will agajnst Mr. Claj's
Mr. Bayard proposed to modify the rule
proposed, so as not to prevent motions for !
inquiry upon the subjects which should be
kept under debate from day today. Mr.
Calhoun's proposition'' to put by the mat
ter, so suddenly sprung up on them' by Mr.
Clay, was voted on, and a count made. -We
saw some friendly to Mr. Clay "stan
ding up and voting fir Mr. Calhoun's sug
gestion; but the yeds and nays being called,
ihey all, to a man, of his party, instantly
yielded, and voted with Mr. Clay. Mr. CUv
of Alabama then proposed that it should be
passed informally, to be taken up again,
and urging the great importance of the
change on such sudden action. Mr. Clay
of Kentucky would not consent. Notwith
standing this," Mr. Clay had ths skill to
perceive that he was pressing willing and
devo'ed friends too far. He accepted a
modification proposed by Mr. Ciay of Ala.
to Mr. Baj-ard's amendment, and perceiv
ing that every thing could be brought to
have relation to the great measures which
he presses to revolutionize the Government,
he waived his proposition to exclude resol
utions from ihe morning hour, and in ef
fect gave up "his gag law, after exposing
the most tyrannical and persisting disposi
tion to put the chain and ball upon the min
ority of the Senate, with a padlock on their
mouths.
After this was gone through with, Mr.
Ewing's report of a Fiscal Bank of the
United States, was introduced and read
from the Clark s table. Mr. Walker had
preceded it by resolutions contemplating a
Fiscal Agency, diyesicd of banking powers,
and putting the public treasure under the
immediate custody of Congress, both par
ties in the body being secure of an equal
participation in its care and cos tody by the
mode ot electing the custodiers. -
But the monster which Mr. Clay has
called lorth from the j reasury, shows how
utterly hypocritical have been all the fed
eral pretences against concentrating pow
er, in its nscai agent. i hat now propos
ed by Mr. Ewing covertlv consolidates all
the power of every fatal measure, which it
has been predicted by the Democracy
would make a part of the Federal policy .to
enslave the country. On the verv face of
the scheme every body must see that the
bribery and corruption of the Stales makes
ihe most striking feature in the proiet.
I lie United States are to make a nations
debl, to give nine millions of deposits to
the Slates as a part of iheir capital in the
bank. . 1 he public domain is to be distri
buted to form another fund for the States
in the capital of the bank; this is to take in
such States as would stand out on thei
principles. This bank , capital for the
States is to be a provision for paying inter
est on staie aeots to enect an assumption
ot these debts, and bribe them and ail the
holders of State btocks to make common
cause in subverting the Constitution of the
country, JJut we give the measure pro
posed, having only time to listen to it, not
to read it. Our impression is that it will
be found the most giganlic scheme of con
solidation and corruption ever sugo-este
in this country. The report, we take
is Mr. Clay's, called out bv him, through
the secretary, to connect it in some sort
with the Administration.
From the Richmond Enq, of June 15.
National Bank-kav The Central Fis
cat xfigent. A c-orresponueiit writes us
from Washington on the 1 1th: "The Pre
ident was asked by a distinguished mem
ber from South Carolina, whether he would
veto a bill chartering a Bank of the U S
of discount and circulation, and he saidun
equivocally that he uiould."
Since the date of this letter, the Secretary
of the I reasury lias submitted to the Se
nate his 'plan of a Bank and Fiscal Agent
in which he 'endeavors to free it from
the Constitutional objections which hav
been urged against those heretofore created
by Congress. W'c now lay his plan be
fore our readersand they will judge, how
tar lie has succeeded in stripping it of con
stitutinnal objections. The question conies
back to us, can Congress establish a Bank
indirectly in the States, which they cannot
constitutionally establish directly? Can
they establish' a Bank in the District, wilh
'power to establish branches or offices of
discount and deposile in the several States
with the assent of the States?' This ques
tion was settled by Mr. Madison, on big
principles," in his celebrated Veto to the
Bonus Bill of March 3. 1817 in which he
maintains the following doctrine: 'If a ge
neral power to construct roads and canals
and to improve the navigation of water
courses, with the train of powers incident
thereto, be not possessed by Congress, the
assent of the Stales, in the mode provided
in the bill, cannot confer the power. The
oxly cases in which the consent and ces
sion of particular States can extend the
power of Congress, are those specified and
provided, for in the Constitution."
It wa3 our fortune to express at that
day, a. similar opinion and, among other
Iiings, to ask, 'with these sweeping clau
ses, thus interpreted, a3 that bill would
have applied them, where is the institution
which they might not have established by
implication where js the Slate Right which
might not have been swept away; whpre
was the impediment to' save us from the
gulf of Consolidation? '-. "The 'assent of the
States was a mere delusion to conceal the
usurpation, h was a bonus; or rather a
bribe offered to the States to connive at a
breach of the Constitution.' In Ewing's
bill, there are douceurs enough to tempt the
States from their 'propriety' ard ' devotion
to the Constitution is, the 4'h instalment
which Congress is not bound to pay; the
distribution of ihe proceeds of ihe Public
Lands, which Congress want themselves;
and tne introduction of more Banking capi
tal into the States. But though the ecjieme
presents douceurs enough in number?, yet
we may firmly add. thev are not enough
to seduce Virginia from her principles. We.
have no timet however, to expatiate upon
this plan, . ue shall only add for the pres
ent, the strictures of ihe Globe; and to call
upon Mr. Tyler, and the Republicans in
Congress, to revise this plan critically,' and
to save the Constitution. Can such be
Mr. Tyler's scheme? Some Fiscal Agent
maybe contrived lo conduct the Finances
f the country; but we sincerely trust that
they, may adopt one, which is entirely free
Irnm all cons;i:utional scruple?, and adapted
to the demands of ihe Government. Mr.
Ewing is not our man,, for constitutional
principle, or constitutional language. H e
do not use the word .'facility in carrying
on the revenue. ( 1 he Uonstiuuon usts
the strong word 'necessary;') ror do we
use the word 'convenience of thi Govtrn
merit. We use the stronger Lnguage of
w ants,' 'demands, &c. 1
The last Globe gives the history of Sat
urday's Proceedings of the Sjnate. Mr.
Clay sjbmiited al an early hour the follow
ing resolution :
Resolved, That when the Senate adjourn
during the present session leaving a subject
under discussion and undecided, the con
sideration of the subject shall be resumed
at the next meeting of the Senate, imme
diately after the journal is rad, and peti
tions and reports are received, without
waiting for the usual hour of one
o'clock. i
This measure was intended, to force
through all his dictatorial schemes, at once,
and was calculated to cut 1 all motions.
enquiries, and debates, on Jhe part of the
minority, it was denounctu in indignant
and eloquent terms by Messrs. Benton,
Buchanan, Calhoun, Clay if Alabama, and
Allen. At every pause in Ihe Debate, Mr.
Clay answered nothing Hit merely cried
out "Question, questioni" Finally, he
became siariled at the extrtmity of his own
resolution, and Mr, Clay of Alabama, pro
posed ' a modification of. the resolution,
which was. acceded to by M. Clay of Ivy.,
and it passed in the following shape :
Jfcsotved, That during Wie present sss
sion, al the expiration ol one hour alter the
meeting of the Senate each day, the Senate
will proceed to ihe consideration of tin
subject left unfinished the preceding day
unless otherwise ordered by the Sen
ate.
"After this was gone through with, Mr.
Ewing's report of a Fiscal Bank of the U
., was introduced and read from the
Clerk's table. Mr. Walker had preceded
it by resolutions contemplating a Fiscal
Agency, divested of banking powers, and
putting the public treasure under the im
mediate custody of Congress, both parlies
in the body being secure of an equal parti
cipation in its care and icustodv by the
mode of electing the custodiers.
"But the monster which Mr. Clay has
called forth from the Treasury, shows how
utterly hypocritical have been all the Fed
eral pretences against concentiating pow
er. Government power, in its fiscal agent
That now proposed by Mr. Ewing covert
ly consolidates all the power of every fa
tal measure, whicn it has been predicted
by the Democracy would make a part of
the rederal policy to enslave the country
On the very face of the scheme every bo
dy must see, that the bribery and corrnp
tion of the Stales makes the most strikin
feature in the. projet. The U. S. are
to
make a' National debt, to give nine millions
of deposites to the States as a part of their
capital in the Bank. The public domain
is to be distributed to form another font
for ihe Stales in the capital of the Bank;
this is to take in such States as would stand
out on their principles, This bank capi
tal for the States is lo be a provis on for
paying interest on State debis to effect an
assumption of these debis, and bribe them
and all the holders of State stocks to make
common cause in subvertfng die Consiiiu
tion of the cour.'ry Buf we give ihe mea
sure proposed, having oily time to listen
to it, not to read it. Car impression is
that it will be found lie most gigantic
scheme of consolidation :nd corruption ev
er suggested in this couiiry. The report,
we take it, is Mr. Clays called out by him,
through the ' Secretaij,' to connect it in
som3 sort with the admiristraiion."
A scheme thus calcuhled to corrupt the
State Governments, to had to Consolida
tion, and to prostrale the restrictions of the
Constitution, cannot be ilolerated by the
Stoles Rights DemocraisJ If we thus per
mit the District to be male the point on
which the lever of Arcjfimedes is to be
planted, to move the whole Union, where
is the end to the power cf Congress, thus
located, and thus nffecthg the rights and
principles and interests of the States ?
C7Can there be any ruth in the , fol
lowing article from the Njw York Herald ?
Is there no cxaggeralioi in it no calum
ny ? - I :
From the Herald 3 Is May. ' .
GLENTWORTH'Sj ESCAPE, &c.
This distinguished yoiith, the companion
in morals and in money' of Messrs. Blach
ford, Bowen, and others "of that ilk has
escaped from the hands' of a jury. This
escape was made on Saturday night, with
some haste, and after buttoning up his coat
and breeches as fast as be could.
Yet the disagreement of the jury is a
matter of Utile consequence. The evidence
is before the country, and they have made
up their opinion of the "pipe-layers" be
yond tiie power of all petty or penny ju
ries. , -
But have we not coir.c to a prrtty pass
in these days? There is Eldridgc in Phil
adelphia he has also escaped on his third
trial, by -the disagreement of the jury.
Let Madame Ices le 1 1 at once go to trial
bhe cannot be convicted nor can any per
son oc convicted in tnese halcyon days,
hut the poor devils of loafers who steal a "
loaf to fill their bellies, or a pair of breeches
to cocr tiiem. v.TJie administration of jus- ,
lice is corrupt to .the. foundation.," Politics..'
and. banking have covered the whole land
with immorality, licentiousness, crime, ami
venaluv of all kinds. The difference be
tween the saint and the. scoundrel is gone -fr
ever ihey are both equal both fit for-,
the State Prison or the State Legisla- ''
turn. . ; .: .
We propose James B- Glentuorth "for
the next President who's afraid ?
TIIK REPUBLJCAjV.
LINCOLN TON,.
tVEDXESDAY.Jl'XE 83, 1841.
We ara indebted to the politeness of our
Representative, Hon. G. W. Caldwell, for
a copy of the President's Message "wilh
the accompanying documents."
Mr- Secretary Ewing has submit
ted to the Senate his plan of a "Fiscal
Bank of the United States." We have
no room for t this week, but will proba
bly lay it before our readers in our next.
The reader will find some remarks noon
in another column, by the Globe and
the Richmond Enquirer. ". '
The people in electing Gen. Harrison
did not declare in favor of a United
States Bank. .
It is boldly asserted by the advocates of
a IVadonal 153nk. that the lale election for
President turned upon the question of B?nk
or no Bank, and that the success of Gen.
Harrison was a clear indication that the
people desire such an institution. ; Now,
those who make these assertions must have
short memories indeed, or they rely very
much upon the gullibility of the people.
Scarcely any where was that question seen
in the discussions; and where it was seen
ihe ground was generally taken by Gen.
Harrison's friends, that he was opposed
to a Bank. Especially was this case in
Georgia and Virginia. In both ' these
States, this ground was taken by the press '
and orators of 'the party. We have before
us now, a short extract from the "Address
of the Whig Convention : for the
nomination of electors, to the peo
PLE of Virginia," in which Gen. Har
rison's supporters declare, that, "as to the
Bank, his unqualified declaration that it
was unconstitutional is .before you, and
there is no reason to believe that he is. in
favor of a Bank in any form, for he is
assuredly opposed to a Government Bank.
As far as we know or believe, fellow citi
zens, Gen. Harrison has but one' opinion
about the Bank, and that is against.it ;
and we feel that we hazard noihim? in
saying that fie would not consider any
Bank Constitutional, which in his opin
ion would, if established, be both inexpe
dient and pernicious." Such was the
ground taken in his support In Virginia.
Now let us come a little nearer home :
Whm a meeting of the Republican parly
of Lincoln County, in -the early part of
1840, denounced the "Old Hero," in a
resolution, as being in favor of a Bank,
they were met by the Whig press of this
place, if we recollect aright, wilh a flat
denial ; and a quotation was made from one
of his old speeches to prove that he was
opposed lo such an institution!
In view of these facts, how can it be
said that the late election turned upon the
question of Bank or no Bank; or, that tho
people in electing Gen. Harrison had de
clared in' favor of one ? The truth is, the
late election did not turn upon any ques
tion of policy; nor does the result prove -that
the people approved thts,vor con
demned that measure. -,
Jf'higs of the South,- behold one of Ihe
fruits of your " great victory !" '
The passage of 'the amendment of Mr.
John Quincy Adams, by which the 21st
rule of the House, (the rule which pro
hibited the. reception of Abolition petitions)
was jrscinded, is well calculated to startle
men of all parlies at the South, and to
warn them to prepare for a storm which is
fast gathering over their heads. The pre
sent House of Represeniatives is com
pletely under the control of the Abolition
ists ! And we may now expect nothing
but discord, long debates, ard fearful agi
tations in the public ' councils. And what
bas brought about this state of things ?
We boldly jissert-our, .belief. ; that it was
the "great anti-elavery victory" at HfX
risUurg in the nomination of Gen Han'-