North Carolina Newspapers

VERMONT. ,-,,. A-nm the MexxaaP. of OoV. Williams, of Vermont, communicated to the Legislature of that' State October 11, l$oi. . .o-.-. . "1 trustthat you will, v in ail your deliberations, bear in; mind that legislators are not only respon sible to' their constituents, but are also subject to a Jbigher law, and higher power, and unless tneyieei and act under a sense of this subjection, the oaths, which they take at the commencement of their po litical service, would be but mockery. To be just and fear not, and to act in subjection' to this power, is the duty of every person whatever ; and legisla - tors and rulers cannot exempt themselves from this obligation. I should consider myself very unfit to - take'upon me the duties of the ofilce to which I have been elected, if I did not feel that the oath I have taken laid me under an obligation to discharge - the duties of it in the fear of Him, before whom the nations " are as a drop in the bucket, and are counted as the small dust in the balance," and who " taketlt up the isles as a very Uttle thing." It is . i e l: T 1 ...:,-.rto.l fliaciilw jection to this law has been made a subject of re proach or ridicule, or that listeniug to the dictates of conscience, and seeking its direction, should be treated as f:maticism, or an exploded idea of by-gone times. The law3 of our Maker, and the teachings of an enlightened conscience, instruct rulers to do no injustice, and all to be submissive and obedient to lawful authority, and cannot be made a pretext for oppression, or of resistance to the requirements of law. This principle is so general, that I deem it almost idle and superfluous to mention it. The people of this State are better acquainted with their rights and duties than is supposed by many. They ) entertain no idea that they are absolved fronvobe- dience to law, because it does not conform to their views and wishes. This latter sentiment, I have no reason to believe, pervades any considerable portion of our fellow citizens, and I mention it with a view to assert my disbelief of any such sentiment ex isting among many of the citizens of this State, and not to controvert or show its fallacy. If it were practicable, it would be desirable that every act of a legislative body should be accompa nied with such evidences of its necessity and utility as to ensure a ready acquiescence in the propriety and wisdom of its provisions, and thus commend itself to the hearts and affections of the people, and not require the coercive power of government to enforce it. But as obedience and submission must be yieled to the supremacy of the laws, and a resort to compulsory measures must be had, if TKwwcarr in onsurA this nKfiilionnn. it is incumbent on a legislative body to consult the general good, and not unnecessarily sacrifice the interest of one portion of the commuuity to that of the other, nor wantonly injure the feelings and views of one, to conciliate and gratify those of another. When there is this conflict of interest and opinion, the . ; voice of the maiority must prevail. In a republican government, having a written constitution, there are two tests to which all legis- lative acts must be submitted. One is public opin ion, and the other is the provisions of that consti- . mt i 1 .li ation of any acts or laws passed by any legislature, and the latter will try their validity. To the for mation of a correct public sentiment, and to in- fiuence it, the utmost latitude must be allowed of speaking and publishing the sentiments and views of every individual. The merits of public men and measures must be subject to be discussed free ly, in order to obtain that remedy, if any is neccs--sary, which the representatives of the people in their legislative capacity can alone give, tvery at tempt to repress, tliis liberty of speech and of the . Ttftxan n Till t cilnnVk an lrmnirr infcsi tJiA TMViT,riir er wisdom of public men and measures, whether by . ' a 1 I J law or the exercise of patronage, by appeals to the passions, tne tears, the avance or ambition of in dividual?, must be futile and vain, and can obtain no permanent favor of the thinking and intelligent citizens of the United States. For myself, I can adopt the language of an eminent individual, that "to speak my mind and act as my conscience dic tates, are two branches of liberty which I cai never part with. 1 am sure the people of this country will never consent to part with this liberty, howev er much it may be desired by some, to avoid a scru i . i - . uny or tne acts ana merits ot themselves and oth ers ; and no danger is to be apprehended from the abuse of this liberty, while men are under the su- penntendance and supervision of the law, and amenable to public justice. To the other test all legislative acts are also sub ject, and it is the province of the judiciary depart ment to determine, when the Jaw and the constitu tion are antagonistic, that the former must yield, and the latter prevail. This power of the judiciary was formerly denied, but is not doubted at this unjr. it is uie ngiit ana privilege oi any one, ar fected by any act of the legislature in his person or property, to bring the act to the consideration of the judicial tribunals, who will pronounce it valid or void, as it conforms to or conflicts with the fun damental law. In order to ensure confidence in a judicial decision on this delicate and difficult sub ject, the citizen should feel that he can present his views, that he will be heard with patience, and not be embarrassed by any previous expression of opin ion, not required, uncalled for, and extra judicial, and not a decision of the question submitted. No individual, or State, should be discouraged from re sorting to this mode of trying the validity of any legislative act. I need not speak to you of our attachment to the Union, or our reverence for the constitution, or our unwavering obedience to all its requirements. A recurrence to history will show, that we volun tarily and unhesitatingly sought admission into the Union, and ratified and confirmed its constitution, and have never, even when invited by those in whom we placed confidence, asked for any impor tant alteration in its provisions, and have manifes ted no wish to disturb the ratio of representation ; nor have we joined with others, in acts or measur es which might be considered as tending to a vio lation of, or resistance to, its authority. "We make no loud and vociferous professions of attachment to the constitution, as such professions sometimes indicate that there may have been reason to doubt that attachment, and an uncalled for profession of faith and reverence for the Union and constitution, might imply that we had heretofore been wanting in that reverence. i , . Allegiance, to the government of the United States depends not upon our will r we cannot, while we enjoy its protection, absolve ourselves, nor can . any state, or any combination of states, absolve us from that allegiance. And should any state, or any number of inhabitants within any other geo graphical limits, attempt it, the laws of the United States and its vknstitutinn x:n i r .... . . - --v omi uk: m lurms withinbheii territory, and would only be rendered ineffectual, by : the want of ability and power in -A the authorities of the Union, to enforce obedience. ,i I have no reason to doubt but that the necessary power would be found, and the aid afforded tr compel submission to law and authority. For this .reason ;I have regarded, perhaps too lightly, all threats of a dissolution of the Union as futile and have noticed .with aurprise, in the resolutions of o: uuuicb, tuiu nnjswuuvo messages, a ueclara- .i ju,ur muu ihi niumauon, inai aanerence to any urc.-urci oi cuuirress, is w oe me condition ..j..r--H"5,r uueuiy u me union, as tnougn trus alleoi '' snA Morion, lul iirvrvw .:n i '- t 1 n l .vuo. 1 nope that the1 crv of danow t tha TTnlrn in, ihe cry of danger to the Church in the country of vul T""vf)ip,iu utucc wiues, is potato be made tne nreiexb ior aruitxarv mu nnranouvo Tvmo:...r., -1,,, -.jis-aHOO-; :- ,.' 1 miliatinsr and desrradinff submission. In an extended territory, like that of the United States, the different sections will have different in terests, and legislators will be influenced by their local situations. Hende they will be liable to the imputation : of being governed by sectional and hot national views, ibis was the compiaini against those laws which were enacted, in favor of a pro tective tariff, and which, at one time, came very near involving the country m a civil war- It should be remembered,' however, that what advances the in terest of one section, in a measure advances the in terest of all. The protection, which has heretofore been extended to the manufacturing interest, has also benefitted that of agriculture and commerce. An abandonment of this interest was truly a sec tional, and not a national measure. We ought not to look with jealousy or envy, on the wealth which may have been accumulated,. consequence of this protection, when it has been so liberally expended in works of usefulness, and benevolence, extending to everv oart'of this republic .We -hope that we shall ao-ain witness a ; resort , to a protective, tariff, and that the doctrine of free trade will, be given up as a sectional and narrow teeiing, not aaaptea to the wants of the whole Union. Sensible, bow- ever, that in our government a majority must deter mine what measures shall be adopted, even if our wishes should be disregarded, and a policy still more fatal to our interests should be pursued, we shall endeavor to seek redress in the Union, and not out of it. There is another subject, connected with the ac tion of this state, which I ought not to pass over in silence, inasmuch as our state has been most un- iustly calumniated by those who have officiously intermeddled with our concerns. Some of. the states in the confederate republic, our equals, and not our superiors, have undertaken to sit in judg ment, and reprove and reprimand our legislative acts, as though we. were, accountable to them Those of our own citizens, who have either approved or condemned any acts or proceedings of the leg islature, have but exercised the right of expressing their own opinion, and endeavoring to influence the opinion of others, which all undoubtedly possess and so far as it evinces an anxiety to keep rulers and legislators within the pale of constitutional authority, or to protect the natural rights or liber ties of man, or to procure the repeal or modification of any law, whether of the state or general gov ernment, it cannot be a subject of censure, but mer its approbation. Those belonging to other states, and other governments, who have reflected injuri ously on the legislation ot this state, are not enti tied to this charitable construction of their motives or acts. We are not bound to consult their wish est or conform to their views, when we legislate for ourselves. It is no time for them to complain until we violate their ngats. These remarks are elicited from a consideration of the law of the congress of the United States, on the subject of fugitives from labor, and the act of the legislature of this state, relating to the writ of habeas corpus, and of the view taken of them by others. Of the former, I have no disposition to enter into any discussion, and shall not speak of it in the language of reproach, and certainly not of approbation. . I early learned, in the resolutions of the general assembly of this'state in the year 1799, in answer to certain resolutions transmitted to them by the state of Virginia, that " it belongs not to the state legislature to decide on the constitution ality of laws made by the general government, that power being exclusively vested in the judicia ry courts of the Union ;" and from that year to the present time, I have never seen any great practical good from passing resolutions on subjects not lm mediately connected with legislation, as the repre sentatives and senators are usually sufficiently ac quainted with the wishes and feelings of their con stituents, without the aid of resolutions and in struction. . , I may remark for myself individually, tt at what ever other powers congress may possess, in order to insure domestic tranquility and promote the gene ral welfare, or warrant the passing of the laws in question, I have not been able to find in it that clause of the constitution, in relation to fugitives from labor, and have rather coincided with the opinions of a learned chancellor of New York, and of a judge of the supreme court of the United States, and of some of the distinguished statesmen of that portion of the Union who are the most sen sitive on this subject, that no legislation by con gress was authorized or required. But upon this, as upon all other similar subjects, 1 have endeavored to conform my own views to judicial decisions, con sidering all decisions of the supreme court, upon a point directly in issue, as final and conclusive, though I have not yielded the same authority to the rea sons which they may express for coming to such decisions, which are frequently given by the way of illustration or explanation only. I should have much preferred to see the authority in congress maintained from the words of the constitution, and not from contemporaneous history, which I have never been able to hnd, and from acquiescence, when those who were the subiects of its provisions had no other way but to acquiesce, and had not the means or ability to try the validity of any acts passed by congress, on any question of constitu- al construction. 1 am not insensible that others, whose opinions are of very high authority, have different views. Those who think congress are un der any constitutional obligation, by the article re ferred to, to enact laws to carry the same into ef fect, may be justified in passing this law, and will probably have to resort to other measures more stringent and effectual. Those of the representatives and senators in congress who neither voted for the law in question, nor proposed any alterations or amendments, I have no reason to believe, had any such views of consti tutional duty or obligation. But I have no wish whatever cither to discuss, agitate, censure, or ap prove the law in question, and will only add that it is no reason with me, either to withdraw my con fidence from any administration, or any men who think differently, or to withhold it hereafter, if they were honest and upright m their convictions of duty. . Unanimity, or a perfect coincidence of opin ion, is not to be expected in any legislative body, on every question . before them, either of ordinary legislation, or of constitutional rights or duties. Nor can I hesitate to express my approbation of the executive, in carrying into effect, either this or any other law passed agreeably to the forms of the constitution. Indeed it would be an anomaly,, and a dereliction of duty, for anyxecutive to refuse or neglect to execute a law, which has passed5 the legislature, and received his Official sanction. ", It is not, however, a matter of 'much, importance what may be my opinion in relation to the law in ques tion. It is sufficient ou this occasion to say, that of the constitutionality of the act, both m the whole, and in its particular "provisions, 'tery great doubts have been entertained. The President of the Uni ted States withheld, his approbation, until he had obtained the Opinion of . the Attorney General. Others, not convinced of that opinion, still continue in the belief that congress had assumed powers not delegated to them, and had 'disregarded the prin ciples of civil liberty,' and the constitution, ; One branch of the legislature of this state, with out any. appartint dissent,- had prohbunced the act a violation of the principles of civil liberty and the constitution,, and set forth the reasons for such an opinion. The other declared their disapprobation of the act, and urged its repeal, or such modifica tions as would protect the rights of our ' own citi zens, thereby implying thatthose rights might be m danger. 0J?fot having any reason to. doubt ithev were sincere in the belief of these opinions expressed ,.-!: 5 .; n i ;t -sii-o.-iqO - i by them, the passing the law in relation to the writ of habeas corpus and 'extending its provisions to persons claimed as fugitive slaves, cannot be made a subject of reproach. The law of this state is probably the first act of any legislature , designed to rive the person claimed as a fugitive ftom service, the way and the means of haying his claim to free dom established by a judicial tribunal, and proffer ing, the professional aid of the state s attorney, .to defend him from any unlawful seizure, not warrant ed by the law and the constitution. Of the ne cessity, propriety, or expediency of such an act, it is not for me to decide. Never having heard .that such an act was in contemplation, until the evening it passed, I nevertheless examined its provisions, and though I had doubts of its necessity or expe diency, I had none of its constitutionality, and gave it my approval. V ( ) ) j ' " "As early as the year 1786, this state found it necessary to provide against free persons being trans ported out of this state,-and sold as slaves, and our permanent laws make such practices highly penal. I can see no good reason why? an inquiry may not be had, on the. return of a writ of habeas corpus, whether a person is arrested or imprisoned by law ful authority, or is about to be sent out of the state without sueh authority. -'Instances have not been wanting, where persons have assumed to act as com missioners without any authority,' and where, in a summary manner, they, have taken jurisdiction over a person not a ragiuve, ana not suoject to tneir ju risdiction or authority. . The habeas corpus act passed by the legislature of this state, in the year 1814, met with the same objection and opposition as the act of the last legislature, and yet no attempt was made to procure its repeal, and its provisions have since been incorporated into the constitution of this state. . .-. .: r ' It is not, with me, among the objectionable pro visions of the act of our legislature, that it provides for carrying the subject, by appeal, to the courts of law, where, from the decision ot the highest courts of this state, a writ of eror will he to the supreme court of the United States, nor would it have been Objectionable if they had made the writ returnable, in the first instance, to the supreme court of the state. It is declared by the constitution of this state, that " the writ of habeas . corpus shall in no case be suspended ; it shall be issuable of right, and the General Assembly shall make provision to ren der it a speedy and effectual remedy, in all cases proper therefor." It protects . the citizen from aH unlawful imprisonment, and it matters not how ob scure the person illegally detained, or how high the pretended authority who claims to detain. Congress, in the plentitude of their power, cannot suspend it, nor can they direct how a trial shall be had in the same, before what tribunal, or at what time. - - ' ' ' If, as I remarked before, the legislature were sin cere in their convictions of the . unconstitutionality of the act of. congress, or even if they had any reasonable doubt upon the subject, they took the method least liable to objection, when they made provision to refer it to a judicial tribunal, whose de cision was stall liable to re-examination before the highest courts of this state, and of the United States. That there is nothing novel in referring to the writ of habeas corpus for relief against any act of congress, supposed to be against the provisions of the constitution, I may refer to the expressed opinion of Mr. Jefferson, whose authority will be listened to in some of the states which have mani fested hostility to the law of this state. Writing to a distinguished foreigner, who was liable to be re moved by virtue of an act of congress called the " alien law," and inviting him to Sie state of Vir ginia, he says : "that should you choose it for your asylum, the laws of the land, administered by up- ngni juages, wouia protect you trom any exercise r 1 i 1 11 m " . 01 power unauthorized by the constitution of the umtea otates. 1 ne naoeas corpus seeures every man here, alien pr citizen, against everything which is not law, whatever shape it may assume." Hav ing the same high confidence in the intelligence and integrity of the judges of this state, I have no doubt, that in the administration of this law, they will not contravene the constitution, either of the United States or this state : that they will not hesitate to inquire into any assumed authority of commission ers, or others ; will protect all within their jurisdic- : r 1 t.i - t . 1 uuu 11 um uuiawim seizure ana imprisonment, ana remand any one, brought before them, who is held by lawful authority. An interesting and important question, on the subject of fugitives from justice, is under discussion in the state of Maryland, in which they have di rected their Attorney General to set such proceed ings on foot as may bring the same before the su preme court of the United States for its adjudic- lion, x mention it, oniy to mowx that questions arising under the constitution of the United States, on the subject of fugitives, whether from labor or justice, and of the powers and duties of the execu tives and legislative branches of state government, are not of so easy solution, as to warrant the impu tation of hostility to the Union, or constitution, or treasonable disaffection to the government, in any of those who may entertain different and discordant views of these questions. I do not look with disfavor on any attempt to try the validity of a law of congress, or of a state legislature, by appeals to the judiciary, while I wholly discountenance all attempts of forcible resis tance ; but I have not formed so low an opinion of the stability of the Union, or the authority of the general government, as to suppose that either can be materially affected by any violent outbreak of popular indignation, or the indiscretion, even of largo bodies ot the people. JNot am 1 willing so to confound the distinctions between crimes, as to magnify them to the crime of treason, the highest which can be committed in a state. Called out, in the early part of my life, with a detachment of militia, to enforce the laws of the Union, I then witnessed instances of resistance to the authority and laws of the United States, by bodies of armed men, property seized under the authority of the United States rescued by violence, and by men armed for the purpose, soldiers fired upon, .wounded, and some of them shot down in the discharge of their duty, professional ingenuity taxed to the utmost to screen the offenders, and to render the laws ineffectual : and although some of the offenders were convicted of murder and man slaughter in the courts of this state,; yet I was taught by the courts of the Union, that no treason was committed. The integrity of the Union was not destroyed or impaired by such violent and law less acts, although they were constant and contin ued for a long time. I was then taught a lesson of reverence and submission to the laws, which made a lasting impression on my mind. . A resis tance, and particularly a resistance by force, and by men armed, and by murderous assault, was not ac ceptable to me then, nor is it now, and I hope the majesty and supremacy of the law will ever be vin dicated. But I haver no fears that the government will be seriously anected by -any such tumultuous and popular, commotions. ..- .- .- , It lsmot with . pleasure, that I have felt it neces sary to say thus much on the laws of the United States and of this state : a respect both for the Union, and for this state, would not permit me to Say less. : I I .have . received : several communications from other states, and from constitutional conventions, which will bo transmitted to you "A communica tion from the state of ., Virginia and also', pne from the state of North Carolina, were so . disrespectful and offensive to this , state, that. I deem it not con sistent with the respect I bear the legislature, to commjpteyaqfef jpur request, andtKe'governors of- these states were so informed." THE STANDARD. The Cnstltatlon and the Union of tne Stateit Ther mut be Preierrtd." "' ' ... -1 RALEIGH: SATUKDAV. KOTEMBER 11851. , VERMONT. We have copied into our paper to-day that portion of th Message of -the-Gowbo of -Vermont which relates to the fugitive-slave law and the habeas corpus law of that State. We leave this document with oar readers farther comment upon it is unnecessary. " By the way, the Raleigh Register is silent in rela tion to this message ; and the Star, having given an incorrect statement of its substance,and having been reminded of it and appealed to on the 8 object, is also silent. -Are those - papers , determined ; to .- cover op, systematically and as a matter of Whigpblicy, the sentiments and conduct of the Abolition VVbigs in the free States t it would seem so. The good feel ing existing between " the allies North and South, must not be disturbed '; in the language of the Guil ford Whigs, an eye mast be had, not only to South ern rights bnt to " Northern interests." . Vermont al ready gets a handsome protection for her wool by the present Tariff ; the Star is anxious to increase the rates of the Tariff, and thereby add to the burdens on the planting interests, for the benefit of Northern interests " ; and now let os ask how much more the Star would give! Would the Editor and the Guil ford Whigs yield to Vermont until the .Whigs of that State replied enough we will go for Graham ? Is that to be the game? Are the interests and rights. of the slaveholding States to be bargained away for party success and party rewards 1 ' The Governor of Vermont, it will be seen, speaks of a communication from. North Carolina, which he deemed too " disrespectful " to be laid before the Assembly. He doubtless refers to the following Re solution, which was adopted unanimously by our last Legislature. . It was drawn op by the lamented Dr. Cameron, the Senator from Cumberland, and was passed as it came from his pen : Resolution in relation to. Vermont.' Whereas, a message has recently been transmitted to the Senate by his Excellency David. S. Reid, in closing " resolutions for the promotion of peace," forwarded by the Governor of Vermont, as having passed the Legislature of that State ; and whereas the Legislature of the said State has recently , passed an act for the nullification of an act of Congress, passed at its last session, on which the peace and harmony of this Union mainly depend : Therefore, Be tt tiesotved, I bat the uovernor of this State be requested to send back to the Governor of Vermont the aforesaid' resolutions tor the promotion of peace,' with the declaration that North Carolina- knows too well what is due to herself to receive from a sister State resolutions of that character, when the State so adopting and transmitting them, has been the first in the confederacy to assume to herself the right of vio lating the constitution of the United States, and bringing into jeopardy the peace and safety of the union."- ... Ratified 28th January, 1851. . -THE INFAMOUS SEWARD. We alluded, in oar last, to the monstrous fact that William H. Seward, who represents in the Senate one of the first States of the Confederacy, not only gave countenance to the Syracuse law-breakers by becoming one of their bail for appearance in Court, but actually invited themnegroes, , M Bloomers " and all to his house in Auburn, where he entertain ed them cordially and in the best style. ' Of coarse this man has a legal right to act in this way ; bat his moral guilt is as deep as if he, himself, had joined these traitors in the outrage at Syracuse, for he makes himself one of them by becoming their bail and by seeking their company. We shall observe the man ner with which his brother Senators will meet him in December next.' They owe it to their own self" respect, as well as to the honor of their constituents, to hold no intercourse with him, bat to treat him as a thing accursed. Who cares whether he is sincere or not in his convictions ! His conduct is the touch stone by which to try him "the . tree is known by its fruits." The tendency of his policy and conduct is to dissolve the Union of these States, and thereby to bring upon the people, North and South, calami ties suchas they have never heretofore experienced, He is an enemy to the Union, to the repose of the country, and to the happiness and prosperity of the white race on this Continent; he is worse than Ar nold, because Arnold deserted the cause of liberty before it was triumphant, and when it was in doubt; bat he arrays himself against the guardian of oar liberties, the Constitution, when in the full tide of experiment, and would destroy by his policy an ascertained, a palpable, and an undeniable source of benefits and blessings. . the Albany Keg later thus notices his conduct in connection with these Syracuse traitors : ' "We are credible informed, that on Monday, when Judge Conkling delivered his opinion, about a hun dred Abolitionists, trom Syracuse and Auburn, com' posed ot men . and - women, many ot the latter in Bloomer chesses, were present, and that after Gov. Seward had become bail for the parties bound over, iIia mntTpff crrnnn r.f malpd nnff Inner n n! ahirt clrirf- ed females, by his invitation, formed a procession and . ,r escorted the released prisoners - to his house, where they were treated to a most gracious and hospitable reception. - This conduct on his part, can be regarded in no other light, than as an indirect censure of the decision of Judge Conkling, a -public expression of 8ympatny tor persons bound over to answer the charge c : r 1 nr r" . . m 01 a criminal vuuacB oi no ordinary lurpuaue, ana an approval of the sentiments and principles of the fanatical group which formed their escort. We deeply regret that a United States Senator from New York, and former chief magistrate, of the State, should have so far forgotten what is doe to a decent self-respect, to his high position, to public opinion. and the laws and Constitution of his country, as to take the lead in such a miserable and degrading exhi bition. We allude to the subject in a spirit of sor row, not of anger-t-with feelings of deep-humiliation, and not .for the purpose pf heaping obloquy upon Gov. Seward. We are sore that on calm reflection, his own sense of propriety will lead, him to regret the undignified course in which he indulged, and the pernicious example, which, in what mast have been an unguarded moment, he has set . before his fellow citizens. We trust the course of those Dresses. which have so industriously fomented resistance to the tugive-slave law, and stirred up sedition, has not his deliberate sanction ; that he does not approve the Syraouse outrage, and seek to protect its nernetra- tors from the penalties, of the law ; that he would not designedly bring a higher court of justice into disre pute, and that least of all does he hold sentiments in common and sympathize with that demented crowd whom he invited to his mansion. ' '; " - ; 1 For the honor of the city and the State in whlnh it is located, we deplore the occurrence of such an exhibition in Auburn, scarcely less than the ontram at Syracuse-. We hope that the organs 'of the exhi bitors, will not seize upon the fact thai it has led to such an uncouth scene, as another argument why the law should not be executed. It would . however, be of a pieee with the rest of their reasonintr. ' AnA mnnt sincerely do we hope that it will qot be repeated opon invitation of a United States Senator.' " i ne yellow fever, it isstated broke out in. Mobile on the 26th of last month, causing great alrm among I Hi people. 1 be Hoard of Health had. reported, how ever," that it was not on the increase, bu t advise stran gers '.to stay away from. the C!ityi until, the afsease skulls have totally disappeared, ' ',' '"" " THE STAR FOR A HIGHER TARIFF. . The cloven foot of Federalism is showing itself more'and more, as the Presidential campaigq approa ches. The Raleigh Star is not only out for a Nation al Bank, and a distribution of the proceeds, of the sales' of the public lands; but the Editor comes for ward in. his f last issue and labors to .show that the Tariff-taxes of the people ought to be increased, for the benefit, of coarse, of "Northern intcresls,' We shall not reply, at present, to the Star'3 argu ments on this subject, for we have something strong er than any thing we could say,' in the proceedings of our last Assembly. We call the attention of the Star and the people generally, to the following Resolu tions, adopted by the Legislature at its late session : " Resolutions in relation to the encouragement of Home Industry, and iequestinar oar members in both branches of Congress to vote against any increase of tariff datiesr.""8-"-" f Whereas, The Southern States of this Union have, since the formation of the Federal Government, asJ stated in fostering and nourishing the' manufacturing and' mining interests of the oon-slaveholdin g States, by voting to impose' high taxes upon importations from foreign countries which might come in compe- tion with the productions of the labor and industry of the atoresaid non-slaveholdins Slates S and whereas these acts of generosity and self sacrifice have been unappreciated at the North, and the people of that section show a disposition to make unceasing attacks upon oar institutions and property : therefore. Resolved, That the State of North Carolina feels herself under no further obligation, by the votes of her representatives in Congress or otherwise, to pro tect the " Home Industry" of the non-slaveholding States. ' ' ' - 2. Resolved, .That if our own industry needs pro tection it can be better effected by State than by KJon eressional legislation.'. . . 3. Resolved. That the present tariff is high enough .to. afford sufficient revenue to carry on an economical ly administered government, and ought not to be in creased. 4. Resolted, , That the foregoing resolutions be transmitted to our members in both houses of Con gress, with a request that they lay them before their resDective houses, and with the further reauest. that fkov vntA nrrainaf nnv rhan rro in tha nrespnt tariff i.i iiviu ri". ri"? .c:;i"-.ii.r:r laws wuicii ma v uavo uio cucci kj uruieci vr euuuu rage the manufacturing or mining interests of the free States, or which may hare the eflect to increase the cost to the Southern consumer of any of the products ot foreign countries. i . Ratified 22d January, 1851. These Resolutions were introduced into the Com' mons by Mr. Erwin, a Whig, on the 2nd oFJanuary; on the 4th of January,) Mr. Rayner moved their in definite postponement,1 which the House refused to do by a vote of twentyfour to eighty -five; and the Resolutions were then .passed and ordered to engross-' ment. They were received by the Senate on the 7th of January, and on the 17th, on motion of Col. Bow er, they were taken up in that body,, read the third time, and ordered to be enrolled. Similar Resolutions were also introduced into the Senate, by Mr; Barrin- ger, a Whig; but Mr. Erwin's were generally agreed upon and passed. ' The people of North Carolina speaking through their Representatives in General Assembly, have al most unanimously declared, among other things, that " the present Tariff is high enough to afford sufficient revenue to carry on an economically administered government, and ought not to be increased " and yet the Star, in the face of this declaration, and at a time like this, proposes to disturb the Tariff, to increase its rates, and thus impose additional burthens, for the benefit of the capitalists of the free States, on the industry and interests of the slaveholding States. If the Star be right in this matter, then were the Wbigsof the last Assembly wrong ; but the Editor is borne down by numbers the deliberately express ed voice of his party and of his State is against him. The Star says the Tariff of 1846 has "opened the flood-gates of rain " apon the " industrial interests of the country' This is news to us. Will the Editor tell us when these " flood-gates were opened, anTj where the " rain" is rolling 1 It is very easy to talk and declaim let us hate the proofs. One fact is worth a volume of mere declamation and assertion. Let as have the proofs, Mn Lemay. . Am not the wool growing States already getting a sufficient bounty on their wool! And has not Pennsylvania, so.deeplt interested in iron sncf coal, just declared by her recent vote for : Bigler, that she is satisfied with the Tariff of 18461 MANTEO PAPER MILLS. We have been jjrintfffOTjr paper for several weeks past, on an article of paper made at the Manteo Mills, near.this City ; and we think we may say, with strict truth, that the paper which the enterprising Proprie tors are turning out, will compare favorably with spe cimens from any similar establishment in the Union. It will be recollected that, some time since, these Mills were destroyed by fire, just as the Proprietors were'getting fairly -tinder way ; but, not discouraged by this disaster, they went to work ' with renewed energy, erected larger buildings, procured an engine of fifty horse power, together with the very best ma chinery, and have commenced again under auspices and with means, business tact, and a spirit which must ensure success, v Editors who are disposed to encourage home manu factures, now have an opportunity of doing so. .We are saving per annum,;by these Mills, from seventy five to one hundred dollars in the way -of freight; and besides, we get just a's good an article of paper as we formerly procured at the North, at the same price, while we incur no risk of being imposed on, as Printers soractimef are, by short reams, and by flimsy paper being mixed in with the good. ' These Mills are situated within some two and a half miles of Raleigty on Crab tree creek. .-, SONS OF) TEMPERANCE. The Grand ' Division of the Sons of Temperance has been in session here this week. On lhursday, an Addresss was delivered in the Commons Hall, at eleven o'clock, by Mr. Hewlett : and in the evening Addresses were delivered by the Rev. W. A. Shaw and Prof. Deems.' The audien ces were targe, and appeared to be deeply interested in the' good cause. ' ) .. . ; ' T On Thursday night a Party was given by the Sons at the Masonic Hall, Which, we learn, was well at tended. : ! 1 -:; 1 v" : ' 1 "' We lean that there) were about o&e hundred mem bers of the Grand Division in attendance. ' The pro cession, which moved trom the Masonic Hall, down Fayetteville Street, to Temperance Hall, and thence to the Capitol,' presented quite "anr imposing appear- ance. . . M ' , ' V' ? i Mr. John B. Odom. of Northampton, was elected Grand Worthy Patriarch; Mr. Luke Blackmer, of Rowan, Grand Wprth.Associate ; and Mr, A. M. Gorman, of thisplacfe, . was re-elected Granrf Scribe; We learn that the next Annual Meeting of the Grand Division will he held in Salisbury. '-"' We publish to-day a .table of the Census of this 1 3.' - - State taken in 1850J and, prepared by the Census Department in Washington City. "We have copied it from the Wjhingtqr Repqblie, and suppose it is official andt correct .J willjbe useful, for future refer ence. ; .f'--7: I t The North Car Confer- ance meets in Salisbury on the 35th of this month MR. AVERY'S ADDRESS The AiMreM of W W - . ... ... ,cljr, r.3q.i0fp before the two Literary Societies of for the Dialectic Society.; . m Mr, Avery's subject is Stoic Pride. hpi. eated with a bold but truthful hand, the en j- . thAKi k,. ... - .. ""Hiiti, ID. v i ouiue 01 me chief on of ui our oacswaraness in tne race of mental causes ical improvement ; and he appeals in and Phy9. to the youne men of the countrv tn .. to the noble strife before them and to g0 Ton) mined to elevate their State to the high stand her sisters which she is so justly entitled to """" We make the following extracts from iu;aT,h " State pride is an active desire to see m, ate country nrosneroua and h.mn. t. 1 .r'1 in that love for the land of our birth, whirh '" the strongest instincts of our nature, nr.il Is 0ne of actions, and induces greater sacrifices than bler impulse of man's bosom. Love of birth i' tll,!r borne, is developed simultaneously with thn 11(1 affections for parents brothers f,A. an aroond the family hearth, and which if -Li?' esist cluster ever alter about the human heart d' tion expands the scope of affection, this feelinlpr,011'1?" to the social system around us, and is gra&nd' larged, until it comprises within its deS , I tire Government of the country we inhabit ernment has ever retained the allegiance o( i 3' zens where this sent ment ha if u.J'18?1"- uuuuirjr iits iiuunsuea wnere it - a 1 1 I UIJU nn pr nci pie, cherished as a passion, and made suboVji nate only to religion, in the ardor with which it led in the bosom of the neoole. R. L rl ?!. "?l0?- ficiency of this feeling, in controlling our ac ions s,i ulating high resolves, and securing sserifi!?? HiviH..!.! inl..l t .Ll- 6 ai.riuceol the extent of the area of & "oS. 7dt .T to make it active, effective a a e" r D.iln, orde! speak with reference to the public weal ,h, gl should be circumscribed by IitdUfeStK claries, and must not be too extensive, for each 8Uc cessive enlargement of the circle of its svrnn. weakens its intensity, precisely as our affection for family-re ative-friend-countryrnan, becomes les I ardent 88 it AVP.T(Tf fmm ilia : i c . vV" cu8 ot con - i "' " .The division of the vast territory of our Republic into States, with known and fixed boundaries, and having the entire control of their Awn intomol nAi:.. - , ""vmiui put ice and government, thereby concentrating the actions thoughts, and affections of their neonl. whii ' stitutes the strength and beauty of our political sys tem, is likewise the chief element of the prosperity of our Republic. As liberal competition between in dividuals, in the race for honorable distinction, is the greatest incentive to success, so does the generous ri valry among the members of our family of States, in their contest for preeminence in improving and ame liorating the condition of their people, ensure to earh greater progress in the march of improvement; and the aggregate of character and nrosoeritv thus attain ed by the several States, imparts to the Republic the glory and grandeur of its national character. Much of the weli-merited renown acauired bv our arms upon the plains of Mexico, may be ascribed to me nuoie emulation wnicn was excited in the bosoms of the several corps of patriotic soldiers. leDreseniinir the different States of the Union. Marching under a banner, clothed in the emblems, and inscribed with the motto of his State, each citizen-soldieraDDroach- ed the field of battle, proudly conscious that her hon or and character were confided to his keeping; and, as he beheld his brethren from the other States un furling their respective banners, and marshalling them, selves beneath their folds, he resolved, with a hero's spirit, that the flag of his native State should be fore most in the van, whilst a single hand was left to car ry and defend it. Thus inspirited the citizen-soldier of America has proved himself invincible. And if the same noble spirit of emulation, existing and operating in the civil departments of life, would animate and direct the people of all the States in this Union, what limit could human prophecy affix to their intellectual, so cial, political, and moral advancement ! Would to God that our beloved State thrilled from centre to cir cumference with theinspiration of this spirit! Would that I could this day enkindle in your bosoms the re generating spark ! For I am here to speak for North Carolina to anneal from her children whose genera- tlon ,a passing away, to those whose generation wm soon succeea mem , anu ii i suaii opoan yiauuj aim boldly, it is because all that I am all that I have and all that the future has in store for me, are hers, and from my full and perfect consciousness of loyalty to her institutions and her interests, i ciaim me pri vilege of telling you the trui h, and recounting the simple story of her wrongs. North Carolina commenced her career as a member of this Union with an average share of the wealth, ntelligence, and virtue, then existing among tne col onies. And it is true, she has increasea in popula tion in wealth- in intelligence in most of the ele ments that constitute the greatness of a State. But has that increase been commensurate with the pro gress of the world around us ? Is she not immeas urably behind many of her compeers 1 While she pauses, after short and convulsive efforts at progress, are not her proud sisters moving onward in their ca reer, and widening the distance which separates her from them ? Do you require evidence that she oc cupies a position so low in the scale of progress! As a primary question, I ask you. Where are the me morials of her advancement! Where are the works of public improvement, proportionate to the resources and means of her people, attesting their public spir it 1 A few partial works of improvement in one sec tion, struggling into precarious existence, and sus tained alone by their small band of SpaDan projec tors, and a single grandscheme progressing, which has been saved from positive failure only by unparalleled exertions, although a munificent subscription had been made by the State to aid its consummation these are the only monuments of their public spirit.' What have we accomDlished in the great canse of popular education t What expenditures have we made to disseminate intelligence among the mass oi our people, and therebv lav deer and broad the foun dations of popular freedom T We received a fund trom abroad, in terms a loan, but in effect a donation We established a svstem of Common Schools and devoted that fund to their maintenance. The fund has proved inadequate to give life and vitality to the system, and, instead of increasing it from our own abundant resources, and anietin? the public mina oj enlarging it to an amount sufficient to meet the wants of all sections,! we are calmly witnessing a contest touching its distribution, that may terminate either in the destruction of the system itself, or in the ali enation of the affections of oar people from each oth er. - And, pending this prolonged conflict, tne cause languishes, almost to stagnation, because the mass oi our people have abandoned schools louuu upon private subscription, in the confident expecta tion tht fhoir .hlMnn nnM k. allowed the privil ege of drinking deep from the fountains of pn"'ic instruction. - - -...;,'. ,. Where are her discoveries in Seienee, or the in- ftlanMfci nf h nnnrirtatinn nf fta established p:icr ciples, in improved forms, to promote the confort happiness of mankind I She has ascenaea u r form which others have.! erected, but 8ee,8,'',h the simple light of her own genius, to explore w ascent beyond. Where are her SDecimens of Art. sketched oj - Raphael's pencil, or springing Nfe-like from Ua va's chisel t The one exists only in the onrenecieu beauties of natore; the other lies buried in her nom berless quarries of native marble, which not eTeB. hand of. Utflity.'much less the fingev of Taste, n yet pointed out. for exploration. : ' ' m'' . tgtxr' W here, in hne, are all . tnose oiner jmp"'h monials, indicating the growth, prosperity, and P , of a flourishing Commonwealth ? The Statesman Philanthropist will find them nowhere wi th,n " , borders, unlsss they exist in the latent and unoevc oped energies of our people. s: . cwte, This picture of the condition of our beloved o gloomy and lamentable as It may be, is litera IJ ' " I've extenuated nothing. ' nor set down aught in o . - . . . " . . Hare. inu ice." .? Had. Moved net ies, --j-form-rudely, to draw aside the veil and expose her deio ities, Bat there is a fault somewhere, and I ther a remedy. I invite your attention whilst 1 see one and explain the er.'i ii, man- The torpor wh.cn i may "" "wity I ifest to you, cannot be ascribed !to an ,v U ( j .... 7 ' '-'-I ?.A1 ,Z Sx J. li .V O"