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TA ttnitncyof DoocracgttotirdthtlUorth4im&ttrtoucli,th$ tnorta si of tMr comfort, thts$Brtin oTthttr dignity, th titablUhmttnt of thHr potor.n
BY ROBERT WILLIAMSON, Jr.
BT. C.f JULY 23, 1841.
VOLUME V, NO. 9.
N E V T ERMS
OF
"THE LINCOLN REPUBLICAN
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Twenty-seYcnth Congress.
From the Globe, of July 10.
CONGRESSIONAL ANALYSIS.
SENATE.
Mr. Linn continued hi? remarks during a
brief remnant of ihe morning hour, on Mr.
Buchanan's call for the proscription
lists.
The Bank bill being taken up
Mr. Woodbury proposed an amendment,
prohibiting donations by directors out of the
funds of the Bank.
Mr. Clay objected, and proposed to amend
the amendment, by restricting the prohioi
lion to the making of donations to officers
and directors.
Mr. Henderson objected to the amend
ment in any shape, ile said the Bank had
no right to give away the money entrusted
to it.
Mr. Woodbury then consented to amend
to as to prohibit donations either by the
stockholders or directors. Mr. Clay urged
his amendment, which would leave power
to tlie board of directors to make dona
tions to any body except directors and
-officers. And this ameudment prevailed
HQ to 21.
Mr. Allen then proposed to provide that
Tio part of any donations should be charged
on the funds of the Government. Negatived
27 to 2 1.
Messrs. Woodbury. Linn, Calhoun,
Benton, Allen, and King, argued in favor of
the amendments as proposed by Messrs.
Woodbu ry and Allen. Mr. Clay of Ken
tucky advocated successfully his provision
against Mr. Woodbury's, which, instead
of being such a limitation as would prevent
the abuse which Mr. Woodbury sought
to correct, was a license to the new Bank
to continne'the old abuses, except in making
gifts to officers ofthe institution.
Mr. Woodbury's resolntion was intended
to prevent the Bank from running into all
the log-rolling schemes of improvement in
which the late Bank indulged to purchase
over neighborhoods and cities to its interests
by douceurs to a railroad company here
a canal company there to paving streets
and contributing to charities by way of
reaching the sympathies -of whole bodies
of people to aid it in commanding the legis
lation of the country, by assuming a seem
ing generosity, humanity, and public spirit,
when it was in fact bribing and corrupting
upon cold political and pecuniary calcula
tions. Mr. Woodbury read a whole catalogue
of these douceurs, printed in the commit
tee's report, and if he could have read the
burnt vouchers which were recently called
for by the meeting ol stockholders but
which Mr. Biddle and his subordinates
had carefully destroyed, lie might have ad
led to his ratalogue.of donations the names
fa great many distinguished politicians,
who have rendered the corporation yeo
man's service in the halls of State Legisla
lures as well as those of Congress. Mr.
Clay was very willing to cut off the officers
ofthe Bank from their accustomed pen
sions, but the railroad, canal, street and
paved road pensioners the church pen
sioners the editorial corps of pensioners,
and the legislative pensioners, he would not
-exclude from the benefit of the secrefser
vice of the Grand Almoner's purse of the
Bank. In a word, Mr. Clay was resolved
not for a moment to check the hopes ofthe
"Bank mercenaries and the popularity of the
institution, with this class, by inserting a
prohibitory clause, although, with the se
crecv which is secured, it might, and
doubtless would, be totally disregarded in
practice.
... After the amendment offered by Mr.
Woodbury was altered by Mr. Clay so as
10 iicenae gratuities to all but Bank officeis,
ihe proposition became a Federal measure,
and passed, of course: Its mover openly
repudiated it, as no longer his progeny,
and the Democrats gave it up.
Mr. Allen then moved his proposition,
which wss to prevent the appropriation of
the funds cf the Treasury in this institution,
to acb gratuities. He maintained that as
the Bank was made the Treasury r the
nation as all its funds as stockholder or
depositor, was in the custody of this new
Treasury Department, and are, to all intents
and purposes, public money in the Treasu
ry by the very terms ofthe charter, it was
aclear violation of the Constitution which
says that no money shall be drawn from the
Treasury unless appropriated by law to
permit gratuities to be made by order ofthe
board of directors, and the money to.be
drawn from the public coffers in virtue of
such appropriations. Messrs. Calhoun and
Benton, King, and others, strongly sup
ported Mr. Allen's view of the question.
Mr. Clay of Kentucky insisted that, as a
partner in the corporation, the Government
was bound, by the principles ofthe part
nership, to submit to such disposition of its
means, as the controlling majority of the
corporation had the right to order. Mr.
Calhoun, with great force, urged that tins
complication of the affairs of Government
with a company of bankers on the ground
assumed, might subject the finances of the
country to a control utterly at war with the
real fiduciaries the representatives of the
Slates and the people to whom the Con
stitution committed this vital trust. lie
said the case now before the Senate sim
plified the matter, so that every man must
see the danger of this odious connection of
Government witii bankers- The charter
committed the finances of the nation to the
custody and management of the corpora
tion. The amendment as modified by Mr.
Clay distinctly put the funds of the Go
vernment at the disposal of the Bank man
agers, not merely to be applied to the pur
poses specified in the charter as Govern
ment or banking purposes, but to be given
away in gratuities by the board of directors,
provided the gift were not made to the
officers of the Bank.
Reasoning has now but very little effect
upon the Bank cohort in the Senate. Mr.
Allen's amendment was defeated by a vote
of 27 to 21. Mr Tappan and Mr. Bucha
nan were not in the Senate when the vote
was taken.
Mr. Wright moved to strike out the pro
vision in the charter for the increase ofthe
capital of the Bank, from thirty to fifty
millions after 1851. Mr. Wright urged
that the conditional creation of new shares
in the Bank, at the end of ten years, wojld
produce an influence in relation to the es
tablishment, which would beany thing but
conducive to the stability and uniformity
which it seemed to be the great object of
those in favor ofthe concern, to impart to
the business of the country, with which
it was connected. He said that if it was
found profitable, the owners of the thirty
millions, wielding a vast power, would
oppose the increase of shares, which in
bringing two-thirds of the same amount of
capital to participate in, and diminish the
profits, would be prone to resist the increase
then there would be a great body of
wealth struggling for investment in the
Bank, which would bring another powerful
private interest to agitate the country and
Congress, by pressing for at; incorpora
tion of additional capital, sufficient to make
a new National Bank. Then if the holders
of the thirty millions should find their es
tablishment shaking its history being that
ofthe late Bank they would be anxious
to infuse new capital into its shrunken
veins, and intrigues would be set afoot
by the secret managers in the Baak parlor,
to increase the capital, and bring in new
associates, and influential allies. The ef
fect of this conditional proviso for incor
poration, at the end often years, we gath
ered from Mr. Wright's remarks, (which
we are notable to convey in detail or in
his own clear language.) would be to gen
erate a great and mischievous influence to
shake the stability of the concern, and all
the commercial and legislative action having
reference to it.
Mr. Clay replied with great impatience,
and seemed quite incensed that those oppo
sed to the bill should attempt to improve
it. He said something about insidious
amendments.
Mr. Wright very coolly responded, but
let Mr. Clay understand very distinctly
that Senators would not be deterred from
doing their duty to the public interest they
supported, fro n any regard to the personal
sensitiveness he evinced when the linea
ments of his offspring were closely scan
ned. It was losi ayes 22, nays 26. -
Mr. Woodbury moved to strike out the
thirty millions capital of the Bank, which,
if the motion had prevailed, would have
left it a mere Bank of deposite. On this
Mr. Woodbury made an argument of con
siderable length, replete with information
and admirable views on the subject under
discussion.
Mr. Woodbury made the following
points : -
1. That he preferred for a fiscal agent
of the Government, a Bank, if any, of
mere deposite, and not one of discount and
circulation. It would be safer and sounder,
and more appropriate for a Government
machine.
2. That the pre?ent condition of public
affairs did not rpnder a bank of discount-
when the banking capital of the country
was so large exnadjent ?vcn wera it
eorsstliatioaai.
3. That such a Bank as this, so loosely
guarded, and so badly located so ill-timed
and unnecessary was not proper, how
ever a Bank may have been in 1791, or
1818. The Supreme Court had only deci
ded that a Bank was constitutional at any
time, and in any form, if first found to be
necessary and proper by Congress.
4. .That experience in the last seven
years had shown that a National Bank was
not necessary as a fiscal agent, because our !
fiscal operations had been safely and
promptly conducted without such a i
Bank.
5. That Government should not embark
in trade or banking, and especially on bor
rowed money. It was paltry and illjudged,
and unprofitable. But it should make
merely a fiscal agent, with no powers or
functions not necessary to mere public
objects.
6. That the community and the Govern
ment were both safer, if the former . were
not borrowers from the public Treasury;
and the latter were not dependent for their
deposites and daily means on the caprice
and speculations of bank directors and
stockholders.
7. That a National Bank of discount
could not improve or equalize exchanges,
without costing as much to the community
in some way as exchanges did now. And
that the exchanges were mercantile mat
ters, and should be left to merchants, bro
kers, and bankers; and were as cheap with
them, as with the Bank; and if high, they ,
corrected our trading and our indebtedness, ,
and were, and should be, charged to the
speculators, and would be, whether done
with or without banks.
8. That a National Bank would not add
to the currency beyond ten millions in one
hundred millions of paper, and even that
len no better than a State bank situated at
New York, and its notes made receivable
for public dues.
9. Tnat the capital was too large, if any
was allowed, unless it was made sufficient
to control and root out all State banks, or
be 3p0,U00,000 instead of 30,000,000, and
then nobody could check or manage it.
Gallatin and Appietion say ten or fifteen
millions are enough for a mere fiscal agent.
10. The Bank, as one of discont, is also
premature, as it cannot check and control
the bad banks till all resume or wind up.
The Sutes must take hold of their own
banks first, or there will be no permanent
relief. The Sub-Treasury checks now, as
much as this Bank would.
11. A National Bank, instead of giving
relief by lessening debt, increases it sixteen
millions J he Bank of England is in cap
ital, all a Government debt. Debl increas
ed and overwhelming, always follows in its
train.
12. A National Bank of discount will
not add to the repeal capital of the country,
but increase our issues in one place and
contractions in others, and consequent ag
gravaiion of existing evils.
13. A National Bank abroad as well as
in the United States, with power to dis
count and circulate bills, is presumed to
be, by the best writers - and the soundest
reasoners, injurious to the people ruining
more often than benefiting and should be
scouted from the Government and its fiscal
machinery.
14. He said a public Bank for a public
Department, was like a Sub-Treasury aci,
liable to repeul-, and he was thus instructed
and should thus vole; this bein" such a
Bank.
This was legal and not seditious peace
ful and not violent and let those who em
bark capital in such a joint stock trading
concern wan the Government lake war
ning. 15. If such a mammoth Bank went into
operation which he doubted it would
and must be resisted by the Democrecy.
It was an avowed parly Bank and must
take the fate of party measures.
The chairman preached repose, repose,
as if we w?re to lick the hand that smites
us, and were a Hindoo race to be overload
ed with new taxes greatet expense and
large national debts without resistance -
11 o woulJ find himself mistaken.
THE HOUSE.
Mr. Brown of Tennessee finished his
hour, and Mr. Linn of New York commen
ced hi3 maiden speech in favor of Daniel
Webster, and his way of showing the dig
nity, and preserving the honor of the na
tion. Having a dry subject, Mr. Linn fin
ished in thirty minutes.
Mr. Brown of New York got the floor,
but before he said any thing, the House re
solved iiself into the Committee of the
Whole House on the state of the Union,
Mr. Brings in the chair.
Mr. McKay of North Carolina then com
menced a speech upon the loan bill, the
question being, "Shall the enacting clanse
be stricken out!' Mr. McKay said if
there was a debt, he was for finding it at
once; but he was opposed to borrowing
money for current expense. - He alluded
to the various mistakes in the President's
message, and the Secretary's report. He
says the Secretary has not only given cause
for 'criticism in his report, but after it got
! into the hands of the Printer, a change of
$1,000,000 was made in putting down the
figures.
Mr. Hunter of Virginia made one ofthe
happiest speeches that has been made this
year. He criticized the acts of the major
ity ; and said that they were disposed, from
the measures presented to the House, to
reduce this Republic to thv situation of an
cient Rome, when the simple and valiant
Sabine ofthe Eternal City was reduced to
the contemptible Iazaroui of modern Italy.
He warned the majority against the war
that they were encouraging, not between
sections of the country, but between the
classes the many and the few the rich
and the poor the tax-payers and the tax
consumers of the land. He said that a re
volution would be the consequence blood
less it might be, but still a revolution that
would destroy the institutions of this coun
try. He showed the errors of Mr. Ewing
said there was no necessity for a called ses
sion, and averred that if Mr. Ewing spent
his money as every Secretary had save
one from the beginning there would have
been but a small deficit, even if Mr. Ewing
was right in redeeming Treasury notes in
this year, which would not be due until
the next. He said that there would be,
under a proper administration of the -Treasury,
a balance of $3,000,000.
Mr. Holmes of South Carolina then ob
tained floor, and made an eloquent
speech. He was very severe upon the old
Federal party that had, with the exception
of a spasm or two, lain dormant since 1800.
He used up Mr. Ewing s figures, and
made the majority amazing uneasy during
his hour of delivery.
Mr. Gilmer of Virginia now arose to op
pose the bill. He was sarcastic and elo
quent. IJe dented the necessity lor a loan,
and opposed the measures of the majority.
He showed that the Florida war was a war
where no laurels could be gained. It was
not a war for Epic, but for the dog-gere
poet to sing. He alluded to the various
splits in the Whig party, and asked what
were the measures of the Administration
was the chairman of the Committee of
Ways and Means the Administration, and
were his views the Administration, or was
he under current ihe Whig party proper
or improper, the Administration, lie
would not undertake to 6ay, but he went
for his country, and he was glad that there
was no Administration party here. J he
stockholders the people now would be
attended to without regard to the President
and directors.
Mr. John Van Buren of New York
made his maiden speech and opposed the
bill with eloquence and earnestness. He
said figures would not lie according to an
old saying; but he was bound to say that
bgurcs in different hands produce different
results. He alluded to, the false preten
tions of the Whigs and the solemn mocke
ry of reform which meant none addition
al taxes, squandering the-treasure ofthe
country, and helping foreign bankers and
Jew stockholders, instead of the good peo
ple of the Republic. His remarks will be
given at length hereafrer.
Mr. Weller of Ohio arose with a Whig
chart in his hand that had been used at
the elections in Ohio, instead of reason.
It was a map, with columns upon it of four
millions of dollars to the inch, showing the
expenditures of the Government from the
days of Gen. Washington to the days of
Mr. Van Buren. On one side, at the fifth
inch, was the T mark, which was the max
imum oi expenditure to be abided by in the
future. Mr. Weller then proceeded to
show that the present parly had gone two
inches, or $8,000,000 above the T nark,
and asked the majority how they dared to
deceive the people in this barefaced manner.
iMr. Weller said he never believed the
promises ofthe Whigs, though ihe people
had. He knew what the majority would
go for, and when they lolJ toe people of
Ohio that they wanted no National Bank
he felt confident that the establishment of
such a Bank would be one of their first
measures.
He said the people whom the gods de
stroved, they first made mad, and he be
lieved lhat the Whig party was mad. He
said ihey had the ladle party, and the Char
lev boys in the House, (alludtng to Mr.
Clay's man Charles,) ihe Whig parly pro-
ner and irnnrooer. the under current, lie
wanted to have the bill limited to the ex
istance of the present Administration, in
stead of for the term of eight years, be
cause he felt confident that in four years the
Democracy would rout out the Vandals and
leave the Eternal City to be bu ill up by the
pure and the noble of eanh.
Mr. Weller can'only do justice to him
self, and we will leave his speech until be
gives at length.
Mr. Underwood of Kentucky now arose
to criticize Mr. Pickens for giving him a
slap about his ignorance, when, in fact, Mr.
Pickens alluded, as we believe, to another
member from Kentucky, who did call the
Slate Rights party a humbug. The com
mittee having been reduced to a baker's do
zen, rose at half past four o'clock, and then
the House adjourned to Monday at 10 a in.
Monday. July 12, 1841.
SENATE. -,
We shall give in the Congressional col
umns a sketch of the debate on the amend
ments offered lo the Bank bill the en
grossing special ' order. Tha discussion
was drawn off by Mr. Clay to collateral
matters, which produced a great deal of
warmth and sensibility in the Senate. "
Mr. Wright proposed to strikeout the
subscription of the Government to the
Bank, and enforced his views on this topic
with his usual precision and clearness.
The drift of his remarks will be given
hereafter, under the Congressional head.
Mr. Clay replied with a great deal of ani
mation, and vhile intimating an unwilling
ness to believe that the amendments were
intended insidiously to procrastinate the
measure, he deprecated the delay, and ex
pressed so strongly his impatience under
the course of proceeding in relation to the
bill, thai, taken in connection with the gag
recently imposed in the other House by his
friends, (the Speaker at the head of them,)
who act under his advice, it plainly indica
ted a determination to crush the freedom of
debate in the Senate, and vote his measures
through without allowing the minority to
be fully heard. This called up Mr. Cal
houn, who reviewed the progress of the
Bank bill in the Senate. He showed that
from the commencement ofthe session un
til now, when the complaint, the premoni
tory to the imposition of the gag in the
Senate, was made, the Democratic mem
bers had only been employed four days in
suggesting their views of the measure, and
proposing modifications. The previous
portion of the session had been taken by
the friends of the measure in preparing
their hill, and eight days occupied by them
exclusively, in discussing amendments
brought in by the friends of the Adminis
tration after it was so prepared. During
these eight davs, the whole discussion was
carried on by the Federal side ofthe Senate,
and now when the opponents of the bill
had taken four days only in dissecting the
scheme, it was plainly hinted that the ma
jority intended to put down debate, and de
ny the privilege to the minority of exposing
the odious features and principles of the
bill, and the bad designs of authors in re
eling the salutary provisions by which
the enemies of the measure would guard
against "us fatal tendencies, and disarm it.
to some extent, of its dangerous powers.
Mr. Calhoun repelled the imputation that
procrastination to harass the majority, was j
the purpose of the minority. All wished
to be at home, enjoying quiet and comfort,
rather than in be involved in the heat and
dust of the city at this unhealthy season of
ihe year, and struggling to expose the dan
gerous train of measures pressed into an
extraordinary session, to be hurried through
ina few weeks, which it cost Federalism
forty years to build up, and Democracy
the last twelve years to abate. Mr. Cal
houn then demanded of Mr. Clay to de
clare his purpose. Did he intend to impose
the gag upon debate in the Senate, as it
had been elsewhere? Did he intend to
consummate the high-handed Federal mea
sure, now in progress, without allowing
the minority to bring all their views of
what was proposed and rejected by the
majority, before the country ?
Mr. Clay answered with the utmost ve
hemence, and avowed his readiness 6o to
alter the course of proceeding hitherto ob
served, as to give the majority complete
command of the Senate. This avowal im
plies, that the design is entertained of so
altering the rules expressly framed lo se
cure the rights of the minority, as to put
it absolutely at ihe mercy of the majority,
and introduce into Congress with more
unlimited control than it was ever ventured
on even in Great Britain the monstrous
power of stifling the freedom of speech.
The rules, as practised upon formerly in
Congress, were drawn from the parliamen
tary rules, which, with all their protection
for the rights of a minority, guarantying
a-nple freedom of speech, have stood for
centuries respected by majorities headed
by monarchs of despotic dispositions.
W hat the omnipotent majority of Parlia
ment, and despotic prinres, have not dared
to violate, Mr. Clay of Kentucky and his
ephemeral, fraud-begotten power in Con
gress, threaten at once lo put down.
Mr. Linn of Missouri replied to Mr.
Clay's suggestion, of bringing his new
tactics to suppress debate to bear on the
Senate, in a very inipressive manner. He
referred to ihe past, to point the eye of
Senators to the series of outrages which
the mercenary interests associated with
this Bank question, had, urged its partisans
to perpeirate. . He referred to the blood
shed by the Bank myrmidons in Philadel
phia with fire-arms, (with which the mar
ble palace was filled,) to crush the right of
suffrage in the ciiy of the Bank to the
attempt to seize the public arsenal in New
York to effect the same purposu there to
the pollution of the elections every where,
which -exhibited itself in the halls of Slate
legislation as well as in Congress. He re
ferred to the scenes of the former sessions
of Congress, at one of which no less than
six large volumes of execrations ofthe
then existing Administration, were piled
up in its archives in the shape of Bank
memorials, and. which formed the staple of
Feoeral speeches, filling six months of the
time of Congress. Re . referred to the
revolutionary movements cf the Bank re
rruits, thrown into the Legislatures. Stale)
and National, in breaking op quorums of
the respective bodies to which they be
longed, by setting the rules at defiance,
and absenting themselves, and refusing to
attend, when summoned by the officers of
ihe representative bodies. He pointed to
cases of the sort which had occurred in
Congress, in the Legislatures of Alabama,
Illinois, Pennsylvania, and some others,
showing that the utter prostration of par
hamentary rule now threatened in regard
to the freedom of debate, was in perfect
keeping with all these precursors, which
originated in the unbridled, unprincipled
spirit which the money poweri relying on
the mercenary brute force which it csu
rally round it, invariably begets. Mr. Linn'
said he was ashamed of himself for thv
lameness with - which he had heretofore
submitted as a Senator, forgetful of the .in
dependent and sturdy constituents he repre
sented, to the arrogant presumption with
which that sordid influence had swaggered
in a Hall, which should be consecrated to
calm and patriotic deliberation. He em- :::
phatically admonished Senators that he did
not intend to cower to the shaking of tha
mane and loud menaces, which were so
frequently made to play a part in the scene
of that body. He meant to do his duty
there, and he would not be found wanting
in any thing that became a man, whenever
ihe attempt was made to choke down tha 1
rights of the country, in stifling the free
dom of debate on the part of the minority
of the Senate.
Mr. Walker referred to the intimation
of Mr. Clay, that amendments were offered
by those opposed to the Bill, by showing
lhat most of the amendments offered by
him, and the most important ones, had
been adopted by a majority; against the
will of the Senator from Kentucky. This
would seem to furnish a better objection to
ihe amendments on the part of the Sena
tor trom Kentucky, than his idea that they
were mere captious, untenable propositions,
thrown nut as impediments to the bill.
Mr. Allen rose to correct an impression
which might go abroad from a remark of
Clay of Kentucky, lhat the Bank system
would cure, among the other evils, such
peculation as that of Swariwout, &c. Mr.
Allen said it was while the banks were de
positories, that the Swariwout defalcation
and many others of the same kind occur
red. Another point in Mr. Clay's argument
in favor of the Bank, drawn from the
profits the Government was to make out
of the money borrowed, to put into it as
slock, was worth nonce. These profits,
Mr.- Allen said, were to be made by Go
vernment out of its own citizens, and upon
money drawn out of their pockets to pay
the interest on the capital borrowed, and,
in the end, the capital itself. The capital
and profits of the Bank which the Govern
ment was to get to distribute among favor
ites, were both to come out of the products
drawn out of the cold earth by the muscles
of the laboring classes. Mr. Allen said
that the blessings to be dispensed by the
land bill among the States were of the
same sort. Al! ihe money which the laud
was to give the States, with the cost ofdls
iribulirj it, was to come out of the peo
ple. And the deficit occasioned by it in
the Treasury was to be made up by new
taxes levied on the people, lo which the
cost of the collection of new sum required
to be taken from the people, was to be
added. The proposed benefit then was
nothing more than new taxes lo pay the ;
cost of distribution, and for the collection
cf the new taxes which it made necessary.
Mr. Wright's amendment waslostbya
vote of 22 to 28.
Mr. Wright next proposed to strike on
the proviso by which the Government was
engagpd to take one-third of the twenty
millions reserved for private stockholders,
if not taken by them. Mr. Wright said
this proviso was calculated to secure the
happening of the contingency, which, went
to make the Government provide more
than half the capital of the Bank, instead
of the one-ihird (or len million,) to which
it would seem to be the first intention of
(he charier to limit it. lie said private
stockholders would prefer that the Govern- -menl
should furnish the major amount of
the capital when they were to manage the .
whole. The individual stockholders would,
under such circumstances, be composed of
adventurous speculators, who would, raise
the wind to get the minor part of the stock
in their hands, that they might get the Go-,
vernmeni's sixteen millions in their con
trol, with all the power it conferred. The
sixteen millions would draw with it the
reserved fund of four millions, if the views s
of the Secretary ofthe Treasury in respect
to it were adopted, with all ihe deposites
To command this enormous fund of others,
would be the object of the managers of this
institution. The private fund of capital
ists would always be at their own com
mand, and they would not . push into the
Bank to exclude them from ths manage
ment of any portion of the vast amount
which the proviso proposed to be stricken
out, would givo to them from the Treau
ry, if retaineJ.
(Continued on fourth pep.)
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