earnings their industry to benefit a class
of people composed, to a great extent, of the
idle and extravagant.
Mr. Atherton said tha county of Coos
was mainly, an agricultural community,
and this petition, coming from ihenct, was
most reipectably, as -well as numerously
signed; and by members of both the gfeat
political parties. Twenty-four ' of- the
signers have held seat in the ! Legislature,
and one of .them wai at present. Speaker
of the-'ijuuse of "Representatives of the
State two of them had held seats on this
floor, iid ihiriy-eight of ihe lUiiuber were
acting magistrates: referred to the Commit
tee on the Judiciary.
The House then resumed the considera
tion: of the- reference- of the President's
message, the immediate question before the
House being the reference of that portion
of it relative to the tariff, viz: Mr. Fill
more's resolution to refer it to the Commit
ter on Manufactures, together with the
amendments of Messrs. Athertou and
Rhett thereto.
Mf. Meriwether took the floor, and con
cluded his speech begun yesterday, reply
ing to the remarks of Messrs.. Atherton. and
Eastman, defending the Whig party," and
reiterating the charges that have been made
against their opponents.
Jlri Wihlhropof Massachusetts succeed
ed Mr. M. and went into a lengthy argu
ment in favor of the policy of a tariff for
the protection of domestic manufactures;
after which he turned to the question more
immediately before the House, and con
tended for the reference to the Committee
-
on Manufactures.
Mr. Gentry moved that when the House
adjourned, it should adjourn over to Won
day next.
. . x IN SENATE.
After the reading of the journal, .and
durine the morning hour, many petitions
were presented and appropriately referred;
anions which where several praying the
postponement, modification, and repeal of
the Bankrupt law, presented by Mr.
Wright; Mr. Buchanan, Mr. Calhoun, and
Mr. lii-.inn. These memorials were nu
merously signed by laborers, mechanics.
and merchants. Une among those present
d -hv Mr. -Wriffht. was from the
Chamber of Commerce of the city of New
York, praying the following amendments
to that law: 1st that ho bankrupt, volunta
ry or involuntary, shall receive a discharge
without the consent ol creditors represent
in? at least half the amount of his debts.
2d. That all notices in cases of bankrupt
cy shall be published in the paper of the
city cf Washington selected to publish the
laws of the United State?. 3d. Thst the
permanent appointment of assignees of the
estates of bankruptcy may be made by the
creditors. This, with the otliers, was re
ferred to the Judiciary Committee.
The Presiden t nro'. tern, announced the
the special order of the day, which was the
proposition to refer the plan of a Fiscal
Bank to a select Committee of nine.
Mr. Hmitinpton. who was entitled to
the floor, ocupied the remainder of the day'
6810n 111 anailZing aim ueuuuiiumg iuo
project of the Secretary. He said nothing
t.aw in noint of argument In fact there
was but little left for him to say by way of
argument, after the lucid and masterly ef
forts of Mr. 8uchanan and Mr. Calhoun,
and little by the way of declamation, afier
the remarks of Mr. Mangum.
After Mr. Huntington concluded,
Mr. Bates obtained the floor, and
The Senate adjourned.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
The House then resumed the consider
ation of the reference of the President's
message, as the special order of the day.
Mr. William Cost Johnson, who was en
titled to the floor, addressed the House in
support of the reference to the Committee
of Ways and Means. Mr. J. avowed him
self to" be opposed to a tariff for the pro
tection of manufacturer, but was in favor
of a system of countervailing duties to pro
tect the great consuming interest of the
country, which he deemed the agricultural
class to be. He believed that by a system
of countervailing Juties, England would be
compelled to repeal her corn law and to
bacco duty, and to take our grain and to
bacco on favorable terms. When Mr.J.
concluded. -Mr.
John C. Clarke rose and moved the
previous question; whereupon
Mr. Clifford moved a call of the House,
which was earned, and the roll having been
called, it was ascertained that 198 mem
bers answered to their names. The doors
were then closed, and the absentees called,
when excuses for several absentees were
made and received.
On motion of Mr. Williams of North
Carolina, all further proceedings under the
call were dispensed with.
Mr, J.C. Clark, at the request of Mr.
Williams, withdrew the call for a moment
to enable Mr. W. to explain briefly hi
reasons for voting for the reference to the
Committee on Manufactures.
Mr. Fillmore modified his resolution so
as to read ' .
"Resolved, That so much of the Prcsi
dent's message a relates to discriminating
duties and domestic manufactures be refer
red to the Committee on Manufac
tures.. " - - -
Afier the Speaker had explained the
question before ihellotfse, at the request
of Mr. Underwood,
The second to the previous question was
taken by tellers Mr. Hopkins of Virginia
and Mr. Sollers of Maryland, and carried
by the casting' vote of the - Speaker;' the
ayes being 88, noes 88.
The previous question was then 'carried
iyc 10.1, n1 97, ' .
The main" qtiestio.i was ' next taken on
Mr. Atherton's amendment to refer the
uhjeet to the Committee ol'.Wayga,,(l
Vleans and decided in the negative yeas
95, nays 104. After which.
The question on Mr. Fillmore's reso
lution, as modified, was carried without a
division. .
DEBATE IN THE SENATE.
Washington, January 4. The discus
sion in reference to the Cabinet project of
an Exchequer Board or Bank, has been
maintained some days back, exclusively by
those who were instrumental in bringing
the present . Administration into power.
Mr. Mangum, during the last week, follow
ed Mr. Rives of Virginia, and denounced
the measnre (not to say .its author) in a
strong and unsparing phtllipic.
Mr. Huntington yesterday, in an elabo
rate and well digested speech, opposed the
scheme at all points. To-day Mr. Bates
of Massachusetts entered upon a defence of
the report and bill, and deprecated the hos
tiliiies which had been waged upon them
by political mends, before they.' had re
ceived such - modifications from a commit
teoas might remove the obnoxious features
which had been assailed.
Mr.. Barrow of Louisiana, so far from
being restrained by the appeal of Mr
Dates to put uown dissensions in the par
ty, took the occasion to rebuke in the most
pointed terms, the plan of the President, as
at war with all the principles and profes
sions set forth in the recent vetoes.. He
said it went far beyond, in the vices palpa
ble and inherent in it, all that the Presi
dent pretended to fear in a Bank of the U.
States. And he therefore directly and
boldly presented the old-fashioned Bank a
the antagonist to the scheme of the Inde
pendent Treasury on one hand, and a Go
vernment Bank on the other.
He concluded by saving, that strip the
proposition of its exchanges, and nothing
is left but the Sub-Treasury: and if it is
not stripped of the exchange clause, what
is it but a tremendous banking machine for
the corruption of the Government? He
trusted this deleterious progeny of North
ern Federalism and Virginia abstraction
would be strangled in its birth. He was
against its reference at all. ...
Mr. Morehead oblainod the floor, but
yielded it to . '.
Mr. Merrick, on whose motion the Se
nate went iuto Executive session. Globe.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
The principal part of the day was taken
np by Messrs. Adams and Arnold, par no
bile. The former, in moving a reference
of his hobby Petitions to a Select Commit
tee but on Mr. Wise's motiovn, the whole
subject was laid on the table, by a vote of
about 115 to 84.
Mr. Arnold then took the field by mor
ing the reconsideration of the vote taken
Yesterday on the amendment of Mr. Ather
ton to the resolution of Mr. Fillmore, for
referring that portion of the . President's
message relating to the subject of the tariff,
to the Committee on Manufactures. Mr.
A. made this motion with a view of getting
an opportunity to reply to the remarks of
Messrs, Atherton and Burke. Mr. A. hav
ing made a few observations.
Mr. Wise inquired whether the question
of reconsideration was debatable ; the
House having by the previous question on
the resolution, evinced a determination to
put an end to the debate, and whether
was not for the House to decide whether
it would go into the question of reconsider
ation at this time.
Men of sense and statesmen will scarce
ly believe, that this matter wasted the lime
of the House, till the hourof adjournment.
The Debate became spicy several of the
members taking the floor, and trying to
stop the torrent and though the Chair
had decided, that it was irrelevant and nut
of order, yet he would not on his own res
ponsibility arrest what the House had per
mitted. Among other wise remarks, he
said "The debate had taken such a latitude,
that the Chair now overruled the question
of order." A noble and competent Speak
er indeed ! We advise the House to pro
cure a King Log to preside over their de
liberations. Finally, on Mr. Barton's
pressing appeal for adjournment, the House
rose amid this absurd hurly-burly.
From the New York New Era.
THE ELECTION FRAUDS OF 1838
AND 1839.
The frauds perpetrated in 1838 and
1839 by the "Whig party, disclosed on
the eve of the autumn election of 1840,were
stoutly denied by the "Whig" press from
one end of the country to the other. The
expose-was denounced as a VLoeo-Foco"
fabrication, invented to defeat the election
of General Harrison. Some of the roost
distinguished members of the Democratic
party were stigmatised as conspirators, the
seizure of the package containing the
"Glentworth papers which embodied the
most irrelragable evidence o! the treason,
brought down upon the head of. Recorder
MorrU.'the magistrate whrl seized them,
the bitter anathemas of the united Oppos
ition. The whole matter was charged to
be a mere partisan trick, for partisan ends.
But we have now, in the "Address or
James JL. Glentworth to the people of the
II n i ltd States," which is subjoined,', the
declaration of his intention to publish to
the world a true narration of those infa
mous frauds upon the ballot boxes. From
the address we are led to believe that the
charges which were made by the Demo
cratic party in 1840, h1 since,. of the cor
ruption "of the ."Whig" leaders, and their
nefarious practices, will-be substantiated to
the very word and letter. The unscrupu
lous denial of the existent? of these fraud,,
which prompted many of the hoj;e of th
Whig" psrw, during a season of intend ;
political excitement, to iStt ihaj which at
another time; would have been clear as
dav, will be shown, if we are nof "much
mistaken, to have been dictated" "by that
desperation which marks the guiUyrwheti
accused of crimes which tney Know win
consign them to merited punishment.; We
await the appearance. ol Hie promisea ex
pose with some .anxiety; anu.ia me mean
time commend to the allentiou of our read
ers the address. It is written with much
force and eloquence, and in a tone so peni
tent, that we are almost prone to say ' .
To err is human, to forgive divine.'' ;
ADDRESS
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED
STATES.
Fellow-Citizens: The object of my
addressing you at this lime, is nut for the
purpose of lustifying mysell lor the paiti
cipation which I havo had in the frauds on
the elective franchise, in the State of New
York, in the years 1838; and 1839, which
nruiluced an mtich excitement 4'ler their
disclosure, and which w.e re ,69 widely,
justly and severely commented upon in the
public prints, not oniy in mis counu-y-um
in England: That I did participate in
these transactions, I admit, and cart only;
so far as 1 am concerned, frankly acknowl
edge my error The evil is done, and 1
sincerely regret, that I ever, in any way,
allowed myself to participate wit h others
in a transaction for which I have been
compelled by circumstances to be the only
sufferer. In justiee to my countryin
justice to my family 1 am . determined
now, be the effect on myself what it may,
to present to the public a full.' candid, true
and impartial account of those frauds, in
which 1 shall
"Nothing extenuate,
Nor set down aught in malice. ;
- I am well aware that duty required me
to adopt this course long since, but, thro'
force of circumstances, my hands have
been tied and my lips closed; and while
my name has been branded from : one ex-i
tent of the country to the other, I have been
compelled to be sil". and tamely bear the
whole odium attached to those transac
tions. I was in the power of men equally
guilty with myself, and both threats and
promises were resorted to to obtain the
"mercy of my silence." An indictment
was pending over me for participating in
these frauds, and until that-was removed,
my personal liberty required me to keep
secret that which justice demanded should
be known. The necessity is now remov
ed. I am released from that indictments
(it having been discharged on the 22d ult).
and the truth shall now be laid before the
people, and the guilty be compelled to bear
their just proportion of that, which hereto?
fore, 1 hare singly and alone, been forced
to sustain.
No one but myself knows what J have
suffered. : I have, since the first discjo'
sures were made, seen friend after .friend
desert me, and out of all that numerous
host with which I was on terras of intima
cy, but few remain that call themselves my
friends. Considerations of honor, (wheth
er true or false) towards my confederates,
influenced my conduct at the lime of my
arrest, and a long time subsequent thereto.
Because I was involved in trouble, 1 did
not wish to involve them. To me, that
would have been no gratification or relief.
I presumed they felt, as I did, deep regret
for their unlawlul acts, and that they
would at least so far as in their power, re
lieve me from my difficulty. 1 expected
them to act honorably toward me; and it
was not until 1 discovered, upon several
occasions, an evident design (notwithstand
ing repeated assurances to the contrary) to
sacrifice and destroy me, to load me with
ignominy, and "whistle me down the
world, a prey to fortune," that I under
stood the true position in which I was pla
ced. They appeared to consider it neces-
sary to so far ruin my reputation "that
aught 1 could say in relation to metu would
be of no avail. They acted as if they con
sidered their safely dependent on their suc
cess in affixing infamy and odium upon my
character. How far they have succeeded
depends upon a verdict of the people.
They will pas? upon it after they shall
have perused the statement and the eviden
ces I shall lay before them." Sensible of
having committed a great moral wrong, I
can now only appeal to a forgiving.-antd
generous people; and if they can find any
extenuation, in consequence, of my ardent
temperament, which, in the enthusiasm of
party excitement and party strategy, led
me into excesses, my object, so' far as re
gards myself, will be accomplished. Willi
politics I have done I 'have no "hopes or
expectations from party. The disclosures
I shall make, will be made free from any
bias, and on mature deliberation, after ha-
ving carefully , collected the. facts and me-
HiuKwiu.. u,.. ... - " 7m
that fearful odds are against me 1 am al
most friendless and alone. Opposed to me
I have wealth, character, influence, public
and private station and trust. Fearful
odds! But, believing in the maxim, that
"truth is mighty, and will prevail," I en
ter the lists, considering that it is never too
late to redress a wrong, or to do a good
and justifiable action.
Independent of any evidence, let us ap
ply the ordinary rules of logic to ihe trans
actions in relation to these frauds, and see
whether they are for or against the truth of
my statement. If the statement which I
made to Mr. J. D. Stevenson in relaiion to
these frauds, was. not true, (and it'tias ..ah.
ways been denied by the leaders -of-the
-Whig party) why was I removed con .of
fice?- It was admitted that 1 bd-faithmnyH
anu amy " """
t , - r 1 .1 - ...,:. .f,v. - .i..;
4 -' -vf7.f:votit that wouM defeat confirmation
false, then I was a persecuted roan; and as j
they admitted I was ci)inpet, ,,a "ad
rendered esseniI cervices 10 the party.
was it not their, 'duty to sustain me! 1
had their written acknowledgement of my
services, not in measured terms, but in
terms of unqualified approbation. Let us
look also at the other side of the question.
If ;he charges were true, and known to
Governor Seward and the prominent lead-
era of the Whig party .(which I solemnly
aver they did know,) were they not bound
to sustain me, instead of attempting to de
grade me, and leaving me to contend a
gainst the other party unaided (except se
cretly) and alone ? It is well known that
the "Whir leaders would neither openly
carry me through my difficulties, nor per
mit the Whip party to rally around me. If
I alone was guilty if they had no partici
puion in the frauds if they were ignorant
of the transactions if I accused and charg
ed upon the innocent a gross violation of
ihe laws of the land then I deeply injured
them. I merited their severest censure.
Why. then, did they secretly aid and as
6'ist me, but'publicly calumniate me?. Such
was the course they pursued, until tney
fiunnnsed their nublic slanders had so far
"ii . ....
"asted my reputation that their victim
coJ be sacrificed without danger to them
selvv. - -
. Unless I was guilty of the charges
against ..me, there .was no reason why
I should, not- have received the confi
dence and support of the Whig party.
During a -period of nine years. I labored
like a slave, as thousands can attest, in the
organization of that parly ; and after the
result of the election in 1838,1 was solicited
to accept office, and declined it. I was satis
fied with the business in which I was then
engaged ; and subsequent events have con
vinced me that the most unfortunate era
in my life was that in which I accepted of
fice. It, was conceded that I merited the of-
nee ; 11 was conceueu mat the duties were
ably and faithfully discharged; yet I was
removeJ from it before the expiration of the
term for which I was appointed. Was
there not some cause whv 1 was removed
What was that cause? If I was eutltv of
the frauds charged upon me. was 1 alone
guilty? were they known only to me ?
if innocent, why remove me from office
ft . I II. m
anu tnus aau ttie persecution ot my own
party to that of my pofitical opponents ?
These are questions which I wish the
public to solve. If those charged as par
ticipators in the election frauds were inno
cent, why did they not court investigation
nay, demand it? Their innocence, sealed
by a verdict of a jury of. their eounlry
would have made for them party eapital
because they would have been looked upon
as persecuted men. But the guilty gene
rally , reason from false premises they
shunned investigation they created a dis
astrous issue for themselves.- Instead of
endeavoring to screen me, iheir efforts
were directed to removing all suspicion
from themselves. Had they reasoned cor
rectly, they would have seed, that had I
been eonvieted of the charge, the public
would have known that I could not, un
aided, have perpetrated such stupendou
frauds. Some saw the question in its true
lights some fell ihe danger of their situa
lions; and it was probably in consequence
thereof, that I was indebted for the friendly
visits and letters of some of the members
of the Grand Jury, who were empanelled
during the lerm that the first attempt was
made to indict me.
Had that responsible body been lampered
with? and if so. by whom, and for what
purpose? Such high-handed acts would
not have been perpetrated without strong
motives. One thing is certain I did not
tamper with ihe jury: neither was it done
by my request. Did those who have been
accused know of the frauds? If so if I
alone was guilty what motives could
others have had to assist me, in the least,
dnring the judicial proceedings against me?
By my acts they had been accused if
innocent, how deeply had I wronged them!
Who retained, and so heavily feed the
counsel employed to defend me, both on
the examination and on my trial ? Charles
O'Conner and David Graham, jr. es.qrs.
were employed and paid by some one, not
by myself. Ja. M. Smith, jr. esq.' was
the only counsel employed by me. My
trial came on the jury did not agree, and
were discharged. Up to this lime, my
confederates some of ihem. at least
deemed it essential that I should not be
convicted Hp to ihis. lime I had been
silent as to their pattiripation with me in
the frauds for which I was justly suffering:
The grand jury had failed to ir.dict them
my personal safety wns their guarantee for
my silenesTh indictment was pending;
and they knew that a Word against them
wonld furnish evidence against myrelf.
They also knew that the statute of limita-
Lliclment for lie nar, they 3Cte(, in lhe
franos for w
hich I was indicted. That
time expired the beginning of November,
1841. Three attempts were made by my
counsel. Jas. M. Smith, jr. esq. for my
discharge, urging at each time either a trial.
or a discharge from the indictment; but it
was deferred by the court from term to
term, until the statute of limitations would
protect the persons impficted, and then my
discharge was granted ! ! !
For some timp after the trial, mv con
federates ceased lo hold any communication
with me in relation lo ihe election frauds.
Hot a circumstance occurred which again
brought them to ask of me a" favor horn
bled as I was- . Trampled upon as I bad
been, I had still, as they knew, the power
fo harm. I had certain papers iri my pos
session which .were (Jnitgerons.tq 1 them.
I was in possesion oT some" facts, and they
- t. K""r'" t'l JMiuir
frared that irm-urnr -mM rMy hia
ifi
emtn nominations " under the General
iovernment. Again, therefore, negotia-
ions were set on foot, and I confess openly
1o the. public, that convinced as I had been
ny their acts 01 ineir inter uirpiuuie ana
treachery towards me. I professedly acce
ded to their offers, and availed myself,' by
stralajem, of additional evidence to fortify
mvself against my powerful adversaries
Their foot was on my neck thousands, to
one against me; and while thus prostrate.
Rtratetfy was my only hope of deliverance.
How well my plan succeeded, the public
hereafter shall know. In the expose which
I feel it my duty to make, many will be
mentioned whose feelings 1 wculu not
willingly wound; but it is not my fault if
others, less immediately connected and in
cnlpated in these transactions, are pointed
not. The act was their own; and as my
statement roust be a faithful one, I cannot
pass them by. " The whole transactions
shall now be given to the public, with
such evidence as I have to substantiate the
harges. All I ask is a candid perusal; and
I appeal lo all who shall read these written,
and now completed documents an'l narra
lives, to mark the connected, unbroken and
lucid chain of evidence they present, of
locality, names, dates, persons, incidents,
conversations, &c. to say. wheiher they
believe it to be within the compass of
possibility, that any human being, however
gifted in intellect, base in moral ' depravity,
or maddened by despair, could, with the
most fertile and ingenious inventive power,
have fabricated such a story, or forged such
papers as are presented.
Almost all the original letters and memo
randa have come into my possession within
a few days; and those who deserve the cen
sure cannot now, by any subterfuge, escape
the just and merited reproach which
people, jealous of their rights, will visit
upon those who attempt by fraud to wrest
iheni from them.
It will be seen, in the sequel, that the
reproach and the ignominy which they
strove to fix on me alone, should be sharet
by others who hold higher stations, am:
have more friends, more wealth, and more
influence to sustain them than myself; and
though I am aware that their participator
will not screen- me from the reproach
merit for the part I have performed, it will
at least teach them that neither wealth
place, influence ur perjury, are - safe
guarantees against the exposure of
guilt.
To the public I appeal, confessing and
regretting my errors; and by their verdict 1
must abide, be it for or againbl me.
Very respectfully,
JAMES B. GLENTWORTH.
New York, December 2, 1841.
MR. WEBSTER'S HAND IN IT !
Mr Mangum has delivered one of the
most decided and violent speeches against
trie Fiscal Scheme, which has ever been
pronounced iii the Senate Chamber. He
does not hesitate lo strip Mr. Forward of
the honor of writing the Report, and char
ges it home upon Mr. Webster. ' He real
ly calls a spade a spade.' But he is not
singular in ascribing the authorship to Mr
Webster. The New York American says,
but one pen and one mind in America
could have written and conceived such a
document. But this is rather too extrava
gant praise upon the "GoJ-like man."
The Globe says:
"The paper which accompanies Mr.
Forward's bill is understood to be a Cabinet
paper.' It has marks of Mr. Webster'
powerful and plausible mode of presenting
things throughout. Vc do not doubt thai
Mr. Wtbsicr had a hand in its preparation.
In his letter through the National Intelli
gencer, lo saiisfy his friends he should not
go out with his colleagues of the first Cabi
net, . he promised them an institution,
under the authority of Congress to aid
Revenue and financial operations and to
give the country the blessings of a good
currency and cheap exchanges. We take
the present protect as intended by Mr.
Websler for the fulfilment of his pledge.' .
But instead of strengthening his position,
it is shrewdly suspected that this incom
parable document may shake In m still
farther in the opinions of his Whig broth
ers. ; He does not seemto be in the very
best odour among ihem. We almost com
passionate his destiny, when we see that
even lhe Richmond Shield has been turned
into a sword against him. It openly de
clares, (yesterday,) that "Daniel Webster
has renounced principles for which he was
heretofore loved,, honored . and .respected
for what? that at the expiration of either
four or eight years for which John Tyler
expects "re-election, the mantle may fall on
him. None are more willing than our
selves to concede to Mr. Webster ihe hon
or that has been due to him for his previ
ous straight-forward, independent and pat
riotic, course none confided in him more
no Virginian was more willing 10 extend
to him, on the 5th of October, 1840, the
right hand of fellowship. We felt proud
and . boasted of him as our "fellow-citizen"
whom nothing could swerve; but when the
hour of trial came, he yielded 10 temptation,
and in the excess of our mortification, we
exclaimed el tu Brule.
And well may Mr. Webster return the
compliment lo the Shield, "El tu Brute !"
And thus it is! When Mr. W. came to
Richmond to humbug ihe good People of
Virginia, under the mask of a "Jfjprson
tan Ji'epublican,'" these worthy Whigs
were anxious to give him "the right hand
of fellowship' and now they are deter
mined to crucify him. Weirbe it so. But
wc almost pity him for the avalanche which
the Sueld brings down npbn his devoted
head. . He may iiexr "cry upon the verv
moantauwtocoverhim."" .. .
- :--t---.Jiichmo;id Enquirer.-
TAKE A SQUINT AT FEDERAL -
: WHIGGERY.
Be it known' to all men, that the lead- '
ers of the patty now opposed to Democra
cy - - - ;-::
In 1776 were ones! : ' ,
In 1780 Nova Scotia cow- boys ! , '. ..
In 1-7 ST (!.inF.i.ii M,.n...'l,:.i."l - -
In 1789 Black Cockades! ; -In
1808 Anti-Jefferson impressment?..
men! . . . .
In 1811 British Bank men! . -
In 1812 Peace men!
In 1813 Bluelights! .
In 1814 Hartford Conventionists!
In 1816 Washington Benevolent Society -
men!
In 1818 No party' men! r .- r-
In 1820 Federal 'Republicans! .. .
In 1826 National Republicans! ' 1
T 1000 1 . r .: - -
In 1834 Anti-Masonic Whigs! J
In 1S37 Conservatives!
In 1838 Abolitionists !
In 1839 Democratic Whigs!
In 1840 Log Cabin, Hard Cider,. De
mocratic uepuDitcan, Abolition Viig;
This '4 the ring, streaked and speckled
'"".m s"1,1 which jeiuucracy 19 now
contending; and this is the rotten,, broken
dowu faction that nominated Harrison for
the Presidency. These are the fellows,
too, who now claim lo be C7 Democrats. J
Ex. Paper.
For the Lincoln Rkpublican. .
TEMPERANCE MEETING.
convened at the Methodist Church on the
4th of January 1842, for the purpose of
forming a Temperance Society, Rev. Al
len Hamby was called to the Chair, and '
R S! Jnlintn.1 rn ta.l t. f
ry. . "
After a fervent prayer for the succevs of
... m -... vsuse HlluugllUUt IllC
universe, -The
Rev. Mr. Crook explained the ob-
jecl ol the meeting, and after nortravin""
with great power the evils of intemperance,
concluded with an eloquent appeal to those
present, to make some effort to arrest its
farther progress in the land, and proposed,
as the beat means of effecting this object,
the signing of the following -
PLEDGE.
We, the undersigned do agree,' that we
will not use intoxicating liquors as a beve- '
rage, except for medical purposes, nor traf
lie in ihem ; that we will not provide them
as an article of entertainment, nor for per
sons in our employment'; and that we will,
in all suitable ways, discountenance their
nae throughout th6 roanirv." ' - ' - "
The abore pledge having been signed by '
a number of those ' present, the following d.
constitution was then proposed, and unani.
mously adopted :
CONSTITUTION.
Art. 1st. This Society shall be denomin.
ated the Lincoln Temperance Society.
Art. 2nd. The O.'ficers of this Society
shall consist of a President, two Vice Pres-.
idents, Secretary and Tteasurer, and, an
Executive Committee of 'three. " ' r' '
Art. 3rd. It shall be the duty of lhe above
nameO board, or officers, to invite speak
ers to address each ensuing meeting, to
obtain members, and to transact all other
business of the societv.
Art. 4lh.This Society shall hold month
Iv meetings, at such nlaces as it shall lm
proper and the first Tuesday night in ev
ery month shall be the time: but the Pres
ident shall be authorised to call a ineeiin
. - .... , 0 -
wiien ue may uiinK it necessary.
Art. 5th. The meeting shall always be
opened and closed wiihi prayerj by the
Piesident or. such person as he shall anoint. :
Art. 6th. Should the President and Vice .
Presidents be absent, ihe Society shall ap
point a President pro tern.
Art.7th..Any member of -this society,
who may violate the pledge, shall be affec
tionately admonished by the President, '". for
the first offence; but if he repeat it,' U hall;
be ihe duty of the society to' expel him, it
there is no appearance of amendment.
Art. 8iu There shall be no alteration of
these article's without the concurrence"
majority of the members present.
The society then went into the election
of officers, which resulted in lhe choice of
(tin rjInBinif : I.. .
n nig JtlUH3 UlidlllfJIIJUBI , w I . .
Rev. ALLEN HAMBY President.
ISA Af? t.!RWI!V t
T? Wir.MAMsnv i, t V. Pree'ts'
WILLIAM H.LANDER, Secretary.
. reasurer
Rev. SAM'L LANDER,")
WILLIS PECK, J. Exec. Com.
ABNER McCOY.J
... ... VB wi j ja liuci
.. Ilesolced, That the next regular meeting,
of this Society, be held in Emanuel's
Church. '
un moiion m w . 11. ianaer, Jisq.,
Resolved, That the proceedings of this t
meeting be published in the Lincoln Re-':
publican. ' - ' ' -' '
The meeting then adjourned.' ''-"- '
- "A. 1 1 A 31 u Y Cfiv cftn cri. "
i. &. joitxsoN, Secretary;. r"