North Carolina Newspapers

' ;;?. Tiie tendency of I1e,nccracyttocarA t lit elernl ion cf t ;:t Uilutt riouM claexet,'. Ut increase ortlitir comfort, theantertta oftheir dignity, the. establishment of 1 heir potctr." ' ' . , . " ''-"'-' -' ' ' ' - ' . ' ' - .. . ,-'- IY KOBERT. WILLIAMSON, Ju.: LINCGLTO, C, 15, 1841. VOLUME V, NO. 29. N E W T E li M S ' OF TI I E L I X C 0 L N R E P U B L I C A X TERMS OF PUBLICATION. Ta Lixcolt Republican is published every Wednesday at S2 50, if paid in advance, or S3 if payment be delayed three months. So subscription, received for a less term than twelve months. ' " No piper will lie discontinued hut at the optiuo f t!ia Editor, until all arrearages are paid. . A failure to order a discontinuance, will bo con nUeieJ a new engagement. TERMS OF -ADVERTISING. AnvF.nTisEMExTs will be inserted conspicuous" -ly for 1 O'J per square for the first insertion, ai.d 2.) eents fjr e-.ich continuance. Court and Judi'htl : advertisements will be charged 25 per cent, more f l'.ian the abo pric?. A -deduction ofTJ3J'j"r cent, from the regular prices will be made toyearly advertisers. - The number of insertions must be noted on the manuscript, or they will be chatged until a discon tinuance is ordered. TO CORRESPOXDFXTS. .To insure prompt attention to Letters addressed to the Editor, the postage should in all cases he paid. From the Federal Union. THE DEMOCRATIC NOMINATIONS. In pursuance of a resolution adopted :it a previous meeting, the; Democratic Re publicans of the Slate of Georgia, then present in Milledgeville, convened in the representative II all, on Thursday evening last. The proceedings of this interesting assemblage of the true hearted sons of -Georgia, are given below. The nomination of 'Messrs. COL QUITT, COOPER and BLACK, is a most signal rebuke to those w ho once possessed "POWER, HUT FORGOT RIGHT." It is an humiliating, but use ful lesson to modern' Whiggcry in. the State of Georgia and we sincerely hope that its diseomfitted members may profit by it, and return like contrite sinners to lite good old fold of JerTersonian Democ racy. After the committee appointed for the purpose, reported the nominations. Judge COLQUITT was called for.' He ap peared, and addressed . the meeting most tloquently, and effectively. He alluded in a feeling and pointed manner, to the un generous, unmanly, malignant and incnda- - tions attacks which were made, not only upon his political opinions, l.'it upon bis -moral integrity, when the Harrison hydro phobia was slavering every thing that was pure and honest. And here, had the honorable gentleman permitted himself to indulge in a spirit of recrimination, he might, in alluding to the facts to which he adverted, have heaped coals nf living fire upon the heads of some of his calumniators, who have since sunk from elevated posi lions in civil as well as political society, and now ptr.nd branded with the public marks of acknowledged guilt. Hut he te frainrd, and scorned the triumph and took a rapid view of the position occupied by the derelict Stale Rights party, and ex posed their flimsy arguments, and tergi versating policy, in a masterly manner. He forcibly alluded to the deceptive course pursued by them for the purpose of gulling, gagging and 'bamboozling' the people, and vividly recapitulated lleir many promises never performed, and their numerous pledges which they publicly and sliame- - fully violated; and finely illustrated, by a reference to individual incidents, the great change which has taken place in public sentiment, as it resulted from those false promises and broken pledges. He concluded by a strong appeal to" the De mocracy, urging them to a sleepless vigi lance and untiring action. Col. BLACK was then called for, and rose like Colquitt amidst the cheers of a gratified and animated audience. After a neat exordium, he retraced the political events of the three, past yaars, in a sum mary but efficient manner. He alluded to the un-Soulhern-like course of a majority of his once colleagues in the Congress of the United States, and their interested and truckling subserviency to the haughty and imperious mandates of the would-be-Dictator, Harry of the West," the Great Defeated. He contrasted their ostenta tious and domineering bearing while en. joying a PIPE-LAYING POPULARI TY, with the degraded position in which they are now placed by the voices of an intelligent and patriotic, but an insulted, injured and deceived constituency. The bare-faced and extra impostures of the advocates for an Extra Congress, and the measures of the Extraordinary : Congress JtsHf. he very piqnanlly advei led to, and exhibited - in their true COLORS the SC7 FAITHFUL SIX OI who became so suddenly metamorphosed from red-lmt State Righis men into old Black Cockade Federalists of the reign of THE FIRST ADAMS.' ' In illustrating those beaufifrl points in our recent political history, Col. BLACK was remarkably felicitous. His satire and humor was keen, cutting and ludicrous. - , Major COOPER, not being present, tve can only imagine what he would have said. And we cannot better express what he would have said, than by remarking that liis sentiments would have been a ciieeiful response to those of his honest hearted colleagues, who have borne with him in common, all the persecuting "IN SOLENCE OF OFFICE." Before concluding, although wc have barely time to do so, we must refer to the resolutions offered ami adopted. TI.ey will show the people, to use the strong expression of the gentleman who introduced it, that "THE DEMOCRA CY HAVE NO SECRETS," and that they are noways ready and willing to show their hands and tell the truili. Will our adversaries, the modem whigs "GO AND DO LIKEWISE V We hazard nothing in saying that they tcill not aye, that they DARE NOT. Anticipating then, their intention of put ting their principles into the safe keeping of a Select Committee, we will venture to speak out what they will do, but will not aver. Here then ere the "secrets of their prison house:" .Their congressional nominess arc bound, if they carry out the principles of their party, to support A Biddle Bank of the United Stales, j A high and Protective Tariff, j An assumption of State debts, for the benefit of foreign Bankers and Stockjob bers, A fraudulent Bankrupt Law, Munificent pensions to wealthy families. And a declared hostility to that great conservative principle of the constitution of th5 Union, THE VETO. This is ;he game which the modern Whigs hold in their hand and if the Peo ple do not beat them BY HONORS, why iheri, we shall be very much mistaken. From the Mecklenburg Jejfersonian. MECKLI N G B U R G D ECLAR AT I O N OF INDEPENDENCE. This noble and patriotic deed the most glorious in our Country's history, is about be in;: recorded in a manner that will at once and forever settle the question of its genui neness, and transmit it to our latest pos terity in an authentic form. That eminent historian, the Rev. Jared Sparks, is engag ed in delivering in the City of New York, a course of. lectures comprising the sub stance of his forthcoming History of the American Revolution. From his third lec ture, relating" particularly to the Declara tion cf Independence, we extract the follow ing passage, as reported in the New York Herald: "The first public movement in favor of Independence was at Mecklenburg, one of the western counties of North Carolina. When the news of the bitttle of Lexington reached there, the authorities summoned a meeting of the inhabitants, for the purpose of deliberating on the slate of public affairs. This was called a "Convention," and con sisted of delegates from different parts of the county, and of thecrrrrjty only. They were in session two days, and on the twen tieth of .May, 1775, they passed resolves amounting absolutely to a Declaration, of Independence. They said, "We, the ci tizens of Mecklenburg, do dissolve the po litical bonds connecting us with the moth er country, and hereby ' absolve ourselves from all allegiance to the British crown.'" These resolves were five in number, and were signed by twenty-seven delegates. The resolves were read to the assembled people in front of the Court House. Co pies of them were circulated in manuscript, and they appeared in at least one of the North Carolina newspapers. These re solves, however, have been wholly over looked by writers of this period, and were almost forgotten in North Carolina till brought to light in 1818. since which time they have been the object of considerable interest. When they appeared in 1818, John Adams sent a copy to Thomas Jef ferson. Adams expressed his astonish ment that such, an' occurrence had taken place more than a year before the declara tion, and that no member of congress ap peared to know of it t'aem. Jefferson doubted 'the genuineness" of the document, and indeed said plainly, that lie believed these resolves to be spurious. When Jef ferson's writings were published, the iden tical letter containing this opinion came be fore the public, and the. North Carolinians thought their honor impeached ; their Le gislature took up the subject in-earnest and appointed a committee to : investigate the matter and report. The result wa9 furnish ing abundant proof of the genuineness of the document. There is still other evi dence. In one of the English offices I saw a loiter by G ivernor Martin, In which he alludes to these resolves, and censures them, at the same time sending a copy of a news paper containing them. It is to be remark ed that there an; two copies .of .these re solves which have puzzled historians not a Ittlc. In one. the resolves are incorpor ated into a Declaration of Independence, and though the substance is essentially the same, the language is materially altered There is still a controversy respecting this discrepancy. The origin of the manu script copy is not known, .and it is of course very difficult to fix its authority." In collecting materials for his work, .Mr. Sparks made n trip to England; and if fur ther proof of the genuineness of the .Meck lenburg Declaration were needed than that already before the public, we have it above: Mr. S. says : "In one of the English of fices, 1 saw a letter from Governor Mar tin, in which he alludes to these Resolves, (the Declaration,) and censures them, at the same lime, sending a copy of a j)aper containing them'1 In the language of a cotemporary "it must be gratifying to every North Caroli nian, to know that Mr. Sparks fully admits the claims of our Mecklenburg Declaration, and gives it all the honor to which it is so justly entitled. An incorporation of ihp fact in his "History of the Revolution," which it is known lie is now engaged in preparing, will forever settle the ques tion." From the Globe. DEMOCRACY AND INFIDELITY. Among the many unfounded charges brought to bear rgainst the Democracy of this and every other country by the ene mies of liberty, perhaps the one that ha.s operated most extensively and injuriously, is that which imputes to the principles of freedom a natural, inseparable affinity to those of infidelity That the doctrine of the equality of all rational beings,, in the ex ercise of tlieir natural rights, and the pur suit of happiness, so completely in accord ance with the Christian religion, should have a direct tendency to weaken our faith, is, to s.iy the least, a very extraordinary proposition. It is worse than a nen scqui lur; it is a paradox. We cannot discovei that such an imputation was ever cast on the Democratic communities of antiquity. The slander is of moJern date, and its ba sis of modern origin. It arose from the writings of Thomas Paine, and the excess es of tiie French revolution. The Age of Reason, of the one, and the installation of the Goddess of Reason, of the other, are the great examples relied on to sustain this sweeping denunciation of the principles of Democracy. . Extremes almost always lead to ex tremes; the more rigid the despotism, and the greater the sufferings of the people un der it, the more outrageous will be their excesses. When driven to madness, they wrest it from its foundation of ages, and scalier its fragments to the winds. That ignorance and debasement which is the in evitable result of long continued oppres sion, at such a moment, recoils upon the oppressor with accumulated force, and wiili retributive justice visits him with all the consequences of that degradation he him self lias produced. Thus it was in the French revolution. The domination of the established church, its comprehensive monopoly of property and privilege, to gether with its intimate union with, and zealous support of, a Government the peo pie abhorred, involved it necessarily in the consequences resulting from these causes. It was an internal portion of diat Govern ment, and became hateful to the people, not for its principles 'of religion, but its political operation on their interests and happiness. When, therefore, they overthrew the civil Government, the established church' wa involved in its ruin; and, in a moment of phrensy, the mob-of Pans installed the Goddess of Reason as their divinity, in place of tint Great Being under the sanc tion of whose name ihey had been plunder ed of the fruits of their labors, and deprived of every vestige of freedom. This outrage was not the deliberate result of reason, but one of those sudden outbreaks of ferocious folly, which so frequently mark, the con duct of exasperated men; and, although the Democracy of the United States always deeply sympathized with that of France, "in its Struggle for freedom, 'we assert, with out fear of contradiction, that, as a body, they universally shrunk from the contem plation of this impious mummery, and rep robated it with ' the most sincere abhor rence." To those who infer from this single ex ample that infidelity is the invariable con comitant of Democracy, we will present the revolution of France in contrast with that which commenced in IGiO in Eng land. Was the latter productive of infidel ity or indifference to religion ? It was equally a struggle" for civil liberty; it re sulted like the former in the dccapnati n of a' king, whose tragical end lias alone shiel ded his memory from tfie contempt of man "kind, and the establishment of a Republic imperfect in its basis, and temporary in its existence. The contest of the King and Parliament involved nearly all the civil righis for which we contended in the Rev olutionary war. It comprehended monop olies, imprisonment without due process of biw, the arbitrary levy of taxes without' the asstni of'ihc Representative of the people, and, in effect,' comprised on one hand the pretensions of absolute power, on the oth er, the dearest rights of the subject. Yet the leaders of the popular party, as well as a great portion of their followers, were notoriously among the most sincere and zealous christians England ever pro duced; ami we challenge the enemies of freedom to point to a pericyl in the history of that country,'-in which a more ardent spirit of devotion more extensively prevail ed. It must be confessed, however, that this devotion was principally found among the opponents of the "royal "pretensions, who constituted at that time a great major ity of the people. It Was in these limes when the Democratic principles were en gaged in a fierce contest with the claims of despotism, that the Puritan Fathers of New England imbibed those principles, nurtured that party, and acquired that noble spirit of devotion which prompted them to abandon home, friends, and country, to seek, in a remote wilderness of horrors, n spot where they might erect their altars, and worship in peace according to their consciences. The return of Charles the Second, and the reunion of King and Church, was, ac cording to the testimony of all cotempora ry writers, the signal for a gross and gen eral relaxation of morals, unlimited licen tiousness of manners, and a wide-spread indifference to religion. AH this has been charitably and loyally ascribed to the con tamination of French example, while Charles resided abroad. But what shall we say of a system of Government' in which the example of one man is sufficient UvfTcbauch a whole people? Did our space permit, we could easily adduce other in stances to prove that there is no natural af finity between liberty and infidelity. Even in the case of France, whoever will take the paii.s to investigate the remote causes which produced the excesses of the French revolution, will find that the dissolute prof ligacy of the predecessors of Louis the Sixteenth, by its pernicious effects on the manners and morals of the people, prepared the way for the destruction of tlieir family, and the excesses by which it was accom panied. Let us next speak of Thomas Paine. The uncommon beauty of his style, the force and clearness of his reasoning, and the felicity of his illustrations, co-operating with the critical state of England, at that time shivering on the verge of revolution, made him the most formidable of writers, and his Rights of Man shook more than one throne. But in an evil hour, and tempted by an evil spirit, he sought, by his impious ribaldry, to overturn the beliefof ages, and undermine the faith, of millions. By so doing, he not only lost himself, but at the same time-implanted a deep, if noi incurable, wound on Liberty herself, by affording her enemies a plausible pretext for identifying the champion of human rights with the reviler of the Divine Word, and hence inferring that one was the inevitable result of the other. If, however, as has been pretended, the Democrats are necessarily infidels, because Thomas Paine was one, what argument may they not draw from the well known example of Ilobbes, iluuie, and Gibbon, whom we select as the most conspicuous of those writers who have attempted in various ways to weaken and disturb, if not entirely overthrow, the belief of mankind in the truths of- religion. . W;ere these cele brated men Democrats? Far otherwise. Ilobbes maintained the lofty pretensions of James and Charles the First to absolute sovereignly; that kings derived their au thority directly from Heaven, and could do no wrong; that to their hands was committed the lives, property, and consciences of tlieir subjects; and that resistance to their will could be justified in no case whatever. As the reward of these slavish doctrines, he was made tutor to the Prince of Wales, afterwards Charles the Secon -'; was pen sioned and protected from the resentment of Parliament, and patronized by the Earl of Devonshire, in whose house lie for years enjoyed all the luxuries of iife, and died at a great age. Though Ilobbes did no; directly deny the existence of a Supreme Beitjg, lie questioned, ridiculed fwid denoun ced his attributes as incompatible with omnipotence. Indeed, all his metaphysical writings have either a direct or remote ten dency toinfidelity. . Every body knows that Hume was one f of the. most ingenious and subtle doubters wii'n which religion ever had to contend, anJ that at the!a,nc time he was the sly and insidious apologist of the policy of the Stewarts, which aimed directly at the establishment of a despotism; boih in church and state. The consequence was that lie became a Secretary of Legation, Librarian to the faculty of advocates in Edinburgh; was co nplimented by the two Primates-nf England and Ireland, and passed the kilter years of his life a cherished guest and associate of the aristocracy, science and learning of the capital of Scotland. " Gibbon was a member of Parliament al most a score of years, and 3 lord of trade and plantations. His loyalty atoned for his iufiJeliiy, as he uniformly supported min isters; and he acknowledges in one of his letters that he did so from pure regard to his personal interest. Compare the fate of these writers with that of Thomas Paine, and who can resist the conclusion, that if, like them, he had sustained the preiogative of Kings w ith the same ability he asserted the rights of the people, like them lie might have been cherished and patronized ? It may be urged that these writers questioned or assailed the truths of religion with a decent philosophic gravity, or at least without descending to the indecent, not to say blasphemous, language of Paine. To this we answer, that their hostility is only the more dangerous. Blasphemy, broad, open, and direct, furnishes its own antidote, Since even those who are indifferent to religion, cherish an involuntary respect fjr its antiquity and ihe myriads of their fellow creatures who have lived and died in the firm belief of its Divine origin. Human nature iisel" shrinks with horror and disgust at seeing reigious discussions coupled with indecent libaldry. For one infidel or doubter made by Paine, Hume has made hundreds. Thus it will be seen,' that if one or more examples are to be decisive in the estab lishment of universal truths, there is quite as good ground to fasten the charge of infidelity on the advocates of despotic power, as on the asserters of free princi ples. In the English language there is one great Democratic to three great kingly in fidels, and thus the balance is decidedly in favor of liberty. Unless, then, the revilers of Democracy can give some good and sufficient reasons, founded in the nature of man, or the nature of things, for accusing her votaries of a special proneness to in fidelity, we shall denounce it as a malig nant slander, the offspring of prejudice, or political animosity. We. deny that it . is necessary to be ignorant slaves in order the better to comprehend and appreciate the sublime truths of religion, or that its ever lasting foundations are laid on the necks of prostrate millions. PAPER CURRENCY. "I feel myself bound, by the defying manner of the arguments advanced in ine support of the renewal of the United Siaies Bank charter, to obey the para mount duties I owe to my country and its Constitution, to make one effort, however feeble, to avert the passage of what ap peals lo me to be a most unjustifiable law." "What is a corporation such as the bill contemplates ? It is a splendid association of individuals taken from the mass of so ciety, and vested with exemption, and sur rounded with immunities. By whom is this immense power wielded 1 By a body who, i i derogation of the great principle, of our institutions, responsibility to tne people, are amenable only to a few stock holders, and they chief!)' foreigners." Iltnry Clay, 1811. "For one, I enter my protest against banking as conducted in this country a system not to be supported by any sound principles of Political Economy a gross delusion, a dream of a visionary a system which has done more lo corrupt the morals of society than any thing else which hai introduced a struggle for wealth, instead of that honorable struggle whicli governs the actions of a patriot, aud makes ambi tion virtuous." John Tyler in U. S. Senate, 181 C. From the Globe. MR. CLAY. We perceive thai Mr. Clay docs not in tend to giva way all of a sud.ien, an I allow Mr. Rives "to lead the way." We have notice that Mr. Clay h on the road lo Washington; but wi:houi that, t:e follow, ing letter, given in a;l the W big prints, shows that he means 1 1 hold on "a ehorl time" longer: "Present lo Mr. Clay. A number of citizen at ' Dayton, Ohio, purchased a plough exhibited-at the Agricultural Fair recently held in that city, and presented it to Mr. Chy, accompanied with a hand some complimentary letter, to which he replied as below. By ibis it would seem, thai Mr. Clay does not expect t remain in the pubhc councils but a short time. "Ashlaxd.Nov.9, 1811. "Gentlemen: I have received youi obliging favor of the 3J instant, and the plough which you have done me the honor lo send. 1 request your acceptance, and that of the' gentlemen by whom it is offered, of my cordial thanks for a preseut eo con- genial wiih my most agreeable occupation jand indicative at the best and the most ' innocent pursuits of man. It is a magnifi- 1 cent specaren of its kind, and highly credi table lo the skill and taste of tir. Wilming ton, who made it. - If our lawmaker! would work as well, and a true, as I am sure this pluiigh will, their laws would be a good as the crops which I am persuaded it may be made to produce.' I am, gentlemen, inexpressibly thankful and grateful for the confidence you have so kindl' conveyed in my public career. It is perfectly true that it has been one full of difficulties; resulting, sometimes, from political opponents, and recently from both professed friends and open foes. - Whether proceeding, however, from' the one or the other, or from both, my 'rule of conduct has been, and, during the short time I expect to remain in the public councils, will be, to discharge my duty fully, firmly, ' and faithfully, regardless of all personal consequences. YTour testimony is highly gratifying coming, as it . docs, from a respectable portion of Ohio to which 1 have been always tinder the greatest obligations. I tender a heartfelt acknowledgment of these to you, and to those, who, on this occasion, you represent- Vour friend and obedient servant, 11. CLAY. Messrs. D. Killer, P. Voorhees and D. A. Haynes. Mr. Clay has put his hand to the plough, and does not mean to look back. "If our lawmakers (says he) would work as well and as true as I am sure this plough will, their laws would be as good as the crops which I am persuaded it may be made to produce." That is to say, if the lawma kers could be driven by the same authority, and with as little opinion of their own. as Mr. Clay is "sure this plough will,' why, then their crop of laws would be us good as that which he is persuaded the plough may be made to produce ! ! Mr. Clay set his coulter pretty deep at the extra session he whacked his horses pretty heavily with his plough lines he sawed their mouths severely with the bits, and drove them lo and fro late and early until ihey were thoroughly broken and had done all the work prescribed. And what does the country think of the crop produced by the summer session ? Was there 6tich a crop of cuckold burs, Spanish needles. Scotch thistles, and devil bit, ever raised before ? From the South Carolinian THE "STATE-BRIBERY ACT. Ocr readers have seen that a bill was introduced into the Senate, on Tuesday last, by Judge Iluger, to reject the infa mous bribe offered to this State, by Mr. Clay and his federal myrmidons. The Preamble sets forth, that "in the aforesaid Act, Congress have undertaken, after pro viding for certain claims and expenses, tr divide the proceeds of the sales of the pub lic lands among the twenty-six States of the Union, and the District of Columbia, and the Territories of Wiskonsin, Iowa, and Florida, according to tlieir respcciive federal representative population, as as certained by ihe last census, to be applied by the Legislatures of ihe said Slates, lo such purposes as the said Legislatures may direct;" lhat "there is no warrant for this proceeding in the Constitu tion of the United States,, and from the lfistory of the Government, it could not have been one of the purposes for which it was formed;" that "if the Federal Government has the right to subsidise all the Slates, it has a right to subsidise one or more; and if the States can be induced to take subsidies from the Federal Govern ment, ihey may be tanglit to take ihem from other Governments;" that "the Fede ral Government cannot justify this proceed ing, from an excess in their Treasury, as they coiemporaneously increased the taxes, and passed an Act for borrowing twelve millions of dollars;" and that "it is best to vowfie the Federal Government within the limits prescribed in the Constitution, and to leave the States to manage their own af fairs in their own way." And the Bill . simply enacts "that no person shall be ap pointed lo receive any pirt of said subsidy, for thiJ State." - -' Thi? bill came up for consideration in J the Senate, on Saturday, and le p-pecches were made m favor of it bv Judge linger, Mr. Riiett, Col. Me Willie', and Mr. Quash. No one said a word in opposition to it, but Mr. Verdier; nor do we think any one will hereafter. The debate, it will be seen," is lobe resumed to-day, and will no doubt again attract a very crowded auditory. That the bill will pas in the Senate, is be yond a doubt, ami we should think by al- . most a unanimous, vote ; and its passage in the House, a!fo, would appear equally cer tain. The public feeling on the subject Is excellent: the idea of accepting the foul bribe, is indignantly scouted at as a deep stain upon the honor of the Stale; and our. friends abroad, who are looking wiih great anxiety. lo the result, may confidently ex pect to see South Carolina do her duty, and. ' spurn the infamous bribe, which the Whigs, in their road arrogance of ilhgorten, and happily brief, power, hare had the insolence i to olTir her.