" ' 7 ' ' ." ' -. ' ' . - ' . .. ; - . : .. ' , ' . . -
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"The tendency of Democracy i toward the elevation of the Induttrloue clatee,the increase of their comfort, themesertlon of their dignity, the eetablithment of thHr power."
BY ROBE ItT WILLI AMS 0 .Y, Jr.
LIXCOMTOX, . C., AUGUST 11, ,1841,
VOLUME V, NO. 11.
NEW TERMS
OF
TJIE LINCOLN REPUBLICAN
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tinuance is ordered. .
TO CORRESPONDENTS.
To insure prompt attention to Letters addressed
to the Editor, the postage should in all cases be paid.
. From the Globe.
"ALL THE LITTLE ONES AT ONE
FELL SWOOP."
. The small fry of 'clerks, whose avocations
liave confined them to their desks who
have never voted at an election whose
poor salaries have barely furnished them
nnd their families a support whose politi
cal opinions, if known at all, could not
possibly have the slightest influence on
public affairs, as they are certainly not
known beyond the limits of a District
which is itself disfranchised those clerks
had supposed that the poor employments
they held would depend on the question,
'is he honest, is he capable, is he faithful?"
They had the written assurance of the
President for this; and as it was found
that the removals among this class of offi
cers hitherto, had been confined to those
holding confidential relations with the
Heads of Departments, and some wanting
qualifications, it was generally supposed
that there would be no sweep of those mi
iior officers, simply on the ground of their
political sentiments.
But a day or two since, the butcher
Ewing was seen, directly after the induc
tion of Mr. Huntington into the place of
Mr. Whitcomb, as Commissioner of the
Land Office, to enter the new Commis
sioner's room, and take with him the Chief
Clerk, J. M. Moore. The long session
which these worthies had then together,
was considered ominous. Moore was
known to be a vindictive Federalist, and
sin enemy of both General Jackson and
Mr. Van Buren. Yet, as he was competent
for thedaties of the station lie held, he was
retained by all the successive Democratic
Commissioners; and when the office he held
was abolished on the reorganization of thi
Land Office, and the employment raised in
grade and pa). General Jackson reappoin
ted him, and many others of his own
caste in politics. Yet, as this roan's Fed
eraJ feeling was well known, his long clo
seting with the butcher Ewing was looked
upon as ominous to the Democratic subal.
items. Accordingly, when his secret ses
sion was over, Mr. Ewing took a short sal
ly to Baltimore, and on Friday last hang
man's day- no less than thirteen Demo
cratic clerks were set down (or execution
the next day.
To the credit of President Tyler, we
must state, that as soon as he heard of this
general -extermination of Democrats from
the Land Office, where so many Federa
lists had been tolerated during the twelve
years' rule of his predecessors, he instantly
interposed, and directed that they should be
"reinstated. He would not suffer such a
hecatomb proscription "without an inquiry
as to personal or official delinquency in the
'individuals sacrificed and this made under
the order of a Secretary who had brought a
'resolution into the Senate denying express
ly the constitutional power of the Presi
tlent himself, much -less his Secretary, to
remove public officer?, at pleasure, without
even consulting, much less obtaining, the
. concurrence of the Senate, which Ewing
had once declared to be essential.
.This interposition, on the part of the
President, was due -like to his own per
sonal, as well as his official character.
lie stood pledged that officers should not
lie removed without cause. Yet here was
stn upstart and heartless subordinate in his
Cabinet, whf held his own plact by pre
cisely the same tenure as the officers
whom he undertook to remove, who strikes
off their heads without asking the Presi
dent's pleasure ! ! It was at his will they
held office, (if at the will of any body,
which .Mr. Ewing once so boldly deniedj
nd yet Mr. Ewing usurps the function W
the Presidential office, and executes a
power which he said belonged only to the
President nnd Senate i v
The rebuke which this coarse-minded
-and vulvar man received -from ihe President
would have induced anv one of elevation
of sentiment and sensibility of feeling, to
have resigned instantly. But the man
who could hold a place in the Senate, ob
tained by the compulsion of one or two
sordidly interested men, who woulJ not
join their party in their decided perfereace
for another, and who forced. Ewing upon
them as the only alternative, having resol
ved to vote for a political opponent, if the
majority refused Ewing the man who
held his place in the Senate to pass laws
creating scrip, in which it was his purpose
to speculate the man who held his place
in the St uate as a devmed partisan of the
Bank of the United States, and received
money from it to prosecute the specula
tions for which he had legislated the man
who, as Secretary of the Treasury, would
hang on to the Hockhocking speculating
company in which the official speculators
in the Bank of the United States are un
derstood to b concerned, as partners,
would not ht'sitaic to hold to an office in the
Cabinet of the President, who had so sig
nally rebuked ; his want of principle, his
presumption, nnd cruelty and lie would
do it, as we have no doubt Ewing .does,
for the purpose of betraying his chief, on the
first favorable occasion.
From the Raleigh Standard.
THE REPEAL.
Some of the Federal leaders affect to be
horrified at the promised repeal of the
Charier, should a National Bank be estab
lished. The doctrine of the sanctity of
charters is derived from onr British ances
tors, and the impulses are strong in its favor
by many of our lawyeis and odier admir
eis of British jurisprudence. . How far this
doctrine of "special grace" is consonant
with our republican principles and agreea
ble to our institutions, is a inatier that it
will be time enough to discuss when the
occasion calls it up. Whether the liber
ties of 17 millions of people and t!eir pos
terity, are to depend on monarchial customs
or common law technicalities, is a question
that may be decided at a future da'. Our
present business is not with the sanctity of
charters, but with a charter obtained bu
false pretences; and whatever may be the
veneration ol some for these high bequests,
none will dare to contend that there is sanc
tity in circumvention, frtud, deceit and
treachery. Charters granted by the King
were null and void, if there h?.d been mis
information or deceit practised in obtaining
them. How much more, then, shall a free
people be entitled to the exercise of the
sovereign authority, in the repeal of a char
ter obtained by gross misrepresentation and
high-handed fraud.
What a spectacle, does our country pre
sent? Twenty-six sovereign States, and
17 millions of people are expected to bow
the neck to the conditions of a piece of
parchment, concocted in the rankest vil
lainy and consummated in forgery !
The charter of our liberties, more
precious than all the diadems of
Europe, is to be desecrated and its prin
ciples rendered abortive, through the
vile contrivances of interested speculators
and ambitious and unprincipled politicians.
Surely the Shylocks have forgotten of
what stuff American freemen are compos
ed, if they expect ihem to submit to the
dictum of this unhallowed combination; and
wicked aspirants have failed to remember
that in this country they are accountable
to the people.
The present is an auspicious time to
teach British and American politicians and
stockjubber3, that the true issue must be
presented to the people, to ensure an abid
ing support to the successful party. That
they will not permit a Bank to retain its
charier, when the idea ws held up that
there was no intention of establishing such
institution- Nor will the loaders of the
federal party have just cause of complaint.
Imbued as they are in moral wrong and po
litical turpitude, they will have justice done
them. The matter will be submitted to
the sovereign people. If they have been
deluded and betrayed, as we assert, they
will vote for those who insist on the repeal.
If they have concluded to be cheated with
a shew of liberty, and are tendy to yield to
the domination of aristocrats and moneyed
lordlings, they will vote for the Bankttes
and we shall have an early solution of the
problem of man s capacity for government.
The Federal notions about the right of the
"rich anJ well-born" to govern the rest of
mankind, will be acceded to; and the aris
tocrats will have nothing to do but to com
mand, and the people no other alternative
but to obey.
There is no room to doubt the integrity
of the Democratic Republican party in thus
measure. If we may trust our own eyes
and ears; if we can rely on facts as clear as
the sun at noon-day, we know the people
have been deluded. Gen. Harrison declar
ed he was not a bank man Mr. Uadsfcr
said that any one who charged Gen. H.
with being in favorof a United States Bank,
asserted a falsehood. Mr. Clay denied in
the Senate of the U. States, that his party
had any wish to establish a Bank, Mr. Ty
ler deinounced it as unconstitutional while
the host of stump oraiots who traversed
the country and the "whig"' pret-ses, were
either silent on the subject, or else po1ie
against it. We are thus not only justified
in waking an appeal to the people, but we
are required to do so by every principle of
public justice and private virtue.
But let ns hear Mr. Clay's own words
on the power of Congress to charier a Bank
Mr. Clay, the created leader of Pederal-
ism and the advocate of all its odious mea
sures. ,. The following are the words he us
ed in 1811 :
"What is the nature of this Government?
It is emphatically Federal, vested with an
aggregate, of specified powers for general
purpos-es, conceded by existing sovereign
ties, who have themselves retained what
is so conceded. It is said there are cases
in which it must act on implied powers.-
This is not controverted, but the implica
tion must be necessary, and obviously flow
from the enumerated power with which it
is allied. The power to charier compan
ies is not specified in the grant, and I con
tend is of a nature not transferable by mre
Implication. It Is one of the most t-Adhed
attributes ofsovereigpty. In the exercise
of this gigantic power we have seen an
East India Company created, which has
carried dismay, -desolation, and death,
throughout one of the largest portions of
the habitable world a company which is in
itself a sovereignty which has subverted
empires and set up new dynasties and
has not only made war,. hut war against its
legitimate sovereign ! Under the influence
of this power, we have seen a South Sea
Company and a Mississippi Company, that
distracted and convulsed all Europe, and
menaced a total overthrow of all credit and
confidence, and universal bankruptcy. Is
it to be imagined that a power so vast
would have been left by the wisdom of the
Constitution to doubtful inference ?"
He here says that the power to charter
companies is not specified in the Constitu
tion, and contends that it is not transfera
ble by implication. What was truth in
1811 is truth now. What was 'constitu
tional at one period is constitutional at an
other, llank fees may alter a man's no
tions about matters and things, but they
cannot change fact into falsehood or false
ho.d into fact.
But it will be observed that the apos
tate republicans now in the Federal ranks
have other pleas for violating the Constitu
tion. They now talk of precedent and the
"lights of the republican fathers." . Let us
hear what Mr. Clay said on this subject.
The following are the Dictator's own
words :
When gentlemen attempt to carry this
measure upon the ground of acquiescence
or precedent, do they forget that we are
not in Westminister Hall? In courts of
justice, the utility of uniform decisions ex
acts of the judge a conformity to the ad
judication of his predecesors. In the inter
pretation and administration of the law,
this practice is. wise and proper, and, with
out it, every tiling depending upon the ca
price of the judge, we should have no se
curity for our dearest rights. It is far oth
erwise, when applied to the source of le
gislation. Here no rule exists but the Con
stitution, and to legislate upon the ground,
merely (hat our predecessors thought them
selves to be authorized, under similar cir
cumstances to legislate, is to satisfy error
and perpetuate usurpation. "This
doctrine of precedents, applied to the Le
gislature, appears to me to be fraught with
the most mischievous consequences. The
great advantage of oor system of govern
ment over ?.ll others, is, that we have a
written Constitution defining its limits,
and prescribing its authorities ; and that,
however for a time faction may convulse
the nation, and party prejudice sway its
functionaries, the season of reflection will
recur, when calmly retracing their deeds
all aberrations from fundamental principle
will be corrected. But once substitute
practice for principle the exposition of
the Constitution for the text of the Consti
tution, and in vain hall we look for the in
strument itself! It will be as diffused and
intangible as the pretended Constitution oi
England and must be sought for in the
statute book, in the fugitive journals of
Congress, and in reports of the Secretary
of the Treasury ! 1 conceive, then. Sir,
that we are not empowered by the Consti
tution, nor bound by any practice under it,
to renew the charter of this Bank."
Do the people require any thing plainer
than this, to conceive them that Clay is a
traitor to the Constitution ? Wrhal a re
markable difference there is between Hen
ry Clay, the champion of the rights of the
people, and Henry Clay the Hank Attor
ney. -
PROSCRIPTION.
We learn by the Tar-borough Press of
the 24th inst. that Mr. James M. Redmond
has been removed from the office of Post
master at that place and a "whig" appoin
ted in his room. Mr. Redmond was a
faithful officer and is an intelligent and
honest man, and in the whole range of the
"ruthless" proscription of the party in
power, we have found but few cases of ma
lignant tyranny more odious than this.
The Press say.: "we hazard but little in
asserting, that of the 1500 voters in this
county, not 15 can be found of all parties,
that would have advised this removal.
Yet, in defiance of these expressed and
known wishes of the people it has been
consummated. We" dare not "attempt to
describe the effect on the minds of our
citizens, of this gross outrage on their
feelings and interests. A remonstrance has
been eent to President Tyler, sigued by
nearly all the citizens of this place, with
out distinction of party, respectfully re
questing, that if this removal is still deemad
expedient, some regard will be had, if not
to the voice of the whole community, at
least to the opinions of those who are at
tached to. the Whig party. ib.
From the Mecklenburg Jeffenonian.
C7 The Relief Session. -This Extra
Session of Congress was called by the
Whigs as they said, to relieve the coun
try, restore prosperity and revive business.
Well, (he two Houses have been in ses
sion two months, and what have they done
in the way of relief, &c. ? We will tell
you, reader: In the shape of a (jift to tlo,
widow of the late President Harrison,
they have relieved the country of
$25,000!
By a hiI to pay themselves their mi
leage, and per diem allowance, and to pay
for printing, &c.t they have relieved the
countrv of '
- - ' ' , ' $381,000 ! . !
And L'the session continues many days
longer, they will have to increase the relief
under it is head to upwards of.
i $400,000 !
"They have relieved the indebted country
by pasting a Bill to create a National Debt
of.: , ;. . . '
' $12,000,000 !
And will fjrther relieve the People, to
pay the interest on this debt, of the sum
of J
$2,520,000 !
i . .
Thete are all the relief bills they liave
actually passed ; but they have sundry
others under consideration, and in embryo,
estimated in all, by the Secretary of
the Treasury, to amount to upwards
of
$31,000,000 !
In addition to this, it is proposed to in
crease the TariflT, by laying an ad valorem
duty of 20 per cent, on all articles now
free, or on which 'the duty is under this
standard. This will relieve the laboring
man by compelling him to pay as much for
five pounds of coffee or sugar lor his fami
ly as he now pays for six or, take from
him by a tax, one pound out of every six
he buys ! -
Add to these the Distribution of the pro
ceeds of the public lands at a time when
the Treasury is declared to be empty, and
the proposition to violate the Constitution
and the rights of the People by chartering
a mammoth Bank, to be owned by domestic
Shylocks and Foreign money-changers,
and you have the results and designs of
this relief and reform Extra Session of
Congress.
These bonsted MVhig Reformers,"
these champions of "Relief," were loud
in denouncing the extravagance and prodi
gality of Mr. Van Buren; and for these
denunciations, the people turned him out
and put them in power; and now behold
their relief and reform : Like the degenerate
son of Solomon, they turn round and tell
the people My father put a heavy yoke
upon you, I will put more to your yoke:
my father chastized you with whips,
but I will scourge you with scorpi
ons." -
No doubt Jeroboam had been as loud in
his denunciations of his father's oppressions
upon his people before his father's death,
as the Whigs were of Mr. Van Buren's
extravagance before they got into office,
and they still seem to be following up the
example of this wicked son of Solomon ;
but we hope the consequences of their
short reign will not prove as disastrous to
the welfare of oor country as his did to the
peace and happiness of the children of
Israel. ,
Repeal! This is now becoming the
watchword of the Democracy in all parts
of the country; and should the Bank Bill
of Clay, or even the Secretary of the
Treasury's plan of a Bank, become a law.
either will go into operation and the Stock
be taken in the face of the warning, that
the Democracy will never cease their exer
tions until the charter be Repealed ! until
the foul blot upon our statute book is wiped
out. The Democratic party in Maine,
New Hampshire, Rhode leland, Vermont,
New York, Virginia, and probably other
States, have, in public meetings, raised the
banner of Repeal, and the Democratic press
everywhere re-echo the sound. Notice
has been given on the floors of Congress
by Mr. Allen in the Senate, and Mr.
Ingersoll in the House, that the very day
a Bank Bill bacomes a law, they will in
troduce a bill to repeal it.
The" Whigs" seem to be greatly horri
fied at this doctrine of repeal they call its
advocates "agrarians "levellers,"
and exclaim why, you can't repeal a
charier, a sacred contract. In their estima
tion, every thing is agrarianism that goes
agamst pririlege and monopoly- that goes
to protect the laboring man from oppres
sion by the Shylocks and idlers of the
land. But can a charter or contract gran
ted by Con gress in violation of the Con
stitution and the rights of the People, be
considered sacred ? . " - r -
Congress might take it into their heads,
that the "general welfare" demands a res
toration of this country to the British crown,
or that it is necessary io have a sprig of
the blood royal of turbulent France to reign
over us instead of a Republican President,
and a contract made to effect their purpose,
but would the People submit ? No ; they
would say these are contracts which Con
gress had no right to make, and they must,
therefore, be repealed. So with the Bank
charter it is unconstitutional, and, if pas
sed into a law, its repeal will be demanded
by every Democrat in the laud. ib.
SUPPLEMENTAL CARD.
In my Card" of the 231 instant, I sta
ted, that after Mr. Clay had "resied so long
under the most . injurious imputations,
without demanding reparation" as "an
honorable man," I could not listen to his
call, should he make one, after my publica
tion, and that I would take no other notice
of him, "than to correct any misrepresen
tations he may attempt to make." In ma
king this declaration, I proceeded accor
ding to the strict rules of the "code of hon
or" in such matters; and I spoke of myself
"as an honorable man" conforming to that
"rode." It was not my wish that Mr.
Clay or the public fhould understand by
those remarks, that I had not the right to
waive the rule. For fear that such con
struction may be given to my declaration,
I say, that whatever others might determine
in a similar case, I hold myself open to Mr
Clay's call.
WM. L. BRENT.
Wasixixotom City, July 23, 1841.
From the Globe.
"DEBT OR NO DEBT."
The friends of the Treasury Department
tlo noi yet appear to be satisfied with all
the efforts cf the Secretary and his satel
lites to work up a debt to b? charged to the
past Administration.
The National Intelligencer, in a third
semi-official effort this morning, is attempt
ing to make up for its former failures in
swelling the debt to only between two and
three millions. Now it attempts, by a new
process; to augment it to seventeen or
eighteen millions. And how, gentle reader,
do you suppose this has been effected?
Why, to. be sure, by reviving a part of Mr.
Ewing's exploded debt of thirty-one mil
lions, which was abolished so fully by Mr.
Woodbury's exposition. The lnteliigencer
now gravely inserts the fourth instalment
to the States of nine millions, as a part of
the debt due, when it is our own money,
and always has been, and has been expen
ded for our own purposes, as directed by
Congress. And, to make his seventeen
millions, adds eight millions more, collected
from the United States Bank for the stock
we owned in it; as if the stock was not ours,
and the money received for it ours; and as
if we now owed any body a cent for ei
ther that or the fourth instalment. You
must try again, gentlemen.
MR. E WINGJ5 LAST REMOVAL.
We understand that the new Secretary
of the Treasury has descended in his pro
scriptions, not only to the tide waiters and
clerks, but even to the doorkeeper and
sweeper in his own building.
The patient, attentive, faithful old gen
lleman, with a wife and three children
and without house or substance who has
done his duty there in these humble capa
cities, without the slightest complaint, ex
cept his Democracy, is the last victim to
the ruthless demon of proscription; and he
and his family are driven forth penniless
on the charities of an unfeeling world,
merely because he has dared to be a free
man in this boasted land of freedom, and
to profess those Democratic principles
which a Jefferson and a Madison liave been
immortalized for advocatin?. ib.
From the Old Dominion.
MASS MEETING IN NEW YORK.
The indomitable Democracy of the
queen of American cities, turned out in
their matchless strength, on the 1 5lh inst.
in (he Park, to express their indignant re
monstrance against the contemplated vio
lation of the Constitution in the establish
ment of a monarchy bank. That unfalter
ing champion of radical democracy, whose
exertions know no pause or intennisoion,
Francis G. Tread well, offered the unan
swerable protest against the contemplated
change in the character of our Government
the substituting a bank despotism for Re
publican liberty. It was enthusiastically
adopted. Alderman Purdie offered the fol
lowing additional resolution, which was
adopted by acclamation :
Resolved, That should Congress pass an
act for the creation of any National Bank,
we, the PEOPLE here assembled, pledge
ourselves, one to the other, to cease not in
our exertions until its charter is REPEAL
ED. Let, then, our rallying cry be
r Repeal! Repeal ! ! - REPEAL ! ! !
i And we earncst.lv call upon the whole
Democracy "of our be'ovcd country to come
to the rescue, and preserve, sustain, and de- '
fend the constitution, from the assaults of'
its violators. . ,.
'Reduce the expenses." That was the ,
word six months ago. . Let us see whether
it will be the word two months hence.
These whigs have talked about retrench
ment and reform long enough. The lime
has come for them to show their hand.
Farmers! read this. "Every bale of
cotton you make, weighing 500 lbs.', would
be virtually, in the absence of all banks, a
bill of Exchange for $45, and would com
mand the premium you are compelled to
pay upon paper. Are you aware how"
much of this $45 is abstracted out of your,
pockets by the various schemes, without'
your being the belter by it? . ., -
John C. Calhoun.
CLAY AND RANDOLPH.
We give below the words which pro
duced the challenge between John Ran
dolp and HeiiTy Clay, in 1825. They ,
were uttered in secret session, and we do
not know how they got into the newspa
pers. Verba volent was however a fa
vorite expression with the Virginia Sena
tor. We doubt whether, in the whole
range of letters, not excepting even the
withering sarcasms of Junius, there can be
found such bitterness of invective and re-
proachful scorn as in the following words -extracted
from the speech of the orator of
Roanoke, in the Senate of the United
States.
"This man (mankind, I crave your
pardon) this worm (little animals, for
give the insult) was spit out of the womb
of meanness was raised to a higher life
(han he was born to, for he was raised to
the society of blackguards. So.ne for
tune kind to him cruel to us has t09sed
him to the Secretaryship of Slate.
"Contempt lias the property of descend
ing, but she -stops far short of him. She
would die before she would reach him ; he
dwells below her fall. I would hate him if
I did not despise him. It is not what he
is, but where he is, that puts my thoughts
in action. That alphabet which writes
the name Thcrsitea of blackguard, of
squalidity, refuses her letters lor him.
"That mind which thinks on what it
cannot express, can scarcely think on him.
An hyperbole for meanness would be an
eclipse for Clay."
Twcnty-scYenlli Congress.
From the Globe, of July 28.
CONGRESSIONAL ANALYSIS. '
SENATE.
The National Bank charter was taken
up as the special order, and read the third "
time.
Mr. Benton moved the indefinite post
ponement, to await a Congress under the
new census, which would bring with it
the will of the country it should repre
sent. a
He objected to the new amendment, as
introducing principles directly against the
Constitution, as expounded by the Supreme
Court in the case of the late Bank. The
Court decided that Congress was alone
empowered to declare when it was neces
sary and proper to establish a Bank in the
Union. This bill devolves the right in
certain cases) on the State Legislature to
siy, whether the establishment of a Bank
is "necessary and proper." This asking
the assent of the States, resipns the ground
indicated by the Supreme Court, as that
only from which the power to charter a
National Bank can be implied the author
Jy ol Congress to decide as to its necessity
and propriety to carry inu ffecl ihe
expressly granted powers of the Genera
Government.
Mr. Benton quoted the following from
the decision f the S prerne Court, to ,
show the ground on which it placed the
power tf Co-.ig. - to charter a Bank:
"If a certain means io carry into effect
any of the power expressly given by the
Cunstiiution to the Government of the Un
ion, be an appropriate measure not pro
hibited by the Constitution, tl degree of
its necessity is a question of legislative dis
cretion, not of judicial cognizance. '
Messrs. Dixon and White oppowl in
speeches ofconstderahle length, the grounds
assumed by Mr. Benton. They iasf1
that the amendment recognised fulfj
power of Congress to establish the Bat "
any where, and only postponed it execu-
lion. :
Mr. Woodbury was in favor or the mo
tion of the member of Missouri. 1. Be-
cause as the bill now stood, no loan can ba
J made in any Slate of the Union wji&e
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