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1 BJ'Bf Tht tendtucy of JJtntoeracpU toward tht titration ofth induttriow cl;tht incrtatt of thtir comfort, thtawrtton ofthttr dJtUty,th tttmbllthmtat of thtir potrtrJ BY ROBERT WILLttMSOX, Jr. LINCOLKTG, X. C SEPTEMBER 1, 1841. VOLUME V, NO. 14, 11 . N E V T E 11 M S OF Til E LINCOLN REPUBLICAN TERMS OF PUBLICATION. Thk Lincoln Republicax is published every Wednesday at $2 50, if paid in advance, er $3 if payment be delayed three months. No subscription received for a less term than 'twelvemonths. JN'o paper will be discontinued but at the optiuo ofthc Editor, until ail arrearages are paid. A failure to order a discontinuance, will be con sidered a new engagement. TERMS OF ADVERTISING. Advertisements will be inserted conspicuous ly for $1 00 per square for the first insertion, and 25 cents for each continuance. Court and Judicial advertisements will be charged 25 per cent, more than the above prices. A deduction of per cent, from the regular prices will be made to y carlo ad vertiscra. The number of insertions must be noted on the manuscript, or they will be charged until a discon tinuance is ordered. TO CORRESPONDFNTS. To insure prompt attention to Letters addressed to the Editor, the postage should in all cases be paid. OF MR. SAUNDERS, of N. CAROLINA, ON THE FISCAL BANK BILL: Uelivered in the House of Representatives, August 2, 1811. Mr. Chairman: I might congratulate myself on my good fortune in obtaining the floor, as it had been my wish lo have ad dressed the Notice on a previous occasion, but that I now feel no little embarrassment Mn speaking on a question of ihU impor tance, under under the continued fear of your new rule for limiting debate. But, eir, I cannot suffer a measure so deeply in teresting to all so vitally important to lite country to be carried through this body, without an attempt on my part to expose its true character. The great whig meas ures of promised relief are all of minor im 'portance, and can avail but little without this crowning act, which is to give life to the 'whole. The bill for the distribution of the proceeds of the public lands, whose im providence is rendeied the more glaring by those which have followed the one for aoihorizing a loan of twelve millions of dol lars ; and the other for raising, by taxes, twenty-seven and a half millions of dollars; 'thus giving,borrowing,& taxing,at one & the same period are all measures of deep in terest to the country ; yet their mischiefs may be remedied, and their effects are tem porary. But the bill under debate is a 'measure fraught with consequences which the wisest amongst us are unable to predict, much less to foresee. Viewing then, as I do,ndas others do who think and act with me, as a measure of this character, it is not to be expected, and should not be asked, that we who thus think should suffer it to be saddled upon the country, without eveiy effort on our part to arrest its progress. If we call on the advocates of this bill for the their power to impose on the country a measure of such fearful import, wc are an swered by being told that others who have gone before us have done the like, and that it is a settled question. If we demand to know its expediency the benefits which are to flow from it we are still directed to the past; and although we may find there in much of mischief and little of good, still gentlemen urge us on, and, in their wild imaginations, paint the future with promis es, hopes, and expectations, which mnM end in disappointment, disaster, and mis chief. If it be now decided that a bank is indispensably necessary to the future oper ations of the Government, so must it con tinue to be for all time to come. And you add a new and great moneyed institution to ur system, not contemplated by the fra mers of the constitution, but by them ex pressly derl- And we are told this is a settled question. How settled, and by whom? by those who arc authorized to think and toact for us, or for those to whom we are responsible? No, sir. But by ipast Legislatures ; former Executives ; by a Judiciary in the expounding of laws en acted by our predecessors ; and by public fopinion, as collected, understood, and smoulded, as may . best suit the views of uthose who claim to exercise the power in -question. If each and all of these depart ments had been uniform in their decisions, r without doubt or change, it would not solve the difficulty with such as are now called i upon to exert a power which they do not 'believe rightfully to exist. But let us look -into -this historical record, to which the (honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Seargeant) lias invited ns, and see if this power has not, over auu again, been denied and condemned. 1. TAe Legislature.-! shall not, at present, go further back than to examine the first act which transpired on the subject, after the adoption of the constitution ; and ' that was the bill which passed forcharter ing a bank, in the year 171)1. It is admit ted the constitutional question was then .raised? and that several members of tlrat Congress had been members of. the Feder al convention. But if we examine and con sider all the facts and circumstances attend ing the granting of this charier, it will be found not to constitute such an imposing precedent as some would seem to imagine. In the Senate, the measure was carried through, without eliciting much debate, or even producing a call for the yeas and nays on the final passage of the bill. In the House of Representatives, the ma tier was more seriously coniested. In that body were nine members who had been in the convention for framing the constitution. Five of them voted for, and four against, the bank. Amongst the number was James Madison, who had taken a more active part in the formation and adaption of the consti tution than any man living. lis speech against the power of Congress to charter a bank, will be read and admired so long as the constitution itself shall command re spect ; its argument sound ; its reasoning clear; its deductions irresistible. 11 is mind was free then'to art according to the dictates of a sound and discriminating judg ment. Fully informed of all that had tran spired both in the. formation and adoption of the constitution, and uninfluenced by any considerations of necessity, policy, or p'recedent, he was left free to consult and to follow the force of reason and the lights of the truth. The suggestion of the Sec retary of the Treasury. (Alexander Hamil ton) that a bank was necessary to a proper administration of the Government, howev er it may have influenced others, had no in fluence with ibis great and virtuous man. He well understood the history of this question to charier incorporations, and chose to interpret the constitution in the spirit in which lie knew it had been adopted. And most truly did he remark in that speech, "With all this evidence of the sense in which the constitution was understood and adopted, will it not be said, if this bill should pass, that its adoption was brought about by one set of arguments, and that it is now administered under the influence of another? And this reproach will have a severer sting, because it is applicable to so many individuals concerned in both the a doption and administration." If this lan guage was trne then, as to the arguments used for administering the constitution, how much truer now, as to those urged in its interpretation ? Now, it is said, the con- ' stitution is settled and whatever may be its real sense, we have not the right even to think for ourselves. ! cannot subscribe to this loyal doctrine of unconditional sub mission to the will of any power. The bill for chartering the bank became a iaw, notwithstanding the earnest opposition to it. It was allowed to have its full term of twenty years, when came the great contest for its renewal. The bank had been cor rectly administered, and its affairs success fully "managed. The objections on that score had but little weight in deciding the question. The debates show the great point in issue was the power to grant the charter. The period was favorable to an impartial decision of the question. The country, though much em barrassed by our difficulties with England -difficulties which soon led to a war still was not so greatly indebted to the bank as to have any improper influence. Bank ac commodations to members of Congres-s and to editors of the press did not at that day constitute its business transactions. The administration had been for ten years in the hands of the republican party. The prin ciples of that party were extensively diffu sed, and greatly influenced the public mind. !t was under the influence of these princi ples, that a majority of the Representatives of the people had been returned to Congress. It was natural therefore, that they should not merely reflect the popular will, but sus tain that creed which constituted a cardinal point in their political faith a strict adhe rence to the spirit and letter of the consti tution. Under these advantages, the decis ion was made, and, I need not say, the pow er denied the charter rejected & the the republican banner again waived tniimpn. Passing this important decision, we next have that of 18 1G in favor of a bank. The country bad just passed through a severe war with a powerful enemy, and with a do mestic opposition as virulent as it had been unrelenting. The banking system was greatly deranged, and called loudly for a remedy. Unfortunately for the country, the President gave way, and the republican party yielded to the necessity of the limes. .Mr. Madison, at firs', vetoed the bill ; but in his message said he considered the con stitutional question as waived ; and the re sult was, the incorporation of the late Bank of the United States. Many of those who voted for that bank, soon after repented of act; and. a still greater number now are a mongst its most strenuous opponents. In 1632 the bill for rene ing the charter of that bank was carried through Congn-ss, un der circumstances not entitling its decision to any great respect. It was arrested by the veto of President Jackson; and the people sanctioned the act in his re-election, and by returning a majority to Congress opposed to the measure. In 1837, a reso lution passed the House of Representatives, by a vote of 123 to 91, declaring it inexpeui ent to charier a bank. Such has been the legislative action of Congress on this ques tion ; from which it will be seen, if the power has been three times asserted, so it has been twice denied ; -once decisively against the constitutional power; the other against its expediency ; and both clearly responsive to the public will. . 2. The Executive. The advocates of this power place great reliance on the fact that General Washington approved of the first charter incorporating a bank. But the. hesitation and reluctance, the doubt and embarrassment, under which he lent his great name to the measure, greatly detract from the weight of its influence. He not only retained the bill to i lie very latest mo ment, and called for the opinion of his cab inet, in writing; but, as it now appears, actually consulted with Mr. Madison about the grounds of a veto. Mr. Jefferson was a member of his cabinet.and gave a written & able opinion against the power of Con gress to grantcharters of incorporation. Mr. .Monroe, as a member of tho Senate, & Mr. Madison, of the House, had both voted against the hill. So that, of these four dis tinguished individuals, three had denied the power, and the one 3'ielded it with great difficulty. It is true that Mr. Madison in an after day sanctioned a bank ; but there is no declaration jf his that he ever changed his opinion on tle constitutional question. If lie did change.fhis arguments remain a living monument against the power, unan swered and unanswerable. The attempt now made by the friends of the power to draw to thtir support the name of Thomas Jefferson, evinces on their part a willing ness to rob the dead of their fame, to carry this measure. The written opinion of Mr. Jefferson, as a member of President Wash ington's cabinet, as wcl! as every other act of his illustrious life, in favor of the most rigid construction of the constitution, ought to satisfy every liberal mind that Ins opin ion underwent no change. That both the elder and 3'ounger Adams were in favor of this power, is not to br questioned. So it is equally certain that General Jackson and Mr. Van Buren were opposed to it. Gen. Jackson not only vetoed the bill, but, in his parting address to the people of the U. Slates, cautioned them in the mostemphat- ic terms never to revive it. Mr. Van Bu ren announced himself as the uncompromi sing opponent of a bank, &,with this avow al of his opinion, was elected President. General Harrison declared the bank uncon stitutional, and in 1819 voted, as a member of the House of Representatives, for the following resolution: "fiesolrcd, That the Committee on the Judiciary be instructed to report a bill to REPEAL the act entitled An act to incorporate the subscribers to the Bank of the United States, approved April 10, 1816." After this vote by the great whig leader, we should hear nothing more about this revolutionary doctrine of repeal. It cannot he said the bank bad been badly managed, and had incurred thereby a forfeiture of its charter. If so, ii was entitled to a notice by sci. fa., a hear ing, and a trial. I say nothing a$ to the opinions of President Tyler : they have al ready been read ; and, if he shall adhere to them, there can be no danger of a bank for the present. Thus it is found that, of ten Presidents, six, if not seven, have de clared against the constitutional power of Congress to charter a bank. 3. The Judiciary. -The decision of die Snprerpe Court in favor of the constitution ality of the late bank, is with some gentle men not only conclusive of the question, but, 3 they say, closes the months of all, whatever may be our individual opinions. If we were in a court of justice, and the law were still in force, 1 can well imagine and admit the strength of litis reasoning. But we are not in Westminister Hall, bnt in ihe House of Representatives. Theliw is not now in force, but we arc called on to revive it in a still more objectionable form. I sav, then, not only we, but even ihe pres ent judges of that court, have the right to review and dissent from that opinion, should it be considered as-wrong. The court might feel under great obligations to follow and respect it, for the sake of uniformity ; and because, there, a judge is hardly allowed to question a previous decision, without subjecting himself to the charge of going against the settled law of the land. There may be considerations operating with us, which the judge might not allow to operate with hi in. Fiat justitia, ruat caelum, is their boasted maxim. And, without in tending to say any thing that shall detract from the high character of the court by which that judgment was pronounced, or the ability of the opinion as given bv it, it is a little remarkable, whilst, the Chief Justice does advert lo the fact of the action of the Legislature and the Executive in fa vor of the power, as well as to the law be ing supported by those who had been mem bers of the federal convention, he passes by in silence the contrary opinion as ex pressed by those departments, and fails to notice the important fact, as disclosed by Mr. Madison in his speech "that a power to grant charters of incorporation had been proposed in the general. convention, and rejected. ,.. Under these circumstance, however great my respect for the court.and however disoosed to bow to its decision daring the existence of the law, I now. feel at liberty to consult what I consider even higher authority, and that ia the constitu tion itseif. To revive a law pronounced by your courts unconstitutional, would bring the Legislative directly in contact with the Judiciary department ; but not so in going against the opinion of the court of a law on a question of its renewal. . I pro ceed, then, to ihe last point. 4. Public opinion. I am at all times and on all occasions disposed to treat, this -authority with the highest respect. In matters of expediency, the avowed opinion of those I may represent will, on all occas ions, be obligatory with me ; and on con stitutional questions I should differ from them with reluctance. And I am free here to declare on a question of constitutional construction involving neither legal research nor technical or metaphysical distinctions, which often bewilder and mislead rattier than enlighten tlie judgment, I should feel as much disposed 10 take a free and deci sive expression of the public sentiment as that of any court. But, I ask, where is this demonstration of the public sentiment in favor of a hank ? Ii is not ti be found in the result of your late presidential elec tion. The President, in his opening mes sage, declares that both the sub-treasury and the bank had been condemned by the voice of the people. It was expressly con demned in the re-election of General Jack son and in the election of Mr. Van Buren. No issue of the kind was made in the elec tion of General Harrison. The conven tion by which he was nominated made no declaration in favor of a bank, Out left each delegate to pursue his own course and to make his own issues in his own State. I undertake to speak for my Slate, and say, with ail neeoniing respect, that the course of the whig party in North Carolina, in the canvass of 1840, on the question of a na tional bank, was marked by equivocation and a want of candor. I do not say what was, or what might have been, the opinion of a majority of the freemen of the State; but thai no issue of the kind was made or tendered by the whig party, either in ihe State or national elections. The State con vention preceded that of the Harrisburg; but neither made any avowal in favor of a bank. ., And I challenge any gentlemm to produce a single document intended' for general circulation in our State before the election,' in which a declaration was made of an intention by the whigs to establish a national bank. On the countrary, I hold in my hand the speech of a gentleman of high cnaracter, now a member of the cabinet, and amongst if not the very first delivered in the Stale after the nomination of General Hanison, in which he distinctly denies that General Harrison ever favored, much less that he was for a bank. In this speech Mr. Badger says: "Next, it is said that General Harrison favors a Bank of the Uni ted Slates. The charge is false. - II is opinions, on the contrary, are against a bank. He has declared 11 an institution which, as President, fie would not recom mend." This speech was made to give tone lo the public feeling, and materiel for the whig parly to operate upon. It was published, circulated, and recommended by the Whig Central Committee ; and in their address accompanying ii, they say It presents a forcible exposition of ihe dangerous tendencies of the policy by which ihe present administration is guided its efforts to force upon ihe people the sub-treasury ; its extravagant expenditures; its exertions to fix on the nation ihe curses and dangers of a large standing army ; to deprive the old State of their just portion! of the public, lands. bo that the isi.'.ei made in ihe speech and presented, m the address were, 1st. Sub-treasury : 2 1. Extravagant expenditures ; 3d. A standing army; 4;h. The public lands. Nothing as to a baiiU. And as 10 the discussions, although a bank may have occasionally been alluded to, the great burden of the whig speeches turned more upon negro testimo ny, gold spoons, so ij and towels, and such miserable slang as 1 should now blush to repeat. The elections having been thus decided, the public passions excited, false prejudi ces created, and the public mind deluded and misled, the candidates for Congress at ihe spring elections mav have avowetl them selves for a bank. But the, shortness of the call, and the small vote, cannot be ta ken as expressive of the public opinion as 10 any thing. Besides, at the last session of the Legislature, with whig majorities in bath branches, they declined to art on re solutions in favor of a bank, although re solutions were passed on ihe subject of the public lands ; the more uncalled for, as ihey had been adopted at a previous ses sion. I think, then, Mr. Chairman, I may as sume it as established, that the legislative, the executive, and the judicial action on the subject, does not forbid our examining in to me power of chartering a bank ; nor has there been such an expression of public opinion in favor of the measure, in the late general election, as to preclude us from a free and untrammelled exercise of our own judgmeii's on the question. It is not my purpose at present to go into a d sctission of ihe general question of constitutional power ; because, untiur our your arbitrary rule for limiting debate, I have not time to do so. I must content mvself with mere ly stating the argument as briefly as pos sible, leaving to others the task of amplify ing and extending it. That ours is a Go vernment of enumerated powers, none at this day will be hardy enough to deny. That Congress can only exercise the gran ted powers, and such as are directly and clearly auxiliary thereto, is. with inc. a proposition equally clear. What may be necessary and proper for carrying out the granted powers, may be, and, as I admit, is, a matter of dispute. U'e say the right of passing all such laws as are authorized by the concluding clause of ihe Sth section of the 1st article of the constitution, con fers no origial grant of power, but limits the right to tiie mere execution of the pow ers already enumerated. That ihe rule as laid down by Mr. Madison in his speech of 1791 is the true and safe rule for inter preting the constitution ; and that was " That, according to ihe natural and obvious force the lerms and the context, the means must be limited to what is necessary to the end, and incident to the nature of the spe cified powers." That, in carrying out the expressly granted powers, you are confined lo the bona-fule execution of the gran,; ami without which, the grant itself would be nugatory. That, 'in deciding on what is necessary and proper, you are limited to ihe necessity, and not to the utility, to the convenience, or to the expediency of the measure. If you depart from this rule, and say a bank would aid the Government in its collection of the revenue, or its regu lation of commerce, either as to the curren cy or exchanges, ymi are afloat on the wide sea of uncertainty, and remove at once the great landmarks of ihe constitution. You are "puzzled with mazes aud perplexed with doubts" as lo the policy or impolicy of measures ; ar.d the constitution is made to depend on what you may happen to adopt. Measures of primary importance to day, ma) be odious ami improper to morrow. And you thus make the consti tution depend on the popularity, or want of popularity, of what you may happen to do; a standard which no lover of his country can ever, wish to see resorted to, for inter preting the great charier of its liberties. The alien and sedition laws were held as necessary lo command a proper respect for those then in power; and under ihis de cision of necessity, your courts of that day sustained their constitutionality. But now, no one is so humble as to do them rever ence ; although their spirit has been reviv ed in the star-chamber commissions issued from your executive departments, to try men for their political sentiments, and to carry ont the great whig system of reform of "no proscription for opinion's sake," as well as in the arbitrary and uncalled for rule which you have adopted at the present session, of saying not only how long a man may speak, but when all debate shall end; and this, under the pretext of saving time and expediting the public business; but, as I say, in violation of ihe freedom of ppeech, and to cover your deeds in darkness. In answer 10 our call for your power to pass this bdl, you refer us back to the powers as contended for in 1791 : 1 . The power to lay and collect taxes. 2. To borrow money. 3. To tiie power of passing all such laws as may be necessary ; to the additional power, as pressed i. the argument i.i 1811, ttte power to regulate commerce. To these yott ad-1, the necessity of a bank, as proved in 181 0 ; and now, if all other ar Kur.ents fail, then to precedent, and to what you consider as expedient, which ac commodates itself to every man's will, as do the necessaries of life to the human ap petite. Things once considered as luxu ries, are now field not merely as desirable, but as indispensable to human existence. This seeking for power every where, and fin ling it nowhere but in names certainly not in the constitution reminds me of ihe graphic description given by a distinguish ed gentleman in 181 1, then denying the very thing which fie now considers r.s ex isting beyond all question. Mr. Clay said : "This vagrant power to erect a bank, af ter having wandered throughout the whole constitution in qnesi of some congenial spot whereon to fasten, has been at length loca ted on that provision which authorizes Con gress to lay and collect taxes, tc. In 1791 ihe power is referred to one part of the in strument: in 181 1 to another. Sometimes it is alleged to be deducible from the power to regulate commerce. Hard pressed here, it disappears, and shows itself under the grant to coin money. The sagacious Sec retary of the Treasury, in 1791, pursued the isest course, lie has taken shelter behind general high-sounding and imposing terms." The shelter is now mere protection ; not behind high-sounding and imposing terms, but under ihe great shield of precedent.- What has once been done, may be repeat ed ; and that which was .wrong and uncon stitutional in 1811, is now right, as a mat ter of convenience and propriety. And here I am reminded of the remark of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, who carried us back to the period of 1781, and gave us the ordinance of the old Congress incorporating the Bank .!" North Amefiri; in the p.eanible of which, ii is declared "that the exigencies of the United Sta ef render it indispensably necessary;" and he infers from this, that our forefathers not only. decided a bank as then necessary, but that they so considered it when framing and adopting the constitution; that it was by the means of a bank ihey w ere enabled to prosecute ihe revolutionary war to a sno ce?tiftil termination. These were the men who achieved our independence and "Slab lihed the constitution ; and deeply impres sed as they were as to the necc.-stty nf a bank 10 tho future operations of the Gov ernment, they would have consented to n constitution whieh denied to the Legisla ture the power of establishing it. Such are the facts, and such the argument, for proving the existence of the power in tho constitution to create a bank. Now, air. I draw directly the contrary inference from these facts. If the framers of the constitu tion had considered a bank as so indispen sably necessary to the operations of the Government, is it rational to suppose they would have refused to insert in the con stitution this power in express terms? Yet we look in vain amongst the enumerated powers for that to establish a bank. The fact is.he fathers of the Revolution had experienced too many of the evils, and suf fered too severely 111 their losses, from a worthless depreciated paper system, to de sire its revival, much less to see any thing incorporated in the constitution as the stan dard of value hut that of gold and silver. They were jealously alive to all monopo lies, and particularly so to such 93 confer red on money corporations the exclusive privilege of regulating the' value of labor. Hence is to be found in the journals of the convention this proposition to grant char ters of incorporation, made over and over again, and rejected. And so jealous were the framers of the corstitution against cor porations, that they refused to insert even the power to establish a university for learning. To establish this fact, I call the attention of the committee to 10 the impor tant fact, as disclosed by the publication of the Madison Papers. In the 3d volume, page 1576, will be found the following pro ceedings in the convention, on the final re port and adoption of the constitution: "Dr. Franklin moved to add, after the words 'post roads,' art. I, sec. 8, a power to provide for tutting canals, when deemed necessary. Mr. Wilson seconded the mo tion : Mr. Sherman objected. Mr. Madi son suggested an enlargement of ihe motion into a power 7o grant charters of incor poration, where, the interest of the United States might require, and the legislative provisions of individual Slates may be in competent.' Mr. Randolph seconded the proposition. Mr. King objected, and said: The Slates will be prejudiced and divided into parties by it. In Philadelphia, and New York it will be referred to the estab lishment of a bank, which has been tho subject of cor.t-'niion in those citiff. "Mr. Wilson mentioned the importance of facilitating by canals the communication with ihe western settlements. As to banks, he did not think with Mr. King, that the power, in that point of view, would excite the prejudices and parties apprehended." Here we have a direct proposition to in graft into the constitution a power "to grant charters of incorporation ;" and it is 1 ed to at the time, as creating ihe n-'1 labhshin a bank, which will e prejudices of the people. 'And V. . this propositi-)-! was rejected, cs 11 U.: ' ! twice before. ti!l we arc now told ';'; -stittuto;; not only gives the power ! ere r.e a bank, hut the framers of that rns'n,'n: t.t intended 10 give it. A tra:ig' con. !.;-; and most extraordinary irf"re;iee ! V l 11 is by such reasoning thai this power of making a bank is now claimed. And vet we boat that ours is the w.)st p-jrfi-ct system of government ever yet n. 11'ied by the wit" of man. In what '"" ,s this great superiority consist, hot in ;'w fact tint we have a writien consn'tuitn ? -V'l like the laws of the Roman tyrant, suspended so as not to l)i seen or read ; but written, printed, accessible to all, a well to the tenant of the log-cabin as th? inhabitant of the palace. - But of what val ue is it where is its protective shield if it is thus to be defined away, and made to accommodate itself to the will of a majori ty ; and become not what its wise framers maile it, but what Congress may judge it ? To be fixed, certain, immutable, its limits defined, its boundaries prescribed, 'its metes and bounds" marked under known and visible lines, so that all may read and understand: there are the great blessings' ofa written constitution blessings which are blotted out and blasted forever by the breath of construction. 1 know, sir, these doctrines do not accord with the spirit of the times, nor keep pace with that march of intellect w hich knows no limit and feel no restraint doctrines now denounced as Virginia abstractions southern principles. But they are not the less dear to ma, he cause ihey may once have been emblazon ed on Kentucky's banner and Vi'gimVs shield ; and I most cheerfully content my self to follow in the footsteps of a Macon, and to be guided by the precepts ofa Jeffer son ; though I shall not be able to find any
The Lincoln Republican (Lincolnton, N.C.)
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Sept. 1, 1841, edition 1
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