North Carolina Newspapers

The tendency of Democracy iMtotcmr theelt4ttiottorihiudiilritmclate,th iacrtmtt of their comfort, thetuttrtls oClhiir dlj-Hify.t.he flib'.iihmeat vTlhtir ptcer BY ROBERT WILLIAMSON, Jr. LIXCOLXTOX, IV. C.v JAXUARY 19, 1842. VOLUME V. 0. 34. NEW TERMS OF THE LINCOLN REPUBLICAN TERMS OF PUBLICATION. 'Thk Lincoln Republic.! is published every Wednesday at 2 50, if paid in advance, or 3 il uyii.v li. ... No gubscription received for a less term than twelve months. No piper will be discontinued hut at the optiuo f the Editor, until all arrearages are paid. A failure to order a discontinuance, will be con- ideied a new engagement. TERMS OF ADVERTISING. AnvsHTistxEMS will he inserted conspicuous ly for $1 00 per square for the first insertion, and 25 cents for each continuance. Court, and Judicial advertisements will he charged 23 per cent, more fhan the above prices. A deduction of 33 J per cent, from the regular prices will be made toyearly advertisers. The number of insertions must be noted on the manuscript, or they will be chaiged until a discon i nuance is ordered. TO CORRESPONDENTS. . To insure prompt attention to Letters addressed 9 the Editor, the postage should in all cases be paid jTwciity-scveiiisi Congress. CONGRESSIONAL ANALYSIS. From the Globe rf Jan. 0, 1842. IN SENATE. The morning hour was taken up in the . ,-..1 ..r jlrrBClllUIIIMI t'l J(tll iMJilc, social il uh.ii M-ere adverse to the repeal of the Bank rupt law. - Many bills were also reported back from committees, and otliers considered and or tiered to be engrossed fur a third reading- The engrossed bill for the relief of Mar garet Barnes, the widow of Elijah Barnes, was read the third tunc and passed. The remainder of the day was occupied" ry Mr. Woodbury in the discussion of the Jioard of Exchequer lull, and the proposi tion 10 rtiiT ii iu a aeieci commmt-e oi nine. Tie dwell briefly on the importance of the maasuie under discussion, and the proprie ty, considering the source from which it emanated, of giving it full, impartial, and mature consideration by a committee. He did not anticipate, however, that the labors of that committee wikl result in any im portant cum promise between the friends and opponents of the -measure. He did not believe that any measure could be ma- I tu red by the committee or by -Congress, toj remove the present distress of the country. It was a distress pervading the whole com mercial world, which he attributed t a reckless disregard of the proper priivci ili's of trade, and a failure in confute it t. legitimate bounds. lie was in fivoi cf Muiiniiling ll if (dan, to soe if there was anv thing in its real 'Usenet-, hones and uiusi-h-s, without n-lerenra t its origin and par'utag-, that could he made useful in safekeeping and disbursing tlie revenues? He opposed tins plan, noi only on grounds of expediency, but cor.stitutioiuiliiy; and -maintained that there was no power under the Constitution authorizing the Govern ment to make use of its means io deal in exchanges. As a regulator of the curren cy, he showed that it would not only ' ol prove beneficial, but detrimental; that it would he adding to the present evils of a depreciated currency, as there was im visi ble means whereby the Government could Tedeem the paper proposed to be issued !y it, and keep it at par. He (hew a par ullel between this scheme and the plan re commended by General Jackson, and showed dial whilst this proposes that the "Government shall turn broker and deal in exchanges, lhat plan wholly repudiated ii that whilst this proposes to make a paper curtency by the Government, that was ad Terse to it. He was opposed to giving the custody of the public money and the regu lating of the currency and exchanges into the hands of -any Governmrnl B'rd f Control, biit argued, if it were necessary ibat liver should ben board to remlatn the currency and exchanges, it could better he done by the States or commercial cities, than by the National Government. He w in favor of separating the control of ihr re e mips of the country entirely from the questions of currency and exchange: the first be believed belonged to the Go vernment, and the latter to the commercial community. He showed lhat ihe ex change could he conducted much cheaper hv individual brokers 3I1d by banks lhan ly the Government; and that if the Go vernment should attempt, through a Hoard, to sell exchanges cheaper, it would be op pressive to the community because, al lowing the utmost capacity to this plan, it could only furnish one hundred millions of1 exchange, whilst the wants of the commu nity required five hundred millions. Thererore, by selling the one hundred mil lions cheaper linn it could be furnished hv lankprs and brokers which no doubt would he done to political favorites it would to that extent he onprPSing futr fifths of the commnnitv to benefit one-fifth. Mr. W. saw no midril ground of rnmpro. jnifcP- between the Sub-Treasury and a Na tional Bank. The first, it was conceded . hy all parties, was constitutional; hut the entire Democratic party believed a Bank of 'he United Stotes to be unconstitutional. Therefore he arguad that the Democratic; party could not compromise by yielding support to any scheme with the attributes of a Bank; but if there was any concession or compromise, it should be by the Whig parly, who had no constitutional scruples about the Independent Treasury, which was the only measure, as a substitute, he believed the Democratic party could pro pose. He said the Dank of ihe United Slates had been vetoed, the Slate bank de posite system repudiated, and the Sub Treasury repealed; and he therefore could fully appreciate the delicate situation of the President There was not much left him to do under the circumstances. He could well sympathize and commisserate his position. Therefore, whilst be believ ed lhat if the Slates did their duty, by compelling the banks to resume the pay ment of specie, the evils of a depreciated currency would soon disappear, and ihe medium to equalize the exchanges be made good, yet he was willing to do all lhat It is oath lo support the Constitution would permit, to rid the country of the evils complained of. After Mr. W oodbury concluded, Mr. Evans obtained the lloor; but with out proceeding, The Senate adjourned till Monday. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Mr. Fillmore offered a resolution author izing the Committee of Claims lo ascer tain the number of appropriations which have usually been made without authority of law, and to report a general bill to le galize such as are necessary, dispensing wiih such as are not iudispei sable lo the public service. This resolution, afier iome remarks from Mr. F. was adopted. After reports front several of the stand ing committees. Air. Saitonstall offered a resolution lo authorize the Committee on Manufactures, of which he is chairman, to collect testimo ny in relation lo the various branch of do mestic industry, preparatory to their re port on the subject of ihe tariff, that was referred to thein by the House. This resolution was advocated by Messrs. Saltonstal and Tilhnghasl, and op posed by Messrs. Johnson of Maryland. Habersham, and Wise, continuing to the expiration of the morn.ng hour. The order of the day were then called, and several biils from the' Senate were read, and iclerred lo appropriate commit tees. On motion by Mr. Fillmore, the House resolved itsrlf into a Committee of the W;hoe on the state of the Union lr. Hopkins of Virginia in the Chair and took up the bill providing for the issue of five niiJIions of dollars of Treasury no'es. Mr. Fillmore briefly advocated and sup ported the bill Mr. Garret Davis made some remarks in opposition to it: and Mr. Wise replied to Mr. D. suggesting, in the course of his remarks, an amend ment which he submitted at the close, of their providing lhat the proceeds of the sales of the public lands shall be applied to the discharge of the liabilities of the CIo vernment, ami that no Treasury notes shall be issued so long as there are funds arising from the sales of ihe public lands in the Treasury; but that when there are no such funds in the Treasury, notes may be issu ed, CvC. Mr. FiKmore hoped his friend from Vir ginia would withdraw his amendment. The Treasury was in immediate want, and if, said he, we are to have a debate on the repeal of the Distribution bill, it will not be ended before the dog days. Mr. F. al so opposed the amendment as out of order, because of its incongruity with the subject of the bill. On motion by Mr. W'eller, The committee then rose and reported progress; when The House adjourned. REV? ARKS OP MR. CALHOUN. OF SOUTH CAROL! W. ON "THE EX CHEQUER." Mr Calhoun said that his object in rising was neither to oppose the reference nor lo discuss the merits of the subject proposed to be referred, but simplv to avail himself of the opportunity of expressing his opi nions briefly, but explicitly, iti relation lo it. He regarded such expression as due both to himself and those whom he repre sented. He had read the report with care and attention, anil with no unfriendly feelings whatever, and he believed it well merited the compliment" bestowpd on it by the Senator from Pennsylvania, Mr. liucha nan Tt was an able paper; simple and explicit in il1 statements, and calm and moderate in its tone It hail a still higher and rarer merit; it was manly in its at'.m;s sions. He regarded its admissions as fur nishing the most triumphant vindication of the course of the pirty with which he had acted since 18.17. The first of its admissions ts, that a Uanfc of the U.S. would be (inadvisable at ibis limp, pven if it wpre frpp fton all con eututional objection?; and this on the ground thai its stock, in the present state of things, would not be subscribed by individuals. In this opinion he entirely concurred' ' It was the ground he assumed during the late session; but he did not concur with the author of the report in attributing it lo the cause he did, or in regarding the cause as of a temporary character. On the contra ry, he believed it to be permanent; so much so, that he had no fear that there would be another U. S. Bank, during, ihe present generation at least. The fact is, that the banking system, under its present modifi cation, is running down, and is already greatly discredited; but a Bank of the Uni ted otaies has not only partaken of the general discredit, but was still more depres sed fxun causes peculiar to itself, which he need not explain. The fact was, that it is, from circumstances necessarily accom panying it, among the least responsible of "II banks, as experience has proved Among these is iha fact, lhat while its stockholders are scattered over our wide spread region, with many in Europe, its place for business and control, as well as its direction, must be local. Now, when we take into consideration how small the interest of the direction, as stockholders, must be, to the aggregate amount of its capital, and how imperfect the knowledge of the stockholders, in their scattered sit uation, must be, both as to the character of those who may constitute the direction, or of their management, that there is no ade- mi-i!e linld enher (Vim interest or resrmtw sibility, to restrict them to the faithful dis- J nl...r.r nril,,.P lr,..t Vl,,r H.c. el...d! S it be surprising that their powers should be abused; and that instead of being direc ted lo advance the general interest of ihe concern, they should be perverted into the means of aggrandizing ai.d enriching them selves, and their friends? Here was a radical defect, which could nut be over come. The soundest and safest banks would be found in the end to be ihuse loca ted in the commercial cities, in which both stockholders and directors reside together, and where the character and management of the la'.ier are well known to the former, and are held constantly under strict respon sibility and supervision by them. But there was another sti'.l more impor tant admission. It recommends the Ex chequer scheme which il proposes, on the grounds: first, that it is no corporation; and next, that it granted no special pr.vileges: and, again, that Government would pari with noun of iis poers,' thai is that'll was repealable; and what is that but an ad mission that it is a just ot jcction to any liscal arrangement, that il is a corporation, or that tl granted special privileges, or thai it parted with the powers of the Govern ment, and was not repealable? And what js that but an admission that we on this side werti right in resisting, as we did, the projects proposed at ihe extra session on these very grounds? There is still another and not less impor tant admission. Il admits thai ihe opinion is rapidly gaining ground, among the en lightened, tint the two functions of discount and circulation are incompatible and cannot be safely trusted to ihe same hands. Tiiat is true. Their union is a fatal error, un der which tliis country and a large part of Europe is now seveiely suffering. lie had in the extra session of 1837 taken the same ground, and then ventured ihe asser tion that among the changes which banks Were destined lo undergo one at least would be the separation of the iwo functions, and that they would be divested of lhat of issue and circulation; and he was now hap py to see this admission in the high quar ter from which it comes. There were other, and not unimportant admissions, which he, fur the present, would pass hi silence. He viewed these admissions with for more pleasure thai; pride. It marks the irresistible progress of truth. What space it has passed over in the last four or live years! How much it lias nar rowed the interval between the ground on which he, and those with whom he acts, now occupy, from lhat on which those from whom this document c:tTes, then stood ! All thai we have to do is to slant! fast Mime and reflection would besure to bring our opponents u us. We have truth on our side. But he owed it to candor to state that as much removed as the space is between us, we were btill widely separatedk There were many and decisive objections lo the scheme proposed. They have been strong ly and clearly pointed out by the Senator from Pennsylvania. He agreed with him, that it would be a Government Bank, not only in eflVci, but reality. As far as dis counting bills of exchange is concerned, it would plainly be so. In tiiis important branch of banking, it would cleprly exercise all the functions of a bank, without stretch ing the powers which it would possess; and w ho does not see that almost ihe en tire operation of banking may very readi ly assume this most dangerous of its forms? He also concurred with the Senator that iti would, at no long interval, become a mere machine for issuing irredeemable paper. The report itself, among its admissions, states that there is an almost irrepressible I icmilinsi7 rtn flip nnrl if hmiL-e lr fxfea Iri , ,,...i.v..vj , their operations. It is true, but not the less so, that there is ihe same tendency in all paper circulations ; and, if " possible, stronger in most of its forms than that of banks themselves. It is. said Mr. C. (hol ding up a small piece of paper of the size and shape of a bank note.) a 'remendoii power to invest any man, or body of men with, ihe power of converting a small and worthless piece of paper like this, into mo ney; to make a hundred or a thousand dol lars, by writing a few word, and attaching a few signatures to it, and send it forth in the community as goods, or gold and sil ver. It is a higher power than lhat, so long and ardently sought by the alchymists a power higher than ought to be conferred on mortal man, without effectual guards against abuse, if such indeed can be found. He finally concurred with the Senator that it would add greatly to the public debt, to which he had insuperable objections. Either of these objections ought to be fatal to any scheme, in his opinion. Hav ing stated ihem, he did not deem it neces sary to advert to other objections at present; but he would take the opportunity of say ing that he, for one, could not agree to any plan lhat would materially change the ground on which lie heretofore has stood on this subject. We on thi side had de liberately, and with high and patriotic mo tives, selected our ground, and he felt that he could venture lo say for those around him, as well as fir himself, that we intend lo adhere substantially to our position. He had now briefly and frankly expressed his views of the report, and of the scheme il recommended. In giving utterance to his opinion, he had been actuated solely by a desire thai there should be no mistake as to his views, on the part of those he repre sented, as well as those with whom he ac ted, and without ihe least unkind feelings towards the high quarter from which this paper emanated. From Ihe Hichmond Enquirer. THE FISCAL AGENT. Wc calmly waited for the Secretary's plan we carried it into our retirement impartially viewed the whole project, and returned with the following impressions: W'c merely indicate these propositions to day. We shall develope them more parti cularly hereafter.) 1st. We lay down as a broad principle, that the Federal Government has no au thority under the Constitution to regulatp j'tc currency or pxchnnges, by fneans of n paper money. The power was proposed inbe given in ihe Federal Convention to l!nw them to issue bills of credit. fe tt was refused'. Whatever definition may bP given to a bill of credit, all will agre that Go vfToriiPTit pnnrr as a cirevlot'ug medium for the people will come ender t''nt desig nation. 2d. That it U nt . therefore cimpp'enl for the Federal Government to isne Trea sury notes (to the amount of 15 millions) f r the purpose of furnishing a circulating medium for the people. 3d. Thai the Exchange feature is utter ly inadmissible. ' rjThis power is calculated lo inTaep the patrr.nage of the Government, and danger ously to expand the credit svtem. It loon" out the puhlic monev to favored in dividuals, who flv their kites the oftenpr. because the flight of each is shortpr. h would, in other words, generate the old svstem of the drawing and redrawing in ihe Scotch bpnk, so well pxposed by Adam Smith. The wonder is. how Mr. Tvler should sanction this discounting on bi'ls of exchange, after having repudiated it in his last Veto.1 4di. Thp dppositp feature, nnd per tificntes of depnsitc to the amount of another fi f'een millions, is liable to objections, if it were likely In bp much used. But would r? A man who has specie to pav for it, cul1 huv a goo ! privatp bill for remittance and would he bp willing to Ipnd h? spppip to Governmpnt for its own cprtifica'e, whpn he could get no interest or profit by the tranemntnlion? 5th. It is (as a correspondent "rites u on the 20th Dpcpmber) "a Government Bnr.k. 1o all intents and purposes. It would discount bills, issue a naper curren cy, and receive dppnsitpp. The money of the people would be loaned out to favorites as it was by the pet banks." 6th. Its complicated machinrrr of Com missioners at Washington and triple agen cies in all the States, is alarmingly calcu lated to enlarge the patronage of the Exe cutive. "Here (says Mr. Buchanan) were fire commissioners to be appointed at Washington, with fifty-two subordinate agencies all over the country, each requiring the additional appointment of three principal officers, lo say nothing of subordinates. Hers was a corps of officers of at least Iwo hundred individuals, presenting two hun dred places very convenient im'ppd for the friends of any administration which might desire lo sccur and to reward their servi ces. Mr. B. here again protested that he intended no nersonai reflection on the pre sent Chief Magistrate in thp remarks he now nrule. Hp did nol entertain the ret mo'ppt fear that President Tyler would ever abuse bis trust. Public liherty was not in the lesnt riangpr from him, Mr. . D. was governed entirely, ja the ground he uow took, "by genpral principles of policy, and nol by the slightest possible dUrespid 10 thp present Chief Maoistr-ite' A.'osi of these features are not calculated to assist the financial operations nf the J'reasiiry, the only legitimate purposes which the Constitution permits, llul does the scheme cvrn contribute to keep safe the public tieasure itself, w hen il exposes 11 to so many hands and when the public is liable to lose upon so many bills of ex change, from the vicissitudes of comrnetce and when it would have to insure ihe specie on deposiie? Of the gigantic scheme, ll.en, what re mains of its legitimate features? Two only, as far as we can see 1st. The right of the fiscal functionaries of the Go vernment lo draw bills on ils own funds, from point to point where the funds are actually deposited, for the payment of its creditors; and 2d. The issuing of Trea sury notes, as they have been recently is sued, not for the purpose of creating a cir culating medium, but as another form of borrowing money a form lhat may " be better than loans upon public slocks, be cause it confines the money to the country, instead of sending the interest in specie funds abroad; and because they are redeem able, and the debt is paid, whenever the Government is in possession of funds, in stead of owing a public debt on stocks run ning for ten to fifteen years. In fine, our true policy seems to be this: 1st. Cut down the public expenditures as low as possible. Away then with ihe eight millions of. ihe Postmaster General for railroads; and let us beware of the mag nificent scheme of ihe Secretary of ihe Na vy who would come to a navy half as large as that of Great Britain, and would begin with an annual expense of eight mil lions, instead of five or six; and, 2lly. Let us throw back into the Federal Treasury the proceeds of ihe sales of the public lands. After these two measures have been a--dopted, then, if there be any deficit, let us resort to temporary Treasury noies, but not as a common medium for the country. We lay these propositions before our readers, with every courteous and concilia tory feeling towards Mr. Tyler. We are aware of the difficulties which surround him. The whole subject a,per se, full of embarrassment. But independently of these intrinsic difficulties, it is impossible w iih bis present Cuhinot uj?vlL u J ence of evil counsels tn his Administration. So long as Mr. Webster remains the Pre mier, the disc of his immense orb must cast its dim eclipse around the Govern ment. The expose of the Treasury ac companying the bill,1 is said to be bis. Th. .i!i hable to the criticism which Mr. Mangtun makes upon it, it is still a master ly document. His giant intellect jsswerV. ed by his deep lined Federal prircioles and it operates upon all around him'. He is attempting to carry out the pledge he bas made to his Whig friends, in the letter which he wrote for the purpose of excus ing bis re. naming in the Cabinet. This is the scheme which he then darkly shadow ed forth but unfortunately for himself, even his own Federal friends are the first to repudiate it. It is a great failure and he will rue Ihe Consequences. But such will always be the caae with the strong but perverted ahilities of Datiiel Webster. The sooner he leaves Mr. Tyler to his own principles, and to his pure Virginia abstrac tions, the better for the Administration, and lite better for the country ! From the (.llobe. THE NEW TACK. . The chairman of the Committep r?f Ways and Means (Mr. Fdlmore) yes'crday arres ted t!e proceeding, by asking leave to report a bill, r -ndered instantly indispen sable by the public exigencies. The ear nestness of the appeal induced .Mr. Hopkins (who had the floor) io give way i.iniiedi .te ly, and the House, tmpre-sed in Ihe sarr.p way. Unanimously gave consent that Mr. Fillmore should report from his committee; and hd the Whig chief (or Great Medicine, as the Indians would call him) produces, as a panacea for the relief of botli the Go vernment and the people, the iir ntical dose of five mi'.liors of Treasury notes, which the same W lug Doctors, but a little while since, denounced as a poison, and ab-o!u'e- ly refused to administer to iheir pa'h'nt?, j When Mr. Fillmore hal his recipe for t public ills read out admitting that the Whig substitute, ihe twelve million loan, would not c down and gave his friends lo understand that there musi be no wry faces, but a.i inMaiit taking of the presciip tion to saie life, there was ui universal burst of laughter from all sides of the House. The turn-about was so sudden on the part of the grave and solemn college of the Wavs and Mcars, that the impulse for derision got the belter of every other feeling. It put one in mind of ihe Sorrow ful Doctor in La Tarantula, who, in the midst nf his overwhelming grief fir the loss of 9 wife, carried off by robbers, is suddenly smitten with an ecsiaey nf love for a young shep herd's beautiful betrothed wife (the her oine of oUr lime is the -graceful Fanny Ellfiler) and the genUeoian in sables turns daneC to wia Lcr, The National Intellig-nctT, remarking on this subject, says in this morning p per: - - "The nccessnrv conscqumce of rietlprt it.g lo act on the bill for changM.g ihe term ot the authorized loan, or which it known not more lhan one-half was taken, has been to require the introduction f a bill yesterday, by ihe Committee of Way and Means, to authorize a reissue of Trea sury nou s to a .sufficient amount to meet the demands upon the Treasury until mon ey enough for the purpose be realized from the revenue, or from the further execution of the loan. A copy of the bill ihey report ed "will be found it -proper place in onr account of the proceedings of the House of Representatives." ... This apology of the National Intelligen cer for the sudden tack of th Whigs, ia almost as ridiculous as the thing itself. It seems that "neglecting lo act on the bill for changing the terms of the authorizd loan, of which it is known not more than one half was taken," is the cause of the com pelled resort lo the condemned Treasury notes. Well, whose neglect to act on the bill has brought this lamentable alternative for the Whigs, of exchanging their own reform, for the abhorred and repudiated course of their opponents? The, W hig majority are responsible for neglecting to act on the bill. And whose fault is it that the "terms of the authorized loan" (ihe measure of the Whigs for supplying the Treasury") are such that no more lhan one half was taken? - The Whig majority pre scribed the terms of lhat loan bill, lint we must tell the National Intelligencer that the .fault which prevented the negotiation of the loan is not only in the terms of ihe bill, but in the character of the Administration. The confitlence necessary to sustain the Government, is wanting in the Administra tion. The world can have no confidence in the means of a Treasury, which are to be collected by puch men as Curtis, al the greal reservoir of the customs in the stability of ihe finanees. while uch men as Webster control the desMnies of the country for peace or ar. at tlie bend of its foreign affairs. Il w ill be found, we fear, that even Treasury notes will not long maintain the credit and efficacy which made them a complete remedy for the temporary diffictilties under the late Ad ministration. Then they were used to anticipate revenue, and the public had eon- m -.rlwlmf nte : itcnmfwnd td and enforced by the late Administration as to new expenditures, which assured their prompt redemption. Now the allienalion of ihe public domain the increased ex penditure ihe doubts as to the honest management of the cusloms, as to skilful management of ihe finances and above all, as to the continuance of peaceful rela tions under a timid retreating policy which invites aggression all tend lo weigh down the Treasury notes, with the character and credit of ihe country. "The Presidency. A Washiogto'1 Correspondent of the North America says: "Tlie Locos will soon, it is said have their candidates tn ihe Held. Thpy are now broken into four parts; one part for Mr. Calhoun, one for Col. Benton, one f.r Mr. BuHianan, 3tid one ( r Mr. Van Bn ren. Three of them will have to give way, and rally on the fourth. And even then they will be defeated, if the W big stick together; but ibis is doubtful. No three whigs ever thought exacily alike vet. Each one seems to set up' for himself or his candidate, and to cany on the war up on his own responsibility. Whether this is beltet than to have, as the locos, a com mnn conscience, is one of those questions 111 political morality which 1 shall not de cide." QNot so fast, gentleman. No ueh "flut tering unction to your soul," we beg you. We (hoco foco-, as you are pleased to call us,) are not so destitute of discretion or of principles, as to rush into this miserable gime of private ambition. We mean "i Mick tog-tlier," and not to divide about our Presidential candidate. "We are not quite soft enough for that!' 1 1 will be time enough for u to think of that quesii m at the close of 1813, and to call a nominating Convention in the Sprint of 18H. In the mean time, we have most important matters to engage our attention. We have ihe great principles of the old Republican party to re-establish. IV have the infamous hmu buggery of J 8 10. &nl the mischievous measures of the Ex tra Session of 18-11, to undo. 'We area gain to set np the Inndmaiks of 08 '09. We have to fly that illustrious fl;ig, under which all true States Rights' Republican are to rally. We have to run the broad line between Republicans and Federalism, and to run it deep. Wo! 10 that man, whoever be may ha. who will al such a juncture turn aside from Ihe paths of doty, to indu'ge his own ambitious aspiration, and to pres his own selfish pretensions upwii the country. We can have no such aspirant among us. Prudence' would re strain him, ii principle did not. The man who nuw loses sight of himself, in order t.i save the principles of the C"i-ii:uuoA, is in the best condition fur serving hi coun try, as well as fur reaping the ultimata re ward of Ins own, disinterestedness. .