North Carolina Newspapers

Carolina 4 ' " - i : . -" - . - .-'3 WADESBOROUGH, N. C, THURSDAY, JUNE 14, 18G0. WHOLE NO. 92. NEW SERIES YOL II NO. 40. I Tr flit OT)l - frz-nr-vn- - T U I II I II II II L9nl .1. , PUBLISHED WIIIIT . FEUTOff DABtET. TEBMS Of SUMCMPTION. Blngl copies, Two Polmw Pr7ri invariably la "isClubs of Tae a.4 wk1 It wlU bo furnished bt Osa Douaa ao a Halt p eopy. Mo oubMrlptloa received for Ion than alx months. BATES OF ADVEBTIfllNO. Ml lMII, TBI MBBi OB lilt BBBTIBB. tB UMOTtUB " Thraa insertions ........ 60 . Tmm aoatllJ. M Bio InSWtlOnS....... 0 SO Thre months, or thirteca lnaartioni.. 4 00 Blx months . I... .... M 00 0 00 Advertisers Bait state tbo number of times they wlih their advartieuaenta Ineerted j otherwise ther wlU bo eootloood I1U forblddeB, Bad ohorgod aooord- W. log to tbo oboro. ArroeaeaU will bo made with ysarly adTertiteri i liberal aad advantageous tormt. Profesaional end Baeiaee Carda, Bat exeoedipf Bro lines brevier la length, will be ineerted for $6 a year; If exoeeJInf vt Unet will bo obarged the same ai bther adTertleemente. Obituary notleee free when not oxeoodiog twenty liBoo; all above twenty llaoo at adrertUoaioBt ratoo. NORTH CAROLINA ARGUS, THE TEEB1TOKIAL QUESTION. 1BI1IIS OF IlllTT. i. CIITTIHDIS, In ike Senate, Friday, Mug 25, 1880. Tho Senate harlot ander consideration the reoolutloDi submitted by Mr.. Darti on tho lit of March, 1800, relative to the equality of tbo States, the right of all tho eitisen to emigrate "to thoTorritoriorwith slave property,' and deny, ng tho power of Congress or a Territorial Legis ture to interfere with this right Mr. CRITTENDEN, said : jlrrproeideiit, Uii not my purpose to make speech. I hare no prepared speech, nor any pre paration for speech. I desire only to express my views in relation to certain particular ques lions "that have boon presented with some promi- Bene in the coarse of this long debate 7 and one of the most interesting and important of those questions" U thst which affects tho relation exist ing between a territorial government and the Government of tbo United States. It is sup posed by some, as it seems, that those territorial onvMnmoats. when ormoised ander tho authori ty of Congress, have certain independent powers of their own, not eooierrea, out innerem in ipcui, U sort of sovereignty or political jwwer inde- pendent of any that may have been conferred by express delegation of Congress. Mj idea opon that subject, Mr. President, without a shadow of doubt, is thst a territorial government is the mere creators of Congress, made and fashioned by Coogreas as it pleases, with what unctions it plessos, with what power it thinks proper to confer; that all these powers are liable to be returned at any time, or to be fashioned and controlled and changed at tbo pleasure of Coo rrea. and according to its discretion. Of course, there is no sovereignty or particle of sovereignty in the Territory j all is a mere delegation of power, and is In subordination at all times to tbo Congress of the United States. 1 know of 00 sovereignty io couotry, no supremo political power, except that originally vested in we people 01 ine u uimsu cum. They are natural depositaries, they are the natural nara of evervtbin. like supreme power or sover eignly. Tbey have, to form this Government, dele gated a certain portion of that sovereignty to the Congress of the United States. The whole, then, of this sovereignty, exists, as to mat pan not ueie gated, in the people, A to that part whioh they have delegated, that is in Congress ; and here is the disposition of the whole sovereign supreme power of this country. None has been delegated to any one else. None, certainly, Lai been dele- gated to the territorial governments. They are, as I first stated, the mere creatures of Congress, without any power, any function, ex cept what Congress, by the act establishing that government, has plaased to grant; and that al ways held at the arbitrament of Congress itself. ' There ean be none other. There is no plsce in our written system of laws for it The people is the original and the natural source of all this sov ereignty. All remains in them except whatthoy 'ihave granted. They have granted no portion of itexoept to th General Government. Certainly, ' tbey have granted none to the territorial govern L mente. The whole practical sovereignty .of the country over its Territories is vested in the Con gress of the United States then ; what they have granted to the Territories belongs to the Territo ries, and nothing more. .That is my idea on this aubjeot. Congress, in constituting the territorial government, insy grant just so much as it pleases of the power of legislation, and any other power to govern, to the territorial government; and the .territorial government may exercise whatever is -granted to it. If Congress had the power, forin jitanoe, of expelling or excluding slavery from the Territories, they might grant even that to the territorial government. . Not wasting any more time upon this subject, X wish to cal the attention of the Senate for a anement to a ealm consideration of the real griev anceat whioh these resolutions are aimed, and for the correction of 'which they are intended. "What is that, sir f The grievance complained of is tHat slave property in the Territories is left, wot only without adequate protection, or may be . left without adequate protection, but may be left to meararea of the territorial government impair ing the right of property io slaves.: That is the grievance. It ii in apprehension that the Tern- tories will not give laws adequate to the protoc . tioo of suoh property, but 00 the contrary may set against that property by hostile or unfriendly legislation, ana is wre erpicuouu.. ..... . beliove my honorable friend from Mississippi, who introduoed these resolutions, did st the time; he j .1 J : . .Iiam mwimttiA niter nn - Mi. amL-' r - - I Mr. DAVIS."As mv friend from Kentucky refers to me, I would merely ssy thst I did not intend either to admit or deny tho fact. I con sidered the declaration of. prinoiple to be cooler nal with tha existence of our Government, and oo-extensive with the whole country, not neces sarily dependent upon the particular fact in relation to any particular locality; and neither in tended to admit or deny. . ' Mr. CRITTENDEN. I understand the gen lleman' now. The amendment which!is pro posed, and which is now the immediate lubjeet of Sc. au7. pru7om.;r Tt Uen I b, the Congress of ViM on. ofiU iooordinc to tho resolution itself, an apprehended promised benofita was, that It ahould remove from opecUve mischief agaloat which the power the Hall, of Coogrets, and from all n.Uonal con PthUlUovornment i. 11 invoked for the pur- trovers, or diseusaioo, the MM . .lever, LTof Scoring tlutdicription of property in I That was sap to be one of the kenefiU that kTlmtoi. A. the territorial governient1 would result. .It Was to transfer tU those quel- bat no sovereign or independent right lo Mt on the Supreme Court of the United States having determined that ever, citisen of ths United State may go Into tnat xemcory car rying bii'slavea with him, and holding them there, m, opinion is, that ths Constitution is to protect that property which it has authorised to go there. Of course, that is t logical conclusion. It mobm to me it is unquestionable. To assert say right to go there, to carry my property there, and to enjoy that property, ana men to say were u any. body stronger or mightier or more sovereign than the Constitution that can take from me that which the Constitution asji I shall have and enjoy, or shall expel me from the place where the Consti tution says I may go, I pan imagine nothiog so inconsistent and eo contradictory. I say, there fore, when the proper or extreme case occurs; when property going ther under the emotion of the Constitution, si interpreted by the Snpreme Court of tbs United States, shall requus sueo in terposition, that it is tbs duty of Cougress to in- terpose and grant protection, uive h, u it adequately. That is my opinion. But still there is much to be considered in re lation to this subject. When your property goes there; when it constitutes a part of ths political community ; and when a limited control over that property is given to a territorial government, who is to make police laws to regulate such property f Is it not, in every case, a question of expediency, whether thia Government will interfere J Here is a community made up of oitixena differing in opinion, as we do, upon this subject of slavery ; here ia ample power lo pass all police laws, and all laws for the internal government of the ooun try, blacks as well as whites included. When is Congress to interfere 1 I there an, case now de manding an interference T Tbia resolution sup poses not; I supposs ndt. I suppose thst there is no existing ease in which Congress would thiuk it wise or expedient now to interfere by the ex ercise of it admitted power of interposition when necessary. Would it be policy io Congress to in terpose except in an extreme case ? The ground nnon which von would interfere must be made up nf f oironmatanivji. to be iudged of at he lime. What i tbe difficulty in the ioterfer-foa eoce r What ia the state of things existing in the Territory f Whst is tbe opposition likely-to ensne from tbe people of the Territory ? What is the msgnitud of the evil which you are to cor rect f Is it s very small one, likely soon to pass away f Is it of auch magnitude as to require your interposition T . These are considerations that must always enter into that question of expediency when it is presented to Congress ; and il is grate ful to me to be able to say, as gentlemen seem to admit here, that there ia now no necessity for such an interposition. Exsct right may not be done; exact treatment may not be extended to slaveholders in Territories where there is a great majority of Republicans ; but still tbey are not of such msgnitude as to justify a great national movement on the subject, mere is a maum that it ia better that a particular wrong should be endured than a great publie inconvenience in ourred. That is the lerwt least, whether to be nnlled literallv or not. I auote it merely as a warning to oa, not to interfere upon .too slight grounds. I admit tbe right to interfere ; I admit even the duty to interfere when tbe proper case is presented ; but thst proper case must be an ex treme one to require, the exercise of an extreme power on our part. . lue evil at dosi, id a terri torial irovernment. is a temporary one. It likely will not consist in more than a few individual in stances or cases. Tbe question of the right of such property to be beld and to exist in a xeni lory ia so firmly established that I cannot eon iva an Territorial LeirUlature will, so far, con sidei itself warranted in usurping the power of expelling the elavee which tbe uraetiuition nas said, by interpretation of the Federal court, to be aure, may be carried and may be held there. That would require only that we ahould repeal that law. That I would be perfectly willing to do. I think therefore, air, if there is no case exist ing now, it will be still leas likely to exist here after. All thia debate, all this esrnest and xeal ouSnd heated controversy is merely in prospoct of an evil which is ronly apprehended. None efists. : When is it likely to exist, and where? With every day I trust the dsnger of such a ne cessity is diminished. Kansas will soon be taken from tho class of territorial governments. Where are we likely to have any such difficulty, ss that which these resolutions apprehend, of an assault made by Territorial Legislatures npon slaver, within their Territories T Are there an, slsves in Washington f Will there be any ques tion about alavery in Utah 7 In New Mexico? Why, sir, these are not regions to whioh you could by invitation carry alavery. Well, where is there to be a Territory hereafter formed in which any controversy whatever about slavery is likely to arise ? Kansas disposed of, does there remain any Territory to whioh alavery if invited" would go f I know of nonb. I will not affirm it ia so exsctly in regard to everj portion of our territory; but I believe there is none of suffi cient importance to form a Stato which would bo at all acceptable to the slaveholders, if permitted without the least hinderanoe to take possession of it They can find a more genial climate, and a better soil on which to employ this labor. t- There is, then, not only no actual existing evil, bnt there ia no nroweot of any. Why, tben, at. such a time, should the country be agitated by the prospect of suoh a distant evil ? The evil of the day is enough ; and, it seem to me, if this be so, we are making a present evil out of an op prehenaion of future one, and that future one never likely to occur. Should Tire quarrel now, a a natioo, about remedies for evils' that do r.ot exist ? Shall we quarrel about remedies for evils that not onlv do not exist; but wbiob it is not probable ever will exist f Is that wisdom I When aball we be freed from trouble, if thia be tbe course of policy to be pursued? If it is said to be wise to look far absaa 01 us to anticipate eru, sou uj WO anticipate ine evil iwra purpuer uiu..uB , we anticiDBte tne evil lor. ine purpose b quarrel over it now a quarrel over a ruturr cause of quarrel that we barely apprehend, and which may never occur 7 I wnt the people of tbe United States to understand this thing. I want the slaveholder to know, that though there may be slaveholders and slave in Territoriea now existing, and territorial governments now exist ing, yet there has occurred no necessity for the interposition of thia Government; that all, so far, has gone on well and qtiietly enough under the' domestio legislation of the Territory. K,r arhan in 1854. that irreat measure of the repeal of the Missouri compromise was adopted , tions to the Territories j make them local instead of national questions; making the disturbance looal to the Territory, and hot national to extend throughout the limit of the whole liopublio. That wu one of the promised benefit of that measure; and if it had tended even to accom plish that object, much more if it had accom plished it, it would have been a great benefit to this sountry. You framed the Kaosas-Nebraska bill with that view. You gavs them large power of self-government To be sure they were, as of necessity they must be, subject to this Govern ment, liable to be changed or taken away at any time it wu thought proper by this Goyornment to do so; but still, you did it with the very pur pose of transferring all these slavery questions to them. . Sir, tha act itself has not produced the promised consequences; but when we look back to it, sod when ws iuterpret it, we must know that was one of ths purposes and objects in view of tbe legislators who passed that bill. ' 1 Tbs effect of that law have Icon modified, to be sure, by ths decision of the Supreme. Court I do not know, I will not interpret it to sny, that that law would have warranted the Legislature of Kansas in excluding eh very altogether, if it had been in tbe power of Congress to hare granted ' ntli iuivn. Tl mum nnt linnun whrtrwr It Was in th. nnwer'of Congress or not. The ease of Dred Ssottwss then depending, and not decided. Tho case of Dred Soott determines that Congress had not the power, and of course could not, by the Kanaas act, give it. The Kansas act could . Z not confer the power of expelling slavery, or ex nm ih. TFi.lm nf b Tprritnrv of Kansas. The power was limited then by that decision. But for that decision, I think it would be difficult to deny that the Kansas-Nebraska bill the subject "PoVer to S mestio institutions in their .own way." What broader terms could be used? " Power to act on all subjects of rightful legislation;" Whatcxcep - tion can vou make to the Generality ot taeee powers? The Constitution, as subsequently in terpreted by the Federal court, I acknowledge, declares that slavery is not a subject of legislation the part of ConKress. Mr. President, lite not want Xa enianreTrpoTl r this subjeet My jet irto be as fcrief-ws pr''' 7 f 'f'. sible. I say, then, I assume that, and I shall ; who defied the public nut ipritj, and abused the vote for thst resolution. I do not ece that that resolution has proclaimed a oase which would au- roclaimcd a oase which would au-: "1CJ u" J .rriiuii 1 to undertake the responsibility of ; 'hese powers would be taken away by tho Gov and now legislating for the pro- tmment whose authority they bad abused? thonae (Jongress niB l n Inrrvwi n cr an. taction of slaverr. I do not know that thereare -" K p n r i not sufficient laws bow for its protection in any Teiritory. tsv-wo such knowledge myseLf.- . . .. . i.i No such case has been proclaimed here, ana tne-. 7-; B, .....u. resolution are to lay tbe foundations of remedies "h" tbey now feel, as though there were an in for cases to arise hereafter. . If there had been ; snt overhanging danger upon the country. any exiating, my friend from Mississippi, as the - . .ol. . - . i. 11 careful and able guardian ot these rights, wouu have introduced a bill giving that protection, in- stead of a y.ia resolution tbt operates nothing proclaima the mischief, and yet'forbears to give F m. .. . redreai. Ihst would not have oeen nis course 11 there was an existing case. There is no case now; there can arise no case hereafter, because there is no Territory to which slavery is likely to go. To produce the grievance, what must occurr? To produce 1he grievance not now existing, in any future Territory, or in any Territory now existing, we must suppose it to be so desirable as to allure slaveholders with their slaves to settle in it. Is there any probability pf that? Where is the Ter ritory to which it will go? Well, sir, you are to make that improbable conjecture; but that will not raise the case. You must suppose that, when the slaves have been carried to this new Territo ry, tbe Legisfature of the territorial government will act hostilely towards it, and, by unfriendly legislation, attempt to drive it out or to impair its value if it remains. You are to suppose a Territoiy for them; you are to suppose their mi gration to that Territory; and then you are to suppose that the legislators of that country, io violation of the duties imposed upon them 'by the constitutional laws as it has been interpted and laid down, will assail a property there by law, by the assumption of rights ; that they will as aail . property that is there by the Constitution of the United States. All these suppositions have to be made, in order to get a case out of which this grievance can arise. What apprehension is there, then, to be enter tained of an evil depending upon so many im- ouly result we must be prone as well as prompt, it seems, to us now on all sides. The restoration of peace j their peace. ou do not intend, the great l.be wnZersyif we can presume all these thing. tranquility is all that is necessary to con-! ral and enligh eued portion of tins body who keep for the future ; if we can presume that with so ' mte that national prosperity and that na-; up this party for the purpose of its pu htical re much seal as to bring them forward, end make tional ; happiness to which I have referred.-, wards and its pol.UcaL honors, do jio .intend the future, the nossible future, a cause of present; mischief and of present quarrel, further to dis-'l turb the peace of this great country. Sir, I do not think it is right. When you have got them i i 11 Ti" 1 1 tnere ; wuen an uiese coiiiiiii;i;iiuiub u.iik;ii, uu , this improbable mischief, this improbable griev-! ance, has been complained of and if upon us, it will then be a question of consideration, how far, under what circumstances, under what extremity of evil, it will bo best for this Government to in ternose. The"ouestion will not be, whether a ; 1 1 j . a i n : .i."1" oniiu wrunir uas ueeu uuiil- io i, ui v, m iu property of his slaves, but the question will be , thei-ooe-of-sTeBt national exoodieficv wkh - a - i.iaf mmH nr tha rirrhfa nf inillvinilitlfl. Vlt.h. .1 . . o . . . . l ..A'. hmJ JotArmtnalSnn a maintain them ': nnt. . nM-iiF Ainnimalnhnna tnr I hn r thflt. inere are a tuousana consiuerauoon iuuv inu ui;- islator has to take into viewThe rnterestf - .11 are concerned. So it is with every question ot expediency ;; and tms must oe a question u ( 4-rl - -,- - expediency also with this Uovernment, wnen io - ioteVpose -KyiMLidlurZ prifloipUn generaUhat: the lo RWeTnmVnfisltW ine iutnii.iiiiui.iiiiB-inci""'caicv, ified to take care of the local .nteresCsfHlje ry in which they govern, i ere onesoo; ieot. however, p aced beyond their control jto..,, r j , . a averv. Thcv are tauoht that tnis ia propcrry, .denUtled to protection as such, i do not anu lii aili an nnnatino about nronertv in slaves or prooertv'in the wrvice of slaves. It is I - .11 n..nd th. m. thinr. and limamne that the ' altTeboldor does Dot care how it is denominated o that the Nubatance of his tight to the practical . ' a -f !. I.i. " 4vKA onl!n. ! d' t m ojoymeni w ia ... w,mu..-- . ; men pulh. other. de of the , Ulmmhe. reject he, ides of property in maa, and say that it is out property in the wrviee of m.n .ervice irtU -1 ftu Aiai.iJ - tr.A 'aalakVaBa. if ia npr. ' fectlv equivJent,in my judgment, and, for w,i IwonldbeperfecUr.tuifiedwiththat. I government is made for the protection of rights, i hould employ a little of that spirit with our own j Government isbutthe combination of thepowers people. Let us all do that, orth and South. -- j of all to protect the rights, and to protect 'the j Mr. President, I speak of these subjects with live and liberties, of each-.-; That is thc origin -- a judgment as firm and determined as my pf government, and the substance and end of judgment is capable or susceptible of, but with all true government; but still there must bo a out, any unkinduess, much -less with acrimony, prudence in tho management of .thai government. 1 1 am one of those who would desire before I ! .... .1 . ... 1 ' 1 . . I . . 1 1 . 1 .. ' . I. , M,n (V .. . A U. ..n..iI.J in t.i Ki ' Thut property is to bo protected, and. must be protected, wbeu necessary; but I 0011 fuss, like lbs gentleman from Georgia, Mr. Toombs, I should bo very slow to interpose the positive au thority of thia Government, unless tho easo was one imperiously and by necessity, os it were, de manding it I would try other rurans, even to the abolition of the territorial government, and a change of its form, a change of its administra tors ; bnt protection at last the man is entitled to; and if tbe Government cannot give it to hiin, or thinks it would be detrimental to the interests of the nation to forbesr in consequence of great national evils that might be anticipated, let them" pursue that policy. The taint p'ljmli is st lost the great law of all communities, of all nafions. It must influence our interpretations and our con (deration of all questions of mere expediency. If the Government does not think, proper to in terfere and furnish protection, let tho Govern ment indemnify tic citizen for the wrongs he has uffi'redr "Thcrd iniht be cases of that sort.' Vtnt, Kir, I' did not intend to go into these iui aginury cases. That was not my purpose. It was to ex press the opinion thnt there was no necessity for it now, in the midst of all the strife we hsye had on tho subject, and it is not likely any future grievance wilt ntiso, because of tl.r want ! "f territory, in which it could occur. If any lrril.irif hniil.l m ftinH okli rnii!,l nHfaf slaveholders with that property there, it is not to he presumed that a Territorial Legislature, sub ordinate as it is to this Government its (iovefa or liable to be turned out, its judges liable to be iit-ii i-u'juiu uv. s .f u iavs vv nil. is nuui uitiuvk ! all turned out by tho President in a momcn would, take upon itself, in the very face of the decision of tho hupremo Court of the United Suite, to legislate against slavery, for the pur- 'he Governor allow it so far as he could help' it? ; "u"ld 'he judges allow it, with tho certain ; Knowledge tMUhetf wmovui -irom ,Uiee-wotiM " " uu8'" u ' .i)c - departure from their duty? There would be a just apprehension on the part of the whole Terri tory thut the Government of the United States, who had uiven theuL ihtsfi . Urge, powers, nnd thej - f rmigee awis- iiwrjrorernmentjr r ' i f .. ir . i st wno wuic n iney uau ueen inyesiea. ouia 'J be un(Jer. He -ust rprchension that all ... . . ,i . i r : " "ulu D0? lual re8lral" luem ITOU! ny atiempi , ft the violation of the property of their neigh- ! oo T . . ,a," pcopie in me unueu oiaiea t.i nnnuiilor nil i ncn r In nrrs ami anltHsia f .a alnrma : P, there is nothing so marvelous in the his- Inrfl rf tho Mnnlrf nmfnp its nrASonf a an tint na ... ..r.v., i the agitation which now exists throughout its borders, compared with the general prosperity j w"ICh prevails. In .11 iU glorious progress, did afnr tltis .r.iinlro nTnirnfr n f:urpp mpttirA at h n . ! r. 1 k:.,., .!. :. a 1 - - r-- - -- Willi JJlocJjei ii J uiiu u Uiuu 11 iinigiiucss mtiu it. uwa to day ? Nature has bestowed all her bounties. This is a land of plenty and abundance, without weight or measure; the freest Government on earth.. What citiien of this Republic is unlaw fully imprisoned to day, from one end of this country to the other? What white man can ssy lie is unju.stly oppressed by the Government? Do you know of one ? Does any body know of one ? Can such a thing be said of any country on the face of the globe but our own ? Prisoners of state-can be -found every where-else. The voice of oppression can be beard elsewhere. In nnr onuntrv that voire is unknown. And vet ir l.sn airirntinna nnon thin nhini't havn prented l a discontent from one end of the land to the j other. The minds of tho people are disturbed 1 n the midst of, all this prosperity. ITIkj Republican party.it seems to me, has taken some progress; but I must say this beauti ful picture of peace and happiness has received its only wound from the agitation which they have maintained on tho subject of slavery. I say this in a spirit of the most perfect fraternity. We enter on a cause productive of evils without -ImTwmsrrhourTnrehdin on, and one step is taken after another until we sec the evil and regret it : but other interests ! and other passions, and other purposes, still urge ! us on, and we take the hazard of all the evils we ' It is said it in but agitation; that will do-. j i'rovidcnce nas done evcrytnir.g tor us, anu we are thc author8 of 1,11 that ,,iars ,he Plcluro' . U . there-any real or substantial cause for pursuing ! a course ln.pohtics that we see and know has led , to this discontent and this alienation ? Is there . - -- ...... . ny object that you can aecompl.sh by it that is at all worth that ? Is there any price too high , for that which will purchase the restoration of I minds, though you wiJI not actually strme, yet kindness and natural affection 'with a brother with J there are others by your side who may 'strike ; whom wo have been offended ? What price that there are others not so enlightened, lntelii wpuld you not set upon that, and what sacrifice ! gent, or forbearing, who, urged 011 by your own would ould you not make for it F You ire told if ' - . .. . . you are at the .Iter ready with your offering, and Kmember - thai your brother blended with youncl-eir loouy-nami 0 ,iurU.uK jU .a. 1 1 ir..-:. 1 k.. io iujt uowii joui oneiuig, eu uuu ire irauimu ( to VOUr brother, and tllCU gO'.nd I d offer to your devotion. We i i'laivci Hid cin.in.c vv luui mi uih.-ia"s c"-" "d mwiun n "'j brother, - - Menust - bo opposed iir intend alH that their .cts tend to produce. They are the l.nn,ainlA auiuor , tneu. u, . , rosponsioie or not. -iney are nomiore responsi- naturals act. There have been indiOon. on .11 sides. f ... :,i 1 he blame has not been on one side, so far as .11 ianeuage ana mat.ainpro.cnc. are .eoncerueu ,.. nasroeenrn an sio.es. -ine controvei.i.v , .. ul . i.i ' Diuer worqs ouco couiujencea - siueuus vrjfr where. tbough you may not be able o beinnnuis ot it. - ' .. , But now, if rasrl have said in relation to the probabilitv of .laverrdesirioK or seeking to be a ; . earned into these Territories be reason is there for jour pursnin tha nlrnm.isf unnna nf K'nnaafl Alf ... v-u.--.- v. "--r- - V j to give some piausiouity to r iu is seu ea. , mat was tne great causwjHicu leu you toacuon. , It was so proclaimed, the object was to repair - tht wmmnn rlnna in Kftntna Kw hrt K.ival nf the Missouri compromise pr in consequence nof it. That was the mischief complained of. To redress 1 that was the ground on which this now powerful and groat party arrayed itself. That you have accomplished it by ways and means that must have been disagreeable to you in their-conse- quenocs. l ou saw that It ottended your Dromren ; you saw that it injured your brethren. The dis cussion of 'such s subject, pressed to lieir very borders, pressed over their borders, and among tbeir alaves, could not bo otherwise than hurtful, as well as offensive As Stutcs of this Union, in the laneuacreof these rcsolutious, they considered themselves pledged to hold fast to and to give all necessary aid and. comfort to every stato with which they were associated in the Union to all their sister States; to use that language -which signifies sffectionato relations. Hut in consistence with, whether or not in viola tion of, those relations, whether falsely or inad vertently done, you brought these heated discus- sions up to the very borders of your sister States. Tho voice went abroad through their land of a character calculated to produce insurrection, caM eulated to produce every crime known to-us. V as this right r iou say you have a right to discuss the morality of every subject that affects any of your oouutryuion, in ordor to Inform them and reason with tbcni.. As a general proposition it is truersnrluch admonition-OTghtv-pertirirmj to bo thankfully received. Dut this is a caw where every man must see exceptional rtnsons apply. This is an exception. Would a military man, a commander-in-chief, be justified in acting upon this doctrine of allowing every evil to be de nounced, and giving a free and unlimited and chartere'd right to all who choose to discuss these evils; to give out their own indigested ideas, for eign ideas, novel ideas, in order to influence others ? Would that be tolerated in a-campT Suppose one of the good men of the world now, who iai 1Te"aUvo5ate"bf "universal petrceyund lookspon war as the greatest of all human crimes suppose one of these apostles of peace were to insist upon going-wte-the-eampfatrd os oire-ftf -the-meanof preventing war, to eudeavoT to disband the army of hi country : would you hold tho commander-in-chief guilty who should allow that man to preach WHO 811 I11S ClOtjUUIICC UJ lUU SO.UIUI9 LUC K'" virtue of deserting the standard of their country, an ot tciog- ministers ot -t no great peace sjsLeuv wh.iehHliey -wu4d -aeconi pi ri-um- rrt t--ry- running away lrom tneir countrj s sianuaro uy rising in mutiny, and putting an end to those officers who, if not destroyed, might be courting wars hereafter to teach them the tyranny that was exercised over them by theirofficers, and say to mem, --you are ueie uitmgitu mm vuu.jj few dollars ; you are, in the morning drilled by tho sereeant : you are made to hold yourselves in this way, and in that way, and to piny the very slave before him ; now, can you as freemen bear this ; rise, assert your rights, and makeyour way to peace everywhere over the land." What is the difference. between that and the course to which Ihave just alluded? Sir, I make these remarks in no spirit of of fense: You have received wrongs, and you have ioflictedsomeT"" In the controversies of this world it never happens that all tha wrong is on 'one side, and nil the right on the other. No such exquisite divisions are made on this earth. Where there is a long quarrel existing, a long "trouble, all tbe wrong is never on one side ; all the light is never one aide. A knowledge of this should teach us all moderation. That is the great duty we owe our country. The little petty duties we owe our party are nothing; yet in practice we seem to place them above the great duty to otir country. -i-Now I see that this one of the great parties of the country to which I have alluded, after having accomplished the object which it put forth to tho ..r . 1 1 T . .:n .u... .1 world as its bnlv object, Still says that the exist- ing state of things demands the perpetuation of i.tuat parly. You now find cause for perpetuating it. It ha increased in power, u nat is tne rea son whv it should be perpetuated? Is it to be r ' ,. fn.-.l.. perpotuated ? Is s party so founded, so created and upon such questions as mate up me iounaa-4 tion of the Republican party, now to decUre j the necessity of its perpetuation for the purpose of enforcing and enjoying political power? If you enjoy it according to the tenure by which vou have obtained it, you'must do-it with .11 t.hi anti-slaverv sort of warfare, by which it has n9 1 arisen. As long as you stand arrayed H11 that way on the borders of your -sister States where , slavery exists- 1 ana 1 regret to oe coinpeueu oy tho necessity of the case to uso tho word rcau, .u "r" r""' You acknowledge their rights; you declare against the invasion of" these rights ; but that de claration does nothing; that declaration restrains no man s arm. J'oyou not snow mni wnenjouurc f 1 1 -.u 11 : Q .denouncing slavery with all its horrors and with all its immoralities as it presents ltseir to your very doctrines, will take upon themselves the law- i, , .. , . , .1 less and tne murqerous us., oy tueirjiwujuwm. , i.trmoe.7 Aii hncp tminn tnflL l-n one lnsranco : ...-v.. . . , f , , I you may find it in others ; tage is all this? Noiio tha and yf what advan- lat I can see. 1 iuow you. gentlemen; ana x Know ui u.. " .; nnA nf -mi K.ipn vhii vmiM ponritunfine such an act.- .1 know it would not be mote abhorrent to me than il would be to you.. But when you see that these things will fellow in the courseof that great host which you lead on in political warfare, and that they will act, as they suppose, upon your 1 .1 l. ...la . . . . j .L . -, j,;.r ,i,, . i.i nterpreted d J.' 1,7 rs'hjVVi . w II own lessons anu instructions, iuouKu ci u.ips m.o- UC ItllUl'IU I 11 (J nCat-C U HlHl VVUUil i w . burns down theTfwue 01 '.. ,,i. . ,i,r ,-D ),.! ot suppress, does ,t not show you thrr.eeess.ty1 of a more temperate and moderate course on this "J'", . J " . - fa,hera Yoa l ; - , . . , - . . j ,-.." . . , ' . . . neal that ouirht to eo to everv heart, lou ap-: - , - ; , , - , ..".looi - CL oii l . . v u, .'uun J - . " . ... . , Tre.tho out dissension or agitation in tms lana on this suojectr i c te tu.s n il. i.: wnaB aimi t r not noan iitn .:.. ..,...1 nn lhii . "V"'---:- i j auiye, -b", -"-?- -- - will not stop here now to inquire who is most to blame. I mil?ht find faolt With TOU, Dul 1 00 i foot choose now JO stop here and make th .inqttir i ry, whether youare mosttopiame oryour oremreu be at all true, what ; '"'"S -J ' " " r 7 ":.V'i. ' V.'Tl" .ii.7n rYom abroad. g a policy whieh i At was done oy our lamers j anu are u"- "r" '"r. will b. , nV. tin- .m ' erate already that Wo cannot do the same thing f ";t 7 of it.gr.at catn. of the South. You s re both, no doubt, to hlaree The sooner we can put an end to this strife, the better. Iam one of those who believe confident- ly in this' Union ; its political stability, it ever Iastlnc'vower-and stability. Thouehi we talk lightly about its overthrow, it is not to be over-, thrown. It has a foundation too broad. Ws can well turn over this world, and aay this Gov ernment occupies a large portion of it. This Government lias the whole land for its founda tion : and every true heart within that land is one of the pillars to sustain it; and every true lhand, one of the hands by which it is maintained l and defended, whether North or South vvny, j then, shall we, bound together by such noble sen- tiiueo.ts as well as by sueh great and controlling interests, mke .liule quarrels now to bring onf peace, at any rate, to the very verge of ruin, and, humanly speaking, to bring our country in danger, and our Union and our Constitution ? The Constitution and the Union are one and the' satue thing. "You must preserve both, or neither is preserved. The one rests on tho other. It is this very Government, this idcnticsl Govern ment, that makes all this great country ours ; that makes this American liberty which we enjoy,' onr liberty. Shall we fritter away in little broils and Tty cotiirotorsicsraa they arePall these" j peat pUr, all these great endowments which we ; have received from our fathers and that Provi- dencc which is above us all ? Look back. You have no reason for perpetuating a party that car ries in its hands the signal of war to every south ern State at any rate, those Slates so regard it . and every step of your nn,rch is pregnant with influences full of mischief, not intended by you, but oporating upon the mind of the more enthu siastic and superstitious. - I deplore this strife. ,I.ee the mischief. .That mhwhief will continu- csi3ia&iC3a crease. It grows by what it feeds on. It feeds on the Constitution and the institutions of tho country. lrfe5ds"onlhe" hcarts""of bufcouhtry men. It is there to corrode ; it is thereto dis place all kindly and affectionate feelings which ought to unite us as countrymen, and to put in a poison that shall create nothing but spleen and enmity lhatis. what Jhiquc8tweedni and,-feeding on that, it w-jJeoatwue te-efw-fcw Hoathspmrrand more detestable and more danger-. ous day by day. . THE CENSUS. ' At the request of the Assistant Marshal, Wm. M. Hammond, we republish the following ques- . . . , i . , , . - P 8n8wers " Llci Ll Evolves upon him to require of every free person more, than twenty jearE oL age belonging to any family in the county, or in case of the absence of tbe head of a family, then o the agent of the family. Fer hjp? it may be well to say, that, in case a party refuses or fails-to give tbe answers required, to the best of his knowledge and belief, he renders hiruselMiablel to a penalty of $30. As tbe.tiine is short in which the Assistant Marshal is alluwed to perform his work, and as is the questions to be answered are numerous, it requested of every one interested that he will be gin immediately to prepare his answers. By having them., wrote out by the time the Census Taker calls, much vexation and time may be saved ( both to the Taker and the party making the re turns to him : . , To the Editor of the AnjHS : I send you for publication a scries of questions, (be proper answers to which will furnish the principal statistical items intended to be ascer-. tained by the Eighth Census. My object in asking you to insert them in your paper, is to enablo the heads of families through out the county to prepare, and have in readiness, full and accurate statements of tbe diffeent sub jects to be enumerated ; and as the work is a large o and ,he ,ime alIowe(1 for its complction short, j earne8tlj recommend, s matter bf eonTeaieqee to a concerl)ed that the, prepare such statements immediately. The queries are as follows : - What is the nttme, age; sex and color of each Tree person Whose usuaT place of abode ohlKeTst .I..- ..( J,.n- lSP.l) in rh'a familv ? r j, profession, occupation, or trade of fre - Qver 15 ' of , w,)at Jg the yaue uf rca, ejtate? What is the value of your personal estate? What are the birthplacesof tho different mem bers of this family who are free ? How many were married iq the year ending f June 1st, l&iO'? How mauy have attended school within the year ? How many over 20 years of age are unable to read and write?. How many are deaf and dumb, blind, insane or idiotic ? - What number of slaves, do you own, with the age, sexand color of each ? ! - How many of your slaves .are deaf and dumb, . blind, insane, idiotic or fugitive from the State? What is the number of your slave houses ? What are the names of those persons, white and black, who died during tbo year ending June' - 18C0) whoc uai piaco 0f abode at the time - t - n ta famd , In w uat month ana ot what disease aid tney - . ... , z , . . . . . . ! die ? "What was the profession, occupation or trade 0f sueh dccca3ed pers0D3 f 1 . . Ilowany acres of improved land do you own 1 How many or unimproved f - " What is the cash value of your farm and farm-' ing implements ? - . What is the number and value of your liye stock, and what are the varieties of animals be- r, y Stato thediffeTent crrps produced wit6in the- ! year ending June 1st, IStJO, with the quality and value 01 eacn j ii,l.i.v.'i naji.uu.ii, --r- -- " . y" Manu" , J .ouonWougT. fts ""f Tonga Isanrfs. Xais is aomething new in this coon- tThu f the cotton ,aembl lamb . wool, ,J i, saij to bs-w-i on. aouar P Pona in .n- crater, tngianu. na - V , ,,, f,m ,i,i.ni oiim. Atr.mt f Ga. bi- i.""'" : It Hi fencer. Th Catuolic Ohubch. O. A. Brownson says in M tWt ..y,, KolMn c.o, church in th. I'oiteJ States is not .growing by convemon n.u w. j- 0m rt.a, wrT.TT.e.t atating that hirTi: IT" j More ,he lialtimora Imon C'on- i,. .,,.10.- , . .inT no ron-ti WfiTblt ! bS UkeB 1,, withont rrtarJ.tft-pBrty aad.rty eonrennoni, . il .. ; . j ,..L v ..H.rfa- t r. 1 i. nmiiii iuip- ivnuuk cvuiimsiiuuB. . --or .