"The ttndtneyof Otinocracy lMtowrd tlutUritlonorthilHiuttrtouaclmffJht ei f thtr cotuftrt, thm$trtia mrihtirdl?Uy,th ttabllunt of their potrwr." BY ROBERT WILLIAMSON, Jr. L-INCOLTOV. C.v DECEMBER 22, 1841. V0LU3IE V, NO. 30. .V N E W TERMS OF TH E LINCOLN REPUBLICAN TKRMS OF PUBLICATION. The Lixcoltc Repcbiicax is published every Wednesday at $'Z 50, if paid in advance, or $3 if payment be delayed three months. rs'o subscription received for a less term than twelve months. No paper will be discontinued hut at the optiuo f the Editor, until all arrearages are paid. A failure to order a discontinuance, will be con Wideied a new engagement. " TERMS OF ADVERTISING. .- - AnvtRTisEMEXTs will he inserted conspicuous Iv for If I 00 per square for the first insertion, and 25 cents for each continuance. Court and Judicial advertisements will be charged 25 per cent, more than the ahove prices. A deduction of per rent, from the regular prices will be made toyearly advertiser. Ihe number of insertions must be noted on the -manuscript, or they will Le chaigej until a discon tinuance is ordered. TO CORHESPONDFNTS. To insure prompt attention to letters addressed '.j the Editor, the postage should in all cases l.e paid From the Vermont Spirit of the Age. CIDERCRATIC LAMENT. to bk sl'vo br all good "locofocos," ox all Good occasions. AIR "My name is Robert Xidd." i There's Illinois and Maine, they are gone, they are gone, There's Illinois and Maine, they sre gone ; There's Illinois and Maine Gone back to truth again, And from this 'tis very plain. We ar done, we are doae, And from this 'tis very plain We are done, 11 And old Vermont the jade, follows suit, follow suit, And old Vermont the jade, follows suit, And old Vermont the jade, After all the vows she made, Has the Giderciats betrayed, What a brute what a Unite ! Has the cidercraU betrayed, What a brute ! Ill And 'Indiana too, what a shame, what a sha ne, .Aud Indiana too, what a shaue And Imiiii'it With iiistmvt . ve,- t.r? Has washed out all iti-: j 'i From her nam;, from :et a k. r Has washed ?.!' thr SVe FroiH ?iur iiJiue. : MvT!ini io r.. h. -.kei the trail, tikes the trail. And Aiaiyiaim too soon. takes the trail, And Maryland loo soon, Has caught oui sleeping coon, And slung him to the moon, By I he tail, by the tail, And slung him to the moon, By the tail. V. And Georgia wheels about, to the right, to the right Aud Georgia wheels about, to the right, And Georgia wheels about, Oh ! hear the rebels shout "Hard cider U run out !" What a sight !what a sight ! Hard cider all run out, What a sight! VI. And there's the Buckeye State, gone to pot, gone to pot, , And there's the Buckeye State, gone to pot, And there's the Buckeye State Oh curse our wretched fate ! ' To Sammy Houston straight Let us trot, let us trot. To Sammy Houston straight, Let us trot. VU. i In Pennsylvania, gad! what a wipe! what a wpe ! In Pennsylvania, gad! what a wipe! In Pennsylvania, gnd ! They've tapewormcd Banks and Thad, Oh! Bela, that's too bad ! Where's your Pipe I where's your Pipe! Oh! Bela that's too bad, Where's your Pipe ! Gaiun chokcs All together ! now then ! now; Oh ! I wish I was a geese all forlorn, all forlorn Oh! I wish 1 was a geese all forlorn, Oh ! I wish I was a geese, 'Cause they eat their grass in peace And accumulate much grease, Eatin corn, eatin' corn, And accumulate much grcass Eat.iu com. The game of the British Money power. How comes it thai this young and athletic Republic stands a trembling debt slave before tlotard, bloated, gin-drinking Britannia ? h is because England, being the grent centre or heart of our paper system, can and does "regulate" it as she likes. r When she would buy our cotton and other produce at low rates, she Jias only to bring about a "contraction" and force her debtors to sell. When she would have us buy the fabrics of her factory slaves al high prices, she makes money "easy," allows, cotton to lake a brief rise, and thus stimulates our banks into an "expansion" of currency and prices, which is made to last until she has sold off her ware". Ths is our mea sure of value kept alternately expanding and contracting like a blacksmith's bellows, and poor, raw-boned Jonathan kepi toiling and toiling, mortgaging and mortgaging apparently quite unconscious that he is all the while giving to the gin-drinking goddess aforesaid two days work for one ! New Era. A National Bank. Duane's Weekly Aurora, of April 2d, 1816, contains the fol lowing: "Mr. Deinpsey, an English mem ber of Parliament, at the close of the Rev olutionary war, said: "Lord North mis took the means of conquering North Amer ica. Had he established a Bank of Eng land, with several millions capital, at Phil adelphia, he never need have sent an army thither the thirteen Colonies would have been as easily managed as Jamaica." Make them Shell Out. New Jersey is about to behave genteelly. A bill has been introduced into the Legislature requir ing the Banks to resume specie payments on or before the fourth day of July next, under a forfeiture of their charters. The bill has been ordered to a second reading. The day for resumption is isther distant to be sure, but better late than never. We hope the bill will pass, and a similar one also, in every Legislature where the State is cursed with a rag money currency. It is high lime the bank swindlers and thieves were made honest and respectable men. Sp. Times. Voon Skins Exempted. A bill was re cently introduced into the Gtorgia Legis lature to incorporate company for Tan ning." After it had been duly read one of the Whig members moved an amend ment to the effect that "CWr akins should be exempted from the process of the estab lishment, as they had, within the last few months, been tanned sufficiently." Jsnesborough Sentinel. From the Globe. "t W. :-v. .!;;) . hiiv;:ig acieii in ad vance of the people, and endeavored to forestall public opinion upon all ihe great measures involving the national prosperi ty, it is now found that the uncalled-for called session and its doing, are universal ly condemned. What will be the course of the bold majority which undertook to lead the way, now that they find the peo ple will not follow ! Will they recede and acquiesce in public opinion! Or will they undertake to drive or drag the reluctant na tion, which refuses to take the course laid out for it by those who have undertaken to be its masters? From an article which appears this morn ing inthe National Inlelligencer.speaklng for the Federal majority in Congress, we infer that the voice spoken by the country at the polls, will be held utterly null and void, by the parly whose measures have been con demned by it. We give the passages from the Federal oracle of this morning, from which we draw our inferences : "If there be, however, nothing particu larly novel, or much more than usually re markable in the present condition of our domestic or foreign affairs, there is, it must be admitted, something peculiar in the po sition in which Congress finds itself at the opening of the present session ; so pecul iar, indeed, that nothing like it has ever before occurred, to our knowledge, in the history of this Government. We refer to the fact, as being without example, of the absence, of the presenl session, of any thing like a defined or re cognised line of division, in either House of Congress, having reference to the poli tics of the Executive branch of the Gov ernment. Heretofore, there lias been at all limes a considerable portion, and most frequently a majoritybut, whether a ma jority, always a powerful bodv of mem bers in each House regarded as the party of the Administration: and whatever have been the party divisions and designations among the people, and consequently among their representatives, the President has in variably, from the beginning of the Gov ernment to the present time, been identified in fact.and in the public opinion, with one or the other ofthe two great parties into which in free Governments, the people are prone to divide. At is 1ns absence of party organ ization in reference to the Executive this fusion, if we may use the expression. of the dividing line between Jldministra' Hon and the Opposition' that consti tutes the political problem, to which, without attempting its solution, we invite the attention of our readers. 'Not to waste words in vain regrets for the causes which led to such a slate of things, it may be assumed as notorious that rupture look place, three or four months ago, between the President and the party by whose suffrages he came info power; and that, in the recess of Congress, (to put no worse construction vpon the mat ter,) nothing has been done towards heal ing il. Whilst the Whigs are thus sever ed from ihe PresiJent, the opposite party, though exulting at the schism, and upon that foundation building magnificent hopes of future triumph, have not, as far ,as we can discover, any disposition to desert their own colors to rally around any new party standard that may be raised. So that the President, in possession of a great patron age, and exercising more than regal pow ers, cannot, however, he may have been casually sustained in his views by those who opposed his election, count upon sap port for his Administration, on mere! par ty grounds, from cither side of the house. "In such a conjuncture as this, it cannot but be a matter of great interest to think ing people of all parties, as it is (f very deep concern to the national welfare, how the President will meet Congress in his annual message, and in what spirit the two Houses of Congress will be disposed to receive and act upon the Executive recom mendations. For ourselves we can only say that we shall watch the developments of the next few weeks with intense anxiety. From all that we have been able to learn from authentic sources, in all parts of the country, the Whig party stands firm, with unbroken front, cn the very ground upon which it stood little more than a year ago, when it achieved for its principles so brilliant a success. A few individuals may, under various influen ces, have withdrawn from the main body; but even ihese individuals are more likely to rejoin il than to draw others after them; The State elections during the last autumn have, it is true, been suffered in several in stances to go against us. But these ap parent reverses have been suffered thro apathy and momentary discouragement, and not through want of power, when ever an occasion shall presenl itself worthy of the exertion of it.. The. Representatives of this great whig party are representatives of that party in sentiment as w,ell as in name. They are the same to-day that they were yesterday. They come back to Congress unchanged in any principle that they ever propsed " -r .iv:-i ,.,: ? i.?c':-:o in (, - i ;. rin; something more in it, that "the absence of party organizvlionl in rrference to he Executive." Does this organ uf the Federal partv consider the relations of ihe National Representation only with an eye to its bearings towards the Chief Magistrate? Is he the sovereign, in regard to whom opposition ot support! decides every thing in the Government?1 We think not. It is the attitude of parties in regard to the sovereign majority of the people, which determines their complexion. It is considering the matter in this point of view that (brings us to the conclusion, Trom the Intelligencer's party bulletin, that the IVhigs (as they call themselves) have resolved to defy and atteinptjto control pub lic opinion. We are told that 'the whig par ty stands firm, with unbroken front, on the very ground upon which it stood little more than a year ago."" "The State e lecfions during the last autumn, il is hue, were suffered in several instances to go against Us; but these apparent reverses have been suffered through apathy and momentary discouragement, and not thro1 want of power J" Here is the point. The Whigs think they do not lack the power to compel the people to reverse the expres sion of their will, so recently uttered, on the great questions of policy on which the late elections turned. They have great power, it is true banks coalesced wealth active agents, &c. &c. and their deter mination seems to be, to renew the pres sure upon the people, and try again the ef fect of Mr. Riddle's plan of influencing the community by its '"sufferings." From the indications, so far, we appre hend that the majority in Congress will stand out to enforce its whole system of the extra session; and will probably devise new and stronger measures to embody, at tach, confirm, and increase the means of the particular classes on whose activity, zeal and influence they principally rely, to drive the mass of the community, from the position it nas assumed. The Chicago Democrat enlivpns the march of the Whigs towards Salt River wtih the following stanza: "I see them on their doleful way. No beams of hope around them play; Each promise broke, each printed lie Seems now to stare ihem in the eye; They're marching out, their feelings low. Their faces marked with, rae and woe." TENNESSEE LEGISLATURE. The Whigs laid a plan on the 1st mst., whereby they thought they would caich the Democrats a napping, and succeed in fastening two men of their principles on the people of Tennessee, as1 United States Senators for the . next six years. But thanks to the firmness of the "immortal twelve," (Sam Turney having gone over to the enemy body and breeches,) it was no go. A resolution passed the Senate on the 1st inst., to go into the election of Senators on the Hii and 3d. Both resolutions passed by a vole of 13 lo 12, Mr. -Speaker Turney voting in the affirmative. The resolutions were then sent to the House and adopted in that body by a vote of 42 ayes to 32 nays.. On the morning of the 2d, the Speaker of ihe Senate pul himself al the head of 11 whig members and marched in to the hall of the House, preparatory to go ing into the election, leaving twelve demo crats in their seats in the Sen Me chamber. On calling the roll it was found thai a quo rum of Senators was not present, whereup on the door-keeper was sent for the absen tees who returned with the following writ ten answer: ' Senate Chamber, December 2, 1841. Mr. Speaker Turney: The undersigned Senators are now in the Senate Chamber, in their seats, ready lo transact any constitutional business pending before this branch of the General Assembly, whenever a quorum of members shall be in attendance. Respectfully, your ob't servant?, 8. H. LAUGHLIN. J. S. HARD 'A ICKE, JOHN A. GARDNER, B: MARTIN, SACKF1ELD MACKLIN, RICHARD WATERHOUSE, RICHARD WARNER, ROBERT W. POWELL, JOHN MILLER, A. JOHNSON, M. T. ROSS, THOMAS J. MATTHEWS. After the reception of the above letter, a discussion arose as to the validity of the proceedings of the Convention as at pres ent constituted, and its right to proceed in the election, . which Messrs. Williams and Reneau of the Senate, and Polk of, Maury, Fentress,. Hill, Speaker Douglas, Haskell, Campbell of Davidson, Long and Rogers of the. House took part. The ground assumed by Mr. Polk of Maury, and in which he was supported by Messrs. Hill, Long, Fentress auk Rogers, wa that the Convention was nothing more tii-wi a pritiii!r0'iis asxeoihlv that ihe Senate :.!'.! j"iriv.j- Ah i .i.U' ; .;-,:"! v. h-u- rvt'i -viitioui liso Ifcd! q'i::n:. -i t hir.tt. To 'est the matter, Mr. Polk of Maury,, (addressing himself to the Speaker of the House.) moved to take up certain bills on the table of the House, for the purpose of proceeding in the business of legislation irrespective of ihe presence of the members of the Senate. The motion was not enter tained by the Speaker of the House, who held that the Convention was not only properly constituted, but, a quorum per capita, being present and the Convention being a unit, the election which brought the l wo Houses together, could be legally pro ceeded with. , The opinion he would not press, however, as against the decision of the presiding officer of ihe Convention. This position was supported by Mr. Haskell, who maintained that the action of the whole Legislature, a Tier a meeting in Convention had been agreed to by concur rent resolution, could nl be controlled by nine or twelve members of cither House. The Senate having agreed to the meeting, by resolution adopted in full quorum, such meeting could not be defeated by one third of that body, the majority having repaired to the Hali of Representatives pursuant to the Resolutions. Mr. Campbell of Davidson maintained the validity of the Convention for the purposes named by the presiding officer, (Mr. Speak er Turney,) at; i in pnof, referred to the Constitutional riht of each House, with out the presence of a quorum to elect their officers, to send for absent members and to adjourn from day to day. He had jno doubt, himself, as to the correctness of thi point made by the Speaker of the House, the right of the Convention to proceed in the election which brought the two Houses together, but was willing to adjourn in or der that others might satisfy themselves in reference to this matter. Mr. Reneau addressed a few words to the consideration of the Convention, on the propriety of proceeding with all due and calm deliberation, in the business which brought the Convention together. He was willing to adjourn until to morrow; bJt was not prepared to assent to the pro position, that the performance of a consti tutional duty could be defeated by - one third of one of the branches of the Legis lature.' Mr. Speaker Turney repeated his con viction of the righl of ihe Convention to adjourn from day to day, and having enter tained a motion made by Mr, Foster, of the Senate, to adjourn until 2 P. M. to morrow, he propounded ihe question to the Convention. Mr. Polk of Maury, protested against the authority of the Speaker of ihe Senate to direct proceedings in this Hall, without ihe presence of a Convention properly consti tuted, and said he was prepared, as one of the Democratic members of the House, to leave the Hall rather than vote upon the proposition to adjourn. Thereupon M r P. took his hat and left the Hall followed by fifteen or twenty members from the same side. The motion to adjourn was then put and carried. . The above sketch of the debate is taken from ihe proceedings as published in the Nashville Whig of the 3d. From the Globe. MEDL1NG OF ENGLAND WITH AMERICAN SHIPS. The jealousy with which England looks towards any power which she apprehends may at any time dispute what she calls her sovereignty of the seas," is like that of the Sultan towards such of his pachas as evince ability lo sei up for themselves. No nation now excites so much of this painful feeling in the would-be mistress of the seas, as the United Slates. The fre quent mortifications she encountered in her attempts to subdue "the bits of stupid bun ting" and make them follow in the wake of her bulwarks in their "inarch upon the mountain wave," has torn the heartstrings of John Bull's proud mistress of the seas, with a vexation amounting almost to de speration. The continual spread of our commerce since the multiplication of our hardy, intelligent, brave fiishermen along the coasts of our adventurous, enterpris ing, indomitable whalers, who sweep the great ocean from pole to pole of our in dustrious, shrewd, vigilant traffickers, that ply their trade in every pari of the globe are circumstances not likely at all lo allay the- anxieties which England's disappoint ments at sea. during the last war, awaken ed. Har eye has been constantly fixed up on us where she sees most of us, but with the long-sighted views for which she is re markable we have no doubt she has cast her look beyond the seas and the coasts beyond the Alleghanies to ihe mighty back ground of wealth, strength, vigor of mind and muscle there growing up, at some lime to communicate its prodigious impulse to the American movement on the ocean. Under the influence of feelings to which past conflicts have given rise, and forebod ings as to the future, it is evident that Great Britain seizes every pretext to cramp our eounneicial activity. She has set tp a !',!-;: construction of the treaty which rk ihe distance from her American shores, where the right of fishing apper taining to us ceases, and now for the first, insi-ts that the treaty has application only lo the shores of the ocean, and that we have no righl (observing the limit) lo fish at all in inlets, bays, and gulfs neighboring her colonies. But our present purpose is merely to touch the pretexts under which she has be gun her molestation of American ships on the eoasl of Africa. And this we do, be cause it will be perceived from the articie annexed, from the Boston Courier, that American writers are already engaged in supporting the British pretension. The asserti in of a British jurisdiction over American ships on the coast of Africa, on the pretext of suppressing the slave trade, is but the renewal of the right of search which stripped our ships of their seamen before the last war. Now the assumed ground of seizing and searching American ships, is, that ihey are or may be employ ed in the slave trade. If they he, it is an offence against their own Government, which it belongs to it alone to provide for and punish. Great Britain has no more right, to interfere and assume authority to protect Africa against an illicit traffic car rinl on by her negro chiefs and American citizens against our laws, than she ha to take upon herself the punishment of our citizens for violations of the laws at home. She has no more right, being at peace with ns. to subjert our t-h'ips to the laws of her crtiisers, for wrongs supposed or real, on th coast of Africa, than we have to lay hold of her ships on the coast of China, and pass judgment on their com! net to wards the Chinese undertaking to dncide whether they infringe the laws of Eng land, or the right of humanity in regard to the Chinese, and how they shall be' dealt wiih. It will be seen that the articles from the Boston Courier evidently lend to vindicate England in subjecting our flag to her juris diction, even before the offence assumed to give it, is committed. The fact alleged in the case of the two Baltimore ships, which is to subject our flag to violation at the plea sure of England, is lhat ihey bore Ameri can colors lo protect thern until ihey were transferred and became the property of Spanish slave traders on ihe coast of Jri ca. If the suspicion a British captain fnay entertain, that our flag cover a ship which may become the property of a slave trader, is to warrant hjs seizing her, then every American merchant ship' that sails the ocean is at the mercy of British cruizers. This consequence, however, flows neces sarily from the rigtit assumed, no matter on what pretext justified. If an Americar. ship can be arrested on the high seas, Mid brought to a.nswer for it at ihefialof a p.ril ish captain, for any wrong to Africa, t.r .!. er nation which England may assu:r:e i protect, it as ' absolutely annihilr.it s ci r rights as an independent nation, a it" tl.e mereisuspicions of a British officer was the condemnation of ihe ship. The conces sion of Great Britain of the discretionary power of detaining and making our ships answerable to every British officer they may meet on the high seas, at once puts our commerce, and all our ships and citi zens engaged in it, at her discretion, sod makes the nation her vassal. " Our Government has expressly refused to concede to England the right to search our ships on the coasts of Africa, or. any other coast. As -the representative of a proud spirited, and independent people. Our Government dared not (if it desired) de grade itself bv submitting to England the execution of its laws, like Spain and Portu gal (the mere dependence of Eogland.) Our Government has denounced the slave trade provided laws to punish such of our citizens as may engage in it, but does not, and will not, allow Great Britain to take on herself the authority to interpret, or ex ecute, or interfere in the execution of these laws. If the Government thinks proper, it may repeal the laws,' and carry on the olavr trad ft lo the destruction of ihe people of Africa, as England insists on carrying; .on her Opium trade to the deduction of the people of Uhina. J lie course oi uie United Sntes on the one subject, is as in dependent of ihe English Government as that of England is in regard to us on the other. It will be perceived from the third num ber of the Courier's article, (which ihe mail brought us while making this comment on the second,) that the writer has brought himself, by his own reasoning, to admit the necessity of conceding the right of search to Great Britain! We are glad to see, from the note appended by the Editor, that he repudiates the doctrine to which his correspondent comes in the conclusion of his articles, their drift were probably not perceived when he welcomed them to his columns. Il hat always been a part of the Encv,h policy, in every country where a free press exists, to get up a party for hr policy, by secretly enlisting citizens to broach it, as growing out of opinions en tertained by portions of ihe people on whom il is to operate. The doctrine now promulgated through the Boston Courier, would never have found place in that re gion, so deeply interested in free trade ant sailor's rights, were it not for the alliance which England has made uith the sect of Abolitionists in New England. To them she has masked the design of asserting a righl which puts our irade and our sea men si her disposal the assertion of which was the cause of the last war under a dis guise which she supposes wil enlist all the fanatics of our country in Us support Her benevolent crusade to abolish the slave trade by Spaniards and Portuguese who carry some thousands of Africans to labor in the Islands, is to do more than cover her crime against the millions whom she crush es into the earth in Asia, and the millions whom she enslaves al home, in drudgery worse than even that endured by the s Laves of Cuba. It is to cover her designs against our commerce and our independence as a nation. The resolutions with which we close this notice, shows that the patriots who as seited and maintained the rights of ihe country in the last war the rights of our sailors and shipping, are likely 'to be again their powerful defenders, and again to have arrayed against them, with the foreign en em v. a nortion of that "morul and reliz iou's people," who aided Great Britain in her last struggle to establisn her suprema cy over us on the ocean. Resolutions introduced, into the Legisla ture of South Carolina by Mr. Carroll. Resolved, That when the States entrus ted the Federal Government with the pow er of de. laring war and making peace, of regulating commerce and international in tercourse, they did so under the solemn as surance that these powers would be exer cised not only in vindicating the Federal honor, bui for the protection of each and every State in the Union, fro foreign ag gression, direct or indirect, open or dis guised. - ' Resolved. That the conduct of Gr6at Britain in detaining and searching our ships on the high seas during a lime of peace her refusal to indemnify our citizens for ihere slave property castaway by perils of the sea, on her West India provinces, and their emancipated her, arrogant interfer ence in ihe Amistad case her approval cf the conduct of her subjects who violated our neutrality by an armed invasion of the territory of one of the sovereign States of this Confederacy, and her tardiness :: inmf in a neaceable adjustment cf t-'iS ' Northeastern Bouadary, manifestly eii-jw