North Carolina Newspapers

. . '-T - s ... 4 NEW SERIES-VOL H-NO. 50. WADESBOROUGH, N. THUBSDAY, AUGUST 23, 1860. ; WHOLE NO. 102. NORTH CAROLINA ARGUS PUBLISHED WBIKLT . FEUTOH D ABLET. - TEBMS OF 8CB8CEIPTION. Blurt opUi Two Douam pr 7 Mr. lavariaely U HniM.' ' T Clmbf of Tea and apwtrdt, ti will bo furaUhod - 0l on Douab aid a Half dot copy. Xa nbtoriptioB roosived for tea Uiu fix Booths RATES OF ADVERTISING. ! on tgvAma, m Musi oa iui uirni. Om Insertioa .......M.... 70e. . Tim Insertioa ........ 60 Tw Booths, or Bint losartloas. ............ I SO ' Thro Bontbs, or thirtoea insertions....;. 00 Mis swath m..m.m ooeoeeoeoeeet oeeec 00 Obo nor 00O 000 OOOOOOOOO 0000 10 OtfMOeoOOM OOOOOO) 9 00 ' AdTtrtiwrt aait iltU th Baaaberof timo thy wisa ualr odTortlMBnt inserted j ousrwiso tbtj . will to OMUaaoa till forblddoa, aid okargoa teeord ltfe it toove. AgfoMMBt wlur V aiadt vita roar It adrausort a liberal oa umunooi toraaa. . Frofts-jlsasj oa4 Basis Cordi, act xsetdlng Iro iiao Bronor la longu, wui to inssrtse for 90 a yr ir oxooMiBf if linos will M aargwl la out Olhr o4TrtiaiBt. Obltaory aotlooo (too what not exeeodiof twenty liaj on a dot twenty Iiao t idvortlMBioni rats. From th Nash villa National Union. JOHN BELL'S RECORD. ' Nr. Holl ntartd too pnblto tor? io, u a rep- reoentativ in Congress, at th sge of thirty-one J etrt. It til in 1827, toward too close of Iho 'retidontial term of Jobs Quiooy Adam, and thortly preceding tbe eleotioo of Gen. Jackson to the Presidency. Daring th marked and eventful Administration of the latter, miny great and eseitiog questions arose and were de cided, for good or evil. All the strong pinions m . 11 I i.T. - 01 oar nature were routea ana orougni into ac tion by th greatett talent tnd sddres on both tides, tnd the very fabrie of the Government was shaken tnd convulsed to its centre. Though toting, throughout this exciting period, with a party, with the principles of which he in tbe main agreed, tnd to which, to far it princi ple wu concerned, he wt ever fa ithful, yet, Mr. Bell wtt at no time to blindly tttached to tbe one Mrtj or opposed to tbe other, a to be inienaible to COO moiivee wuico proosoij actuate u uoia More intent upon watching tod notiog tbe pe enliar teedeocie of our system of government the dangers which most beset it the point moet exposed to attack, tod tbot to be particularly guarded more intent upon the solution of these - problems, then sellout 10' the suoees of every - party raoxeoMXK, do, u urnes, locurreu iae oen . oure of tome of tft party friend for whit tp pea red to them iodiffereoot to the interest of "the party." The truth U, that th qualities of Mr. Bell' tnind, tnd the view which, tt a very early pe riod of hi puMio life, he formed of .the nature and tendencies of our Government, and of the duties of American itateamen, utterly dicqaali&ed faim for ever becoming the blind follower of any party leader, however groat tnd'dittioguithed,or a uacealul party leader bimieir, XV toe oondi. - lion of uch leadenhip were ready compliance on bit part wub til tbe diotate of mere party ex bedieney. What the obtnoteriatio qualitio of Mr. Bell's mild ire what his views of tbe tenden cies tod dingers pertaining to our tystem of gov ernment tnd of the duties of American ttaUw men and whit the principle which hive gov erned him throughout the whole of hi long pub tie life, ean b made very clearly to iff ear by reference to a few pattaget in hi political record. MR. BELL IN 1829. Hit Opimioiu a to the Safest Mode of Conttru utg the Coiutitutio tkt Principle of Cam promitr. - Th following pierage occurs in a speech de livered by Mr. Bell in the House of Repreenti Uvea, o th 10th of February, 1829, 00 a bill for the preservation and repair of the Cumberland road : " While I am upon tb subjeot of this diver- .my 01 opinion wuicu txist it to me raieii mooe of construiig the Constitution, I hope it will not bo eonatderea improper or pretumptuout in me to make t remark or two 10 regard to tbe two great parties which -divide this country upon all ques tions of this kind. They hid their origin a far back at the formation of tbe federal compact. Their fouodationt were laid in the difference of sentiment whioh prevailed tt that time, a to the wisdom of tb provisions of tbtt instrument. ' They are, in short, . the fruit of tbtt discord of opiniont tod feelings, without a compromise of which at tbe time, wo ihould have bid .no (Jon ttitation at all. One opinion wu, that sufficient power was not conferred upon tbe Federal Uov- eminent to assure the quiet, happiness, and pros perity of the oountry; while the opinion of others wis, that th. power actually eoneeded would prove too strong for the preservation or lib Arty. Tb most sellout and active of the parti .tint on both tides, never abandoned their creeds : - both parties became sufficiently powerful to prop agate their opinions: and as one or the other pre dominated in tb administration of th Govern ment, 1 tincture of the favorite notions of etoh . wtt infused into its measure. Both hive sought, by construction, to mike th Constitution whit they wished it to be in fact; the one by enlarg- )ng its powers beyond its letter tnd spirit, tbe other by narrowing them down to th standard of lueirwune. Aitoougn tt win do teen tnat i know tn(l feel what party has had the ascenden cy for several years put, tod where the greet dinger it, yet, it mty be taid that both these great parties are in tome degree hostile, not to noercy, not to tneir oountry, but to tbt Uonititn tion as is written j to that instrument which we are bound by tat most siorad obligations to sup port 1 to tbtt instrument, to whioh, for one, I am - disposed to cling, with or without suoh modifioa. . tioot ts may b effeotod by amendment. Both th great parties to whioh I btvt alluded, seem to me to hive abandoned the principle ofcompromite. I would adhere to it as the only? priooipls by which the Stttet were able to agree upon toy compact, and without to tcquiesoenoe in whioh, wo are not destined long to enjoy th blessing of, tho one adopted. B, rir, fho ihcdl renoMnct the extreme of both of the great partite, a dan- eeroul toordarand xmimt-.hu. who. bf hla tt. eots, oxptritno and weight of chtrteter ihilf soooeed in placing himself o( the head of a great Constitutional party, tnd thtll beoome tho advocata of th administration of th Govern ment upon the principle of compromise, as it . wu aodorstood to btvt operated in the formation of tho Constitution, will drv th bighaat grat itude of his country." &e Congressional De latee, tof.S,iig 349, It cannot bat bt rttrtrded u a most extrtordl try ooinoidenot, that, more thsn thirty yean after tb uttenneo of these opinions, "s great CoostiiutionsJ party" should rise up, which, " re nouncing tbt extreme" of both tbt other groat pirtfetit tbe tountry, "m daageroa to order Ittlff tin BAR " tlMalil k ka tlm Lt.tV AattiHSkOA wn avas via tw w avu VJ a tow uikU satiaiuaij of Mr. Bell's "taleots, xperince, and weight of ehirtoter," to telect him to4eid them in toon- MstlbrMtbadminitraUon of tho Government upon th pnncipl of aomDromiae. at it wu un derstood to bavtoparttod 111 th formttiooof-tht CoMtitutioar t - MB. bEU IN 1882. HU speech on the Tariff, June Sth, 1832 A Piea for the Vnwtv-Vutjf of a Representative. With tbt daneert whioh threatened tb Union in 1882, in eooiequeaet of th ioteooo discon tent which prevtiltd in th Southern States, tnd particularly in Soulh Carolini, tt th working of too protective tins, many of our reader art ac quainted. To tbia dioooBtent and it tbreatenod oonoeqaoBoea. Mr, jClay advattod ia bit opanioa speech ea tho sutyect of too tans, In tb senate, durifltr tb seasioa of that year. In allusion to mfaaoes of distiirion which bid been heard from South Cirolioa, b entreated " tho pttriotio peo ple ' 01 that Htat " to pause, solemnly cause I ma contemplate too frightful precipioe which lay before them." " To advance, wu to rush on certain tnd inevitable disgrace lad destruction." The dinger to tho Union, however, did not lie, he tboueht, on th tide of persistence in tbe American system but in that of its abandonment 1 Could it be expected that two-thirds, if not three-fourth, of th people of tbe United 8tate would consent to tbe destruction of a poli cy believed to bo indispensably necessary to their DroiDeritT T Let New England, the West, and and tbe Sliddle 8tates, together with the mam moth States of New York snd Pennsylvania, beoome firmly persuaded that their industry wu paralysed and their prosperity blighted, by tbe enforcement of the British colonial system, under the delusiv name of free-trade let tbem feel thtt they were tho victims of t mistaken policy, tnd despair of toy favorable ebange, and " then, indeed, might we tremble for eoatioumce of the Union.'V . . - . . " Here," in the Uoguigo of in eminent states man now deceased, " wu so appalling picture presented: disolution of the Union on either band, and one or tho other of the alternatives obliged to be taken. If persisted in, the oppo nents to tbe protective system st the South were to make the dissolution : if abandoned, its friends at the North were to do it!"' 7 Witb this brief reference to the condition of the oountry at th time, we shall the better ap preciate the course of Mr. Bell, u a representa tive in Congress it this perilous crisis. "This debtte," said .Mr. Bell, "jl seems to me, was not commenced in the most fortunate pirit, nor bu it been conducted altogether in the manner which the nature and intrintio delicacy and difficulty of the subject, demanded. A dis position baa been manifested, and sentiments avowed by some gentlemen, equally unexpected and abhorrent to my feelings. It bu been openly attempted to prejudice this question by holding it up u t contest between free labor tnd slave labor; between laboring States tnd those whose citiieos, it is alleged, do not labor. It is openly and vauntingly proclaimed, by one gentlemao, to the complaining sections tnd interests, thst, if tbey shin not bo content to abide by what be it pleased to call the established policy of tbe coun try, "thev may take the eooseduendee 1" Sir. I am no alarmist, but when I reflect upon all I see snd bear connected with tbe subject, wbeo 1 look to the erowioe distractions of- the country, 1 feel myself justified in designating the sum of wbtt 1 ibtll say tpon this question, u a plea for the Union! Upon such t tubject upon in oc casion 00 interesting, I shall not consider myself S3 the representative of sny particular section or interest. I shall not consider myself either u a tariff or anti-tariff man. I, claim to be consid ered tnd Ho bo heard u a representative of the whole country, most tnxiously concerned for it permtoent prosperity, its stability tnd glory. I claim to be beard u the advocate of hieher in terestt thin those which are the immediate sub ject of consideration. It is no longer question whether the farmer thill get seventy five cents or one dollar and twenty-five cents t bushel for bis wheat; whether tbe wool-grower aball receive forty or seventy-fire cents 1 pound for hit wool ; whether tbe planter shidl get eight or twelve oeats a pound for bis cotton ; or whether the manu facturer shall make twelve and a half or twenty per cent upon hit capital. The interest of wool tnd woolens, of cotton, of iron, of sugar, tnd of toe wnoie range 01. domestic products sink into insignibcinee in comparison with those which ow force themselves upon our attention, tnd oltim our euardian cire tnd protection. The in terests of domestic petce, ' of free government, of liberty itself ire involved in tbu question. State of the Union in 1832. " Whit, then, Mr. Chairman is the state of the Union f In t time of profound peace, this moment, reached its highest tnd most critical' section represented by tb minority: but lunctur. In soma tection the whole oountry it in vil whioh is necessarily Incidental to tl J in state of mental ooofWratioti. In the inten tity of tho oonfliot between tho extremes, th leaders 00 th lid of th Republican or vtt-, qoished party for vanquished they are ery out, and departing from the spirit of the Con stitution, proclaim their determination to accept 1, tbt in th midst of the greatest abuodanee of all the necessaries tnd even comforts of life, that God in his providence, ever deoreed to be the rewards of virtue and industry, "discontents, jealousies, and rancorous sectional bates have arisen and are .en couraged. Fostered by these unhappy feelings, disaffection to the Government itself makes t slow but stesdy progress io the hearts of thousands of bonest and patriotic citizens A want of oonfi donee iq the mutual justice snd forbearance of brethren on tbe same political family manifests itself. Confidence in our svstem. ennsennentlv. in every quarter, bu diminished ind is diminishing. Men s minds are set to work in new tnd unwont ed channels, ind upon new .theories of govern ment fort country' of such diversity of pursuits tod interests; upon theories thought to be ex ploded, or rendered useless, by the practical ope ration of the established government, until lately. The value of the Union itself, it date, and "the consequenoes of its disruption, begin to be tolera ted tnd canvassed in private discourse nay, in Sublio debate in this Ball, when, but 11 yester ay in the period of our existence u an indepen dent people, to breathe suoh disoourso would have been thought little less thin downright tlasphe- Condition of parties in 1832 exfreme doc trines of the tnaUibUty of the Supreme Vourt on the one hand and of nullification on the other. ' " ' -. ' j " It la nam mora thin forty veara." aontinned Mr. Bell, " ainoo the adoption of the Constitution. and hu tho eon test between the original elements of party, u I have described them, ceased 1 I no compromise while, on th other side victor, th majority tbtt majority whioh holds th destiny of this country in their binds, more calm, equally determined, but with less exous or reason, id Bounce their determination to yield nothing 1 Yes, sir, io tb faoo of to imploring oountry. tbt miiontv proclaim that rather thai one jot or tittle of tbe powers they exercise, or tb advantages tbey enjoy, iball pus away, tbey are ready to stand tht basard of tbs entire overthrow of tbt whole fabric of our policy tod of our glo rious Republic. We. too. they erocliim. wiD max bo compromise, snd 'let the minority take tb oonsequenoea I 'i bis is the language of those who control th issues of all that it dear to A patriot, and wbd art able to diotate the page of tb tutor history of this oountry. Xt is Dot sur prising thtt in a contest which' memoes tht re pose of the country, tbe leaders, on both aides, should t tart new tod untried theories, for the purpose of effecting their respective objects. Ac eordingly, we find thit on the side of the victors, in order to secure the benefits of their conquest forever, tb doctine of tho intillibility of the Su prom Court it avowed u the only meins of se curing the stability of th Government. On the side of the vanquished or Republican party, the doctrine of nullification bu been iurented, and is proclaimed u the only infallible mode of effecting th um object. These are tbe tests to which all question! of power under the Federal Govern meat ire proposed to be brought for boal decision But is it Dot manifest tbst both these newly in vented doctrines are eouallv hostile to the amrit of tbo Constitution r Hot to tbe U nion, for both ptrttet I verily believe ire friendly to tbe I nion, but to t Union upon their own terms f Ia it not manifest that this is a contest between two ex tremes, equilly distant from the true, medium point of the Constitution ? Importance to the Country 'of a Middle or Mode rate IlartyModeratUm and Compromise the only Salvation or the tountry, " Mr. Chairman, in the almost interminable waste of hope which lies before ns there is one bright spot to which the patriot may direct his eye, in some confidence that relief may come. In til the past civil strifes and revolutions which'have igitated thit country,, tnd sometimes- threatened its institutions, there has always been 1 moderate party of sufficient strength snd influence to turn tbe balance between the extremes, and to impress upon the lotion of tbe Government some portion of thit spirit of moderation and compro mise which are characterestic of tlie Constitution 'i&eJATbis middle or moderate party is never in much esteem with the extremes on either side. It is uid to be oomposed of men wbo are more disposed to submit to oppression, than to preserve unimpaired the rights of freemen. Still, to this party I choose to cling; and we shall see who will prove the stoutest defenders of the liberties of the oountry. This party has always found its support in tbe good sense and moderation of the great body of he people. It has, in fact, owed its existence to the sound practical judgment snd good feeling which, I trust, notwithstanding tbe viceiof the time,atill constitute tbe leading traits in tbe American population. It has been tbe sound, unoorrupted sentiment of the great body of tho American people, which has always, here tofore, ttepped in between the combatant leaders and brought them to terms of compromise. It is this publio sentiment which hu still caused the Republican party, when io power, to become less rigid in their construction of tbe Constitution, than when in opposition. It is the tame public sentiment which, when the Federal party, being in power,' have indulged their enlarging propensi ties too far, either displaced tbem, or restrained their action within reasonable limits. I trust there yet remains a portion of that pure and unaf fected publio sentiment "to preserve the. country from tho confusion tnd discord which now menice it. The contest msy become even more violent. Whit to-day is only s breeze of popular discontent, may to-morrow swell into t very tornado, threaten ing to overthrow and. prostrate in the dust all the uored edifices dedicated to freedom on this side of the Atlantio I But still my trust is it tho so lidity of tbeir foundations. The Duties of American Statesmen. " To calm (said Mr. Bell rising elements of discontent ; to assuage the feverish symptoms of the body politic is tbe business of every Ameri can statesman. An American statesman 1 Who and whit ire the duties tnd attributes of an American statesman at this day ? They are, or they ought to account themselves the high-priests of liberty, administering her rites for the benefit of her disciples id every country; for this favor-. ite'peoplet first, and then for all cations, buch is the high snd noble calling of an American statesman. What is the first great care of an American statesman f To preserte our free in stitutions. ' I will not go into an argument to show that the only effective mode of discharging this great trust is to preserve and' cherish the Union. That is an axiom in American politics, 1 trust, too firmly" established to be overthrown by the theories of tnv new crofessors in tho science. however -distinguished for genius" and ''talents. Whit is the next great duty of American states men f So to tdminister their offices, as to secure comfort tnd happiness to the greatest possible number of the citizens of this free oountry. These are the whole law and the prophets for the guid ance of our ttatesmen. ..JTbese are thesum of all the commandments in the book of our political faith." this is neoessarilv Incidental to ill tooi tie tnd all governments, eroit or tmtll. But. sir, when, ia thit oountry, a majority of tht rep rescntivet of tb different seotioos in Couirreu thill tdmit the principle, and establish itinprao- uos, tail it 11 ueir rigbt tod privilege to consult int interest and prosperity of tbt lections and interests wbioa tbey represent exclusively, from tbtt moment tbt tction of tb Government be oome vioious and tyrannical. Congrcu ean no looger b-hld up u th great oouncil in which tht rights and interests of tb whole people mty be consulted. Th Government ceases to fulfill ,th end of it creation, tnd the proscribed in terest tnd sections must bo expected to redress their grieranoea in any manner they ire able. There it do example in history of the submission of t minority, under such ciroumstuoes, when it had th power of redress. Whether those in tb minority shall bo able to redress tbt srievinoei ia toy way; alwtyt depends upon circumstance. Id th present case, I know not whether it is to j bo regarded u eood or evil fortune, that the pro scribed interests tnd sections lie in t compact form, constituting man) continuous States, civinir them facilities for redress which no other circum stances could sfford. If the present action of the Government ii to continue with unubated enerpy and vigor, it is surely fortunato that the means of redress are convenient tnd acceptable to the 'oppressed interests; but if under the emirt of temporary injustice, tho bands which bind the. Union shall be nrecitiitatclv sundered. all earth may well deplore and curse the fatal fa duties for so instant and fatal t remedy. I trust there is no settled purpose io my' portion of the oppressed sections, to trail themselves of the means of redress which they may have at thci disposal ; but I conjure those who sway tbe pow er of the House, seriously and earnestly to con sider tht alternative of modifying a system of poncy lusiiinca upon tDe nrinciDle 1 hive des cribed, or of beholding sooner or later, tbe Union broken up, ind this last snd noblest sanotuary of ireeaom polluted tnd destroyed. I trust I do not offend by lifting up in admonitory voice upon tnissurject at this alarming juncture of our af fairs. 1 speak in the sincerity and with the fer vency which belong to the representatives of a portion of the people of this country, who, so tar trom Diving any disposition to countenance disunion, regard such a catastrophe as the last and direst calamity which fate can have in store for their country, short of absolute slavery snd oppression, iiut they cannot close their eyes to tne dangers which staro them in tbe face, and tbey invoke, through' me, their brethren every where of every quarter'of the country, of every party and of every pursuit, to concede something to this greatest common interest the safety of the onion.' Majorities and Minorities he Counsels Mu tual Concession for the Safety of the 6 nion. " I maintain that each representative is. by tho theory of the Government, a representative of the whole people of the United States; that' the prin pie of a representation by States or districts wu adopted for convenience in making the -selection? of representatives by the people, and for the pur pose of securing to the-; National Legislature that knowledge of tbe interests, sentiments, and condition of the whole country, which can be only bad through t representative ohosen by each email tection or district. The interests and con ditions of each section ire entitled to be consid ered tod respected in tbe legislative enactments, but only in the proportion whioh they bear to the aggregate interests and sections! It may tnd often moat bippen in the career of this Government,-without tny concert or design, thit a ma jority either large or small shall fashion the legis- tntwor, do I. Tb war between them aoouinne , lation of tbe oountry and administer the Govern- new vigor from tb infusion of selfiah. political moot in reference to their own interests, without tod morotnaryetloulatioBi, on both tide, has, tt a du regard to thi. interest! and condition of In the same speech from which the foregoinp extracts are taken, Mr. lien said, tbe " immediate and practical question" beforo Congress and the country was, as to " tho degree of protection which ought to be given to manufactures, under II the ciroumstauces of the country whether the then existing tariff system should be " en torced with rigor or in a spirit of concession snd moderation. iielieving the system to have been pushed to an extreme, ind seeing, as he said, that had " been tbe means of bringing the country wtbe very verge of disunion," he expressed his strong oonviction of the necessity, in the exist- g state of tbe country, of modifying it." It vms modified by the celebrated Compromise Tariff et, which wu passed very shortly afterwards. When, however, under the practical workings of is act, tbe degree of protection anorded by it, fell below " a just and expedient standard," Mr. Bell favored the policy of raising it to that standard. Extremes of Party in 1832 A 'ullificatibn and . the Force Bill. Three years afterwards, in his celebrated speech at Vauxhall, Nashville, referring to the excesses to which the protective system had been c irried to Nullification which grew out of those excesses, and to the Force Bill which grew out of Nullification,-Mr. Bell said 1 - ' - " I have not yet shown how it happened, that the questions which have arisen within the last ten years came to. excite so unusual a degree of heat and violence. Need I attempt this serious ly f -. What 1 have we so soon forgotten, that while the party to which we belong the Jack son party : while it wu contending for the mas tery, and even for years afterwards, in same of the large States in which the coDtest wu most fierce and doubtful, each party, one in order tb gain, and the other to maintain, party ascenden cy, and both utterly regardless of all other con-" sequences, contended which should go farthest io the support of both brauches of the American system, the tariff and internal improvement f In all history, there is not a more striking and characteristic instance of the absurd tnd head strong spirit of- party.' In regard to the tariff,, all men of unprejudiced feelings and judgment I must have seen, and did see, from tbe first, that the result would be either reaction whioh might reduce it below a just tnd expedient standard, or that the Union itself would be severed. The immediate consequences of the extremes into which the supporters of the. tariff in one section of the Union, were driven, in a straggle for po- micai power, was to oioite an extreme intago nun tction in another section. The leaders in the anti-tariff region sought to counteract the excesses to which they saw the protective policy was likely to be carried by a combination in its favor, between both political parties to the North and .bast, thought it necessary to proceed to equal or greater extremes in order to protect the interests of the minority t6 the South. This state of parties gave birth to Nullijicationi by wun-u mu prujacHirs 01 11 Bouguitvo equalise toe action of the Government, by questioning the validity of its regular enactments, tnd seeking to set them aside upon the authority of a sepa rate State ind local construction of the Federal power. Before a sufficient time was allowed for reason to resume her sway, in correcting the ex cesses into whioh the spirit of party had hurried both sides, so many political interests, so many personal views and resentments commingling in the strife, that an extreme remedial action the Force Bill of the Government itself became a necessary expedient, in the judgment of moderate and unprejudiced men, though involving in its issues, civil war, disunion, and a total overthrow of the Constitution." v . " ' , MiELL IN '1886. . party with whioh I hart toted, witA all tbe in- nuenco 1 oouia employ, and in tbt only way io which I could do so without injury to its princi ples. Whilt I hive ttudiod to make myself use ful, I have oever set myttlf npu a loader of the party or ptrtj. Moderation and a Spirit of Conciliation Indie. pensably Necessary in the Administration of. me vovemmem. "Ihivttaid thit there wu nothing TuJlhc question which btvc arisen within th last ten years in thit oountry, oocesoarily productivt of ius axueion hi wuien iney Dtvo Deen carried. I reaffirm th proposition. Nor it there, from my obtervttioD, in the federative feature of our syatem, or in th extent of territory ntr whinh it operates, or even ia the institution of slavery itself, as established io tome of tbe States, taken together, or separately considered, which essen. tially impairs the prospects of harmony, dura tion, and a prosperous action of our vLm ir we except the danger to tbe loot! society into which slavery U admitted, there it no peculiarity in our condition from which we have anvthinir to fear, except in connexion with the designs qfi van men, woo nave, or may acquire, an ascen dency in on or the other of the two parties, which must ever hive a decided influence upon tbe tction of the Government. Even, then, some of these peculiarities ire useful, rather thin in jurious. They present formidable obstacles to the consolidation of power in any ons set of men, or tny ptrty, founded upon unworthy or bid motives tnd principles. As lonq as mod- ER'ATIOtT AND THI BPIBIT OF CONCILIATION shell preside over the id ministration of the Federal Government, my faction which shall seek to divide the Union, either by rousiDg a sense of injustice and inequality in the action of the government in one section, or by seizing upoo the delicate tod inflammable question of slavery in the other, can alwayt be shorn of its strength tnd defeated in its object, without the slightest convulsive sensation in our system." -The Real Danger to our System of Government. " The real danger to our system, as in every other system of free Government, is a violent party action of the Government itself. A pro scribed and disregarded minority, respectable for its numbers, its talents, and even for the vir tues of many of its members for virtue is never the exclusive attribute of tny one party such t minority .is always tempted, in resentment for its real or imaginary wrongs, in redress , for it 5 violated privileges is American citizen in being deprived of all actual participation in the gov ernment of the country compelled to obey laws tnd be the subjects of a policy, prescribed snd directed exclusively by their opponents : such t minority, 1 repeat, is constantly tempted to seize upon every vexed and irritating question to make common cause with the spirit of fanaticism itself, in an effort to rightytor, at all events, to avengo their injuries. This is the danger of our svstem." MB. BELL AXD THE SLAVERY QUESTION-1840. . Abolition Petitions. The reader will note the difference between ejecting the prayer of a petition, and rejecting or refusing to receive the petition itself. When in 1790, three years after the adoption of the constitution, the society of Friends, of Tennsyl vania, forwarded a petition to Congress praying its interference with the African slave trade, the petition wu received, although it contained an unconstitutional request Congress being ex pressly prohibited by tbe Constitution, for twenty years to come for meddling with the slave trade. ISO question u to tbe reception of this petition wu made, although its reference or commitment to a committee, with a view to its' being reported upon, was vehemently opposed by some of the Southern members, on the ground thst it asked Congress to do tbat which wu unconstitutional, Mr. Madison advocated its reference. " Orentlemen," be said, "might vote for the commitment (or reference) of the petition with out any intention of supporting the prayer of argument were too strong to be disregarded j and bo wu unwilling to give the Abolitionist tbe benefit of tbem. At present, tbey have do foundation on which to Kind. They are giving wty to tbe pressure of the publio intelligence in the Boo-tltvehdlding State. But if we thill enable them to blood the right of petition with their Abolition scheme, tbey mty raise t storm which will thtke tbe very foundation of tbia Government From the voir 1790 down to tbo present dty til petition! Live been received by thit body which were respectful tnd deooreai. whatever tho subject matter of tbo petition might be: tnd tt every session, tbe petition of the So ciety of Friends, clothed in similar language with the present one, bu bcn received. . Mr. G. would Dot depart now from the eattbliibed usage, lie considered the reception of the PiTiTioif ind the rejection of the prayer U tbe strongest course against abolition tbat could bo tdonted." To the stmt cone lu ion with Mr. Grundy namely, that the petition! ought to bt received ' tnd acted upon cimo Mr. Boll; u will booeoB - by the following extract of letter written by biin to the late Ifon. Goo. R. Gilmer, of Georgia, in 184U, and published in 1 number, of the news papers of tbu day : Mr. foil in 1840 Abolition Petitions' . " When the ibolition movement it tlie North -hid reached t point of excitement which began to be felt in Congress, I wu actively engaged in the canvass between Judge White, and. Mr. Vin Buren. The question was of such a nsture u to render it almoxt impossible, in an assembly com posed of so many trdent and impulsive spirits as . tbe Congress of the United States, thit it should not become, in some shape or degree, connected with the parly conflicts of the day. Some of my most valued ind cherished friends thought Mr. Via Burcn fairly and justly assailable "in the South on the ground of his vote to instruct the Senators of New York against tbe admission of Missouri. Tbe favor whioh his friends and supporters at that time showed to abolition petitions, by voting for their reception, and also for tbeir reference under I'lnjtlrnAV a taltltiAn on,Anni1 ikdm In A.il iuvkuvj 0 ivntyMvii) f.'&ai it w lusui w .uutu 1 proper gound of attack before the people. I remonstrated earnestly with my friends against the policy of such t course,' tnd against my pro- ' ceeding whaievet which might tend to bring about a division of parties, to any extent, upon such delicate,, not to My dangerous issue." . 000 " At the period to which I refer (183C) the op position to Mr. Van Burcn in the South and Southwest, with few exceptions, took tbe position that the right of petition did not exist in this case. This opinion was maintained upon the ground that Congress had no right to abolish slavery in the Di-lrict of Columbia ; and it was contended that s petition to do an unconstitution al act was not entitled to notice, and ought not to be received. Tbe argument was carried still furtherr -It, was strenuously urged that the id- -mission of the power to abolish slavery in tbe District would be fatal to the South. " My opinion was, that, whether the petitioners bad strict right on tbeir side or not, sound policy dictated the reception tnd reference of tbeir peti- ' tions. I believed that any unusual course ia re gard to them would give undue importance to the- ' movemeRtsofthc abolitionists, furnish new ground for agitation, and rather increase tbo existing excitement thau allay it." Under these convictions, Mr. Bell only, of all the Southern representatives in Congress, (sive Mr. Bouldiu, of Virginia,) voted against the sec ond clause of the fifth of bxtbacts raow araica .druvirid at vauxball, SASHVILLI, 01 THI 28d Of BAT, 136. " " .. . Excesses of Party. " It will be a circumstance, in my course, to-! wbiob, aa long u 1 Jive, I can revert with cor., tciont satisfaction, that I have ever opposed, wbtt tppeared to me to be the ezoetset in tb it. On i subsequent day, the debate still continuino, Mr. Madison uid : " The debate hu taken a serious turn, and it will be owing to this alone if an alarm is created for had the memorial been treated in the usual way, it would have been considered as a matter of course and a report miAt have been made so as to hive given general satisfaction. The petition prayed in general terms for tne interference ot Congress so far as they were constitutionally authorized; but even if its prayer wu in some degree unconstitutional, it it might be committed, u was in tbe case of Mr. Churchman s petition, one part of which wu supposed to apply for in unconstitutional in terference by the General Government." From 1790 down to 1835, when the question of reception of Abolition petitions was first mado in the House of Representatives, all petitions oouohed in decorus and respectful terms were received by Congress, whatever their subject- matter might be. This fact wu stated by the late Ceiix urundy, in a speech made by him in tbe Senate of the United States, on the 2d of March, 1836, from which the following is an ex tract: ' ' Mr. Grundy on Abolition Petitions. "Therefore, if there was no constitutional doubts existing, (as the right of Congress to re fuse to receive the petitions,) he would, as a mat ter of expediency, vote to receive the petitions, to be followed up with a vote to reject their prayer, iiut be confessed tbat the constitutional right to refuse' to receivo a petition was very far from being clear. The right of petition existed before the formation of the' Constitution. It wu well understood by- the framers of that in strument; and although it only declares that Congress shall pass no laws to prevent citizens from peaceably assembling ind petitioning for t redress of grievances, it never could bve en tered into their minds that those to whom tlfb petitions were to be addressed would refuse to receive tbem. Of. what vilue is the right -of pe tition, if those, to whom petitions are addressed kill not receive them and ' act unon them t The framers of the Constitution remembered that tbe Parliament of Great Britain had paused laws prohibiting citizens from assembling, consulting. and petitioning for a redress of. grievances. They recollected the acts commonly called tbe riot acts, and therefore they inserted the provi sion! contained in the Constitution. But it never entered into their minds that petitions, when signed, would not be received by those'to whom they were tddresed. It wu t matter of very nine consequence to citizens tbat tbey are per mitted to assemble tnd petition for a redress of grievances, if, after tbey have done to, their pe tition are not to be received or considered by those who' hive the power to act upoo the tub-jeet-mttter of the petition. To his mind the The Atlierton Resolutions, which provided tbat all petitions " relating, in any way,' or to any extent whatever, to slavery, . u aforesaid, or the abolition thereof, should, on the presentation thereof, without any further ac tion thereon, bo laid on the table, without being debated, printed, or referred." The origin of these Atherton resolutions wu as . follows: On tho nightpf the 8th of December, 1838 Martin Van Bureo being President there " was a meeting in Washington of a few Adminis tration members of the House of Representatives from the South, and a few from the North. Tho meeting wu called at the instance of the Hon. R. B. Rhett, of South Carolina, who, since the days of nullification,, has bad the strongest pro clivities towards disunion, and is now an open disunionist, to consider certain resolutions which he ljad prepared on the subject of slavery. The resolutions were considered and adopted, and as it was deemed expedient that they should be of fered by a Northern nianMr. Atherton, of New Hampshire, was selected for that purpose. Ac cordingly, he presented them in the House three days afterwards,, niade a speech explanatory of bis reasons for offering them, and concluded by calling the previous question, so as to cut off all debate and amendments. Gov. Wise wu, at ' that time, a Whig representative from Virginia. " He denounced the whole proceeding in the most indignant terms on the floor of the House ; and on a subsequent occasion, in a public address to a portion of his constituents, be stated that these' resolutions were prepared in secret so far u the n big representatives from the South and North were concerned, and agreed upon by some few or more Van Buren men of the South, with others rfom theJfortlr,' without permitting the Whig Blaveholdihg members oX the South to know any- thing of the matter until it wu sprung upon' the House with a cull for the previous question. ' He said these resolutions, thus prepared and bronght forward, were " tbe hrst ot a strict party proceed ing known to our national history. This was the first organized effort at slavery ag itation for strictly party purposes. The conooc- tors and authors of tbe proceeding were Southern Democrats, who. contrived to secure the co-operation ,of a portion of the Northern Democrats ojf the. Mouse. . Mr. Khett, who prepared the resolution! 1 is a confessed disunionist- Mr. Atherton, who was induced to offer them, voted in 1847 for the Wilmot Proviso. And Mr; Vani Buren, of whose Administration the parties to the movb- ment were all supporters, became, in 1848, the free- soil candidate for the Presidency, on the Buffalo platform receiving tbe support of a niajority ot the Democracy of New York over General Cass. .. .;.: The same patriotic considerations which moved Mr. Bell to vote against the clause in the Ather ton resolutions, impelled him to vote against tho , iamous Twenty first-Rule of the House of Representatives, which wu at follow: . ' "That no petition, romorial or resolution, or -.-i'; other paper, praying the abolition of silvery in ' the District of Columbia, or ley State or Territo ry, or thealavo-trade between the States or Terri- - ' net of the United States, in which it now exists, shall be received by thit House, or ctertained in tny wty whatever. ' "J