MV SERIES VOlffet. .
.. . ,V - .. i '. ! . a. f
; ; . AI5ESB0R01TGH, K. C, THURSDAY, AUGUST 30, 18C0.N
WHOLE NO. 103.
NORTH CAROLINA ARC.
; PUBLISHED WIEKLT fi
FE.1TON DABLEY.
1
, . , - TEKM8 OF IPJMOtmiOir.. , U -.r
8iaglt ooplM, Two Pouam pryr, Unriaklf 1
(1 ratio t. , j.
i m..ka Va an1 nn(a. II will ha A.
Aft A.. Ikilf Attn A If MM - ' iwJ
. M iabMriplioa roiTd for Um thai tt aoa
BATES Of ADVEKTISINO.
on iquAki, tii uiai o tut !.
70
$t SO
' Two MontlM, or bId IsMrtiont , I SO
Thrt aontbt, or tblrteto lawrtiou 4 00
. His Booth -MMn.n,........M.M..,r. 6 00
Oo TOOT ......... 00OO0 (
AdrortiMro matt tUU tbo Bambor of tints tk
wlU tlir adTOrtiMmaaU loMrtod ; otboraLM tbr
111 bo ooBliaaod till forblddta, oad oaorg' aeoora-
1BO 10 MO BBOTO
Aftroooitata will bo uit th 7trl odnrtliara
. oa Uborol aod adraatafMa torato. .
' fft-iolo Jtnoiaoo Carta, on OBooBjlag too
naoa oronar la Macui, wui oo laaarud far a roar:
If asoMdlag t Haoo will bo oaargod tbo soaio i
otbor oOTOrtlaoaioBto.
Obltaary aotioao froo vkoa Bot oiooodlnf twenty
liooo; ou aoooo twoat; llao o MToruoaaioot rata.
Prota tbo Nubrillo Katloaal Coioa
J00 BELL'S JIECORD.
Concluded.
MR. DELL ' I
1H1-TIIE KANSAS-NEDEASKA
DILL.
IVo oom now to whit may jaaily b oonoid
erd tha moot iroporUnt act of Mr. Bcll'a pub
Ho lifo bla oppoaittoa to tbo Knia-Nebraka
act. A few brief paaugea from tbe twoipoecbo
mod br him id the Seooto oa that memorable
oecuioo will suffice to plaoo beforo tbe people of
tbo south (where hi vote agiinat tbe bill ha
been made tbe aubjeet of bitter condemnation)
the motive and rciaoni by which he wi gur
ernod. lliar bim, follow citizen !
ll'ptal of iht Mittouri CvmpromiieA Great
I'ractical Qaettwn lu PrdnUt Itctullt
Comiderxd.
. "If thit meaaore aball appear to be a impor
taot totbu iotereit of the coonlrjf aa it fiieod
aume, I ahall fed no embarraaiment arising
from soy of the qaestiont to which I bare junt
alluded, ia giving my aapport to the principle of
non-intervention, embraced in the provision of
tbe bill before tbe Senate. I think it i a wiae
aod expedient principle, for general application;
and npoa this poiut, it will be perceived, that
there u no difference between myself and any of
my Southern friend. It is not a new principle.
It waa tbo principle adopted ia the compromise
act oi 1850, and had my full concurrence and
support. Hoi in tbe application oi .tun princi
ple to tbe Territories proposed to be organized
by this bill, in order to give it a free and unem
barrassed operation, it is proposed to repeal the
Missouri Compromise; aud tbo a great prac
tical question is' directly presented; aod one'
which, above all others, claims the dispassionate
consideration and reflection of every statesman
of the eoatitry, North and Sooth : hit trite, it it
expedient to dill urb tht Miuouri (XmpromiteT
lion the repeal of the tlatery reitrietion chute
of the act of ISZV promue.tuch important ana
beneficent retultt to tht country that all oljectioni
Jtould UyicUedr
Miuouri Restriction Cnjuil to the &mth.
" Sir, it ia contended that by applying the
principle of non-intervention to the Territories,
we shsll harmonize the action of the Govern--mcot
by eonformiog it to tbe principle of tbe
- oompromise act of 1850. Admitted. It i
said that the slavery restriction clause of the aet
of 1820 was a violation of the obligations of the
treaty by which France ceded to the United
State tbe Territory of Louisiana. I admit it.
It ia contended that the restriction upon slavery,
imposed by tbe Missouri Compromise, wo unjust
' to the South. That ia also true.
"The attempt of tbe North in 1820 -to inter
dict slavery in Missouri, a a condition of bar
admission into tbe Union, aod tbe continued te
itance offered to the application of that State
for admission, until the South agreed to accept
tbe proposition to interdict slavery in all the re
maining territory ceded by Franc lying north
of tha lioe of 86 80', waa jut such a proceed
ing that the great name invoked by the honora
ble Senator from Massachusetts, (Mr. Sumner,)
to sustain him in his course a an abolitionist
Washington, Franklin, Jefferroo, and Hamilton,
bad they been living at the time, anti-slavery in
sentiment tbowgh they were, would have raised
their united voice against it, as conceived in a
apirit tbe very reverse of that which controlled
their own course when tbsy gave their sanction
to the Constitution ; when they contributed the
full weicht of their great namea and character
In .vknfMlialinv anit MMnnnilinf thu mtmncrMl in.
taeonlsm of sentiment and intereita between tbe
- n - o a ,
ortb and tha South ; aod in blending all in J
one rteat omnia instrument of Union, unparal
leledio the wisdom of it provisions, and the
grandeur of ita result. Jefferson did raise bis
voice against It, but unhappily hi glorious com
patriot of tha Revolution bad paased away, and
. tie, ia hi retirement,, waa no longer able to con
trol the sotive paaaions of tha day." -
He Fear the Contequeneet of Repealing tJte
; ' t JUinoiri Compromise.
" Having thus gone overall th grounds of ob:
jection (uggeated against the validity of tbe Mis
souri Compromise, I trust it will be seen that I
am not disposed to controvert them either a to
fact pr doctrine, with such exception only a
upon more deliberate consideration, by those who
asserted them, will ba allowed to be well takea.
But, sir, admitting them, with tha exceptions I
bar stated, to be ioeontrovertlbly true, still th
znaia question remain to be oonsidered and de
cided 1 Do these fade and doctrine demon-
'
J 1
strait the expediency of dtstutima the Jfiiaoni
Compromise under existing circumstances f and
in ooniing to an affirmative conclusion upon tbii
point, I hesitate, I pause."
Probable Consequence of the Repeat Further
- ,.,..-.. U iht Vvntidered. .. .v, ,,
"I bare listened with attention to all thelu
toinoul exposition snd theories of constitutional
: eonnruouoo, ana 01 popular sovereignty; to ma wny anouia a man aoaauau uisooovieuuiw uyva
ioganiou application of dootrioal poiota toqnea-j sach a question for the sakt of doubtful political
1 tion oi compact aad som promise by tha friend j rhsncaa 1 I consider the position of a Senate
of tfcU measure. ' Tha question ba been fruitful : of the United Stat, which I bow enjoy, a tbV
of theme for dialect la display for th txbibi- preaoVst aad most independent that hay Ameri
tioa of great power of enalyau and logisal acu-! can citizen can occupy tha oobleet and most do
msa; butth whole aiyunieat baa beea sing. , (irable to any man who will boldly do hi duty,
briy defective aad unsatisfactory Bpoa tha main .' Sir, I acknowledge my weakuesse. ' I know that
auaslion 1 What practical adoemtaoe er benefit kind feeling and a defereaM kit th opinion of
.. .' 1 m 1 . . 1 .1 I
tt the country generally, or to tht South in partie
rv
at!,
"i waWjfcncjlia. the
applioi.. twiyln sfisMi.i4B;Tntion to
the Tfrito. I th"Tfc-eal p be M iwoari
ColllpTomie,ilBiTV,,' pater to tbe
local legislatures, tb T ' . aSttc, nd
to relieve Cowrst for u ji4iui the most
dsogerou BiiUtrtQoJifiiAi'ljaot f controversy
atfafritstionf Wor"" 1 of slater v. which
tXJor tbaa ofc, ued the peace of tbe
;try, will ,ri0Td; that joatiea will be
to the-& ? that tbe UonaUtutkm will M
te it ijieated; and a new guarantee
vl f stability of tbe Union. I Deed
nut TJf--'y one naijme many otnejuxm reiuH
metnre cmnb ikown to f Mote
aaprobU omiequenotof U adopt ton, I would
no longer hesitate to give It my support ; but nn
fortunatelv the anrament bu nroeeeded oo furtb
er than tha affirmatioa, : without (bowing bow
then result must or win folww.7 " f
V Wiidont o tk4 Repeat Doubted, t
" Sir, I believe there i a better feeling pre
vailing at tbe North toward tbe Sdbtb than Ijt-
merlv: but would it not be wis on tbe part of
tbe South to do nothing to reverse tbe current of
that better feeling, soles urged by some great
necessity ia vindication of it rights f
What hat tht South to Gain ly it T
" What ha tb South to gain by the measure ?
. Will slavery be established in tb
Kansas Territory proposed to be orgauized under
it provision.' Hoes any one woo nas lully con
sidered the aobject, believe that thi Territory
will become a slave State f '
lit Differ with hit SoulJteen Friendt only at to
the ICeiuUt of the Meat arc.
" I bave said already, and I repeat that if I
could take the view of tbe importance of this
messure to tbe country which my southern mends
do cutliog off tbe source of all future coot rover-
ry between lbe North and tbo South putting
an end to-airitation in both sections noon tbe tub-
ject of slavery I would feel justified in wairing
ail m J oujrcuoos 10 uiu um,. auu in uuiung
heartily with them in it support. He differ only
at to the retultt of the meature."
J he foregoiog extract are from tut first speech
of Mr. Bell on the Kansas-Nebraeka bill, deliv
ered ia tbe Senate on tbe 3d of March, 1851.
See Appendix to Uongrcuwnal CloU, vol. 29,
page 4U7:
trom bis second speech on the-bill, delivered
on the 24th and 25th of May, 1854, we make the
subjoined extract, for which sco Congressional
U lobe, vol. 2, pages, 047 SK8.
ProbaUt Contrquencetnf the HepeaTfurtfier Con-
tiderea.
" The people of Teonessee will doubt the pro
priety and wisdom of adding fuil to tbe flame
kindled by tbe abolitionists of the North, by re
pealing the Missouri Compromise. They will
see that it. must and will have a bad effect on the
steady, sober, patriotic, national wieo of the North.
There are many gentlemen at the South trho may
not care tchat euntequmcet may flow from tuch
a court. The people of Tennessee have sense
enough, judgment and penetration enough, to
perceive that, tbongb the feeling of the North,
excited by the passage of this bill, may be re
strained within auch bounds a not to threaten
immediate ditun ion, yet that perhaps no more Ta
guiv sUveamsy be captured and returned frora
the North, and that tbe awellioe tide of fanati
cism, and the more intcose sentiment of hostility
to th institution of th South, created by this
bill, may lead to such excess tbtt irritation and
resentment will be, in turn, excited and kindled
into flame at the South; and that, then, we shall
find all the fear and apprehension of civil war
and disunion renewed, which spread consterna
tion throughout the land in 1850."
Sqaltcr Sovereignty.
" A to the priooiple of iquatter sovereignty,1
I wUh further to ay that, in the lata contest be
tween General Taylor and tbe honorable and dis
tinguished Senator from Michigan, (Gen. Caas,)
it wa distinctly brought forward a an issue be
fore the people of Tennessee. In thst
contest, in common with the South generally,
they the people of Tennesse repudiated the idea,
that a handful, brany number 01 inhabitants, in a
Territory of tbe United States, ahould have the
power granted to them by Congress of regula
ting their domestio institution and at their dis
cretion, to deny to the citizen of one section of
the Union tbe power to enjoy uie ngiit ot prop
erty ia slave. We were not prepared to reverse
and ct aside th previously established practice
and doctrine of the Government, from 1789 to
that time. .We could see no peace, op quiet, no
end of agitation that was to result from such a
course: Wa thought that if a Territorial Login
lature ahould, in one or two yean, establish or
abolish slavry,.the agitation of the question of
Uverv would still n on. . We. in Tennessee, at
that time believed wo were advocating principle
and doctrine oa thi subject approved in all the
Southern States. The principle then contended
for was that the people of a Territory, when they
came to form their Slate constitution, AND THIN
ONLY, were qualified to establish their domestio
Institutions.'y-pr-; , ., . ;.
Mutt Discharge hit Duty to the Country at what-
; .,:'..,;.! ever Sacrifice, t ,v.v ' '..
" When I informed honorable Senator that I
did not hold myself committed to thi bill, I was
told, by tome of my friends, that if I opposed
tbe bill, suoh a course would be utterly destruc
tive to me; that it would lead to a disruption of
tha Whig party la Tennessee, end ityrnish-a
plausible ground for impntatlon npob my motive.
And those friendly warning wera given to me
up to the time of the final rota io the Senate.
Sir, wben a question 1 presented here
involving eroat principles Of an kind, wben any
great measure ia proposed and a man occupying
a responsible position become strongly impressed
Wlui me conviction una i iu(ibo numu mi
a deep, and" permanent'lnd Injurious effect upon
the future prospect Of the country, threatening
the stability of tha Constitution and the Union
itself, be should ba willing to sacrifice himself,
and surrender all prospect that may be held out
to aim which stand la, eonmot with Dl duty.
.v 1 .11 . - . 1 J . 1 I ;
other have often induced me to gtv my rapport
to Measure of inferior importance which my
jujigmant did not approve, lint when a great
question ia presented, when I have deliberately
rcfleotod upon it, when I have light before me
by which to guide my course, wbatevor aaorifioel
of political atanding may be required of me,
whatever obstacles aod embarrassments of any
kind may stand in my way, I trust I aball always
bave the firmness td do what, upon deliberate
reflection, 1 consider my duty to the country."
A Conttrcatiie Sentiment at the A'orth Danger
of Alienating it. .
- "I wish honorable Senator to understand that
if I thought there was really any great principle
to be establiabed or settleed by this bill, of im
portance or value to tbe South, and to tbe coun
try generally, it would be a different question,
liut I must not be diverted from the issue made
with me that there i no great body of conserva
tive and national Whig at tlutV'0; ""dy to
stand by the South on quertions affecting their
right and institutions. I deny tbe assertion. I
know that there ia a lares body of patriotic and
LnpUa Whig at the North, who, though .they do
not approve this bill, Dave stcauuy ouposea me
Abolition movement at the North, from its in
ception, and have always deprecated all agitation
on the subject of slavery. They, like all North
ern men, baveabeen, from training and education,
opposed to slavery; but they have been trained
to respect and revere tbe Constitution and its
compromise; and thay have shown their deter
mination to respect and atand by the compro
mise of 1850. in their unwavering effort to
silence opposition to the fugitive slave law, and
to secure its faithful execution. And, sir, I would
enquire ot those who assert that there is no sound
national Wbig parly at the North, what has be
come of that noble Whig phalanx at the North,
who stood by and sustained Daniel Webster in
hi bold advocacy of The compromise of 1850?
Where the supporters of Millard Fillmore at the
North r Where the Union Wbigsof New York?
Where the conservative spirit which prompted
five hundred of tbe most respectable citizens of
Uoiton, said to be the very hot bed or lamucism,
to enroll themselves aa speoial constable to- se
cure tbe execution of the fugitive slave law ? Is
there no consideration due tolhe position of such
Whig as those at the North in -deciding npon
measure so well calculated a tbe present to
weaken their position and influence, or rather, to
use the forcible language of lbe Attorney General,
' to crush tbem out V
" But, air, there ia a conservative sentiment
in tbo North, outiido the rank ot those Whigs
known aa the supporters of Mr. Webster and Mr.
Fillmore, even among" those denominated Frce-
oilers, or tbe Opponent of the extension of slave
territory, belonging to tbe u big and Democratic
parties I allude to those who acquiesced ifl the
compromise of. 1850 thoso who are opposed to
the plan of the Abolition organization, and en
tertain no purpose of pressing their auti slavery
feeling and doctrines to the point of disunion.
I tbero any wudom Or sound policy in adopting
a measure not called for by any publio necessity or
interest, oui so- wen cateuiaieu 10 muu mat
large class of Northern eitigens to form eombina-
tion which may load to a permanent alienation
between tbe North and the South r
7?i'e of lite RrpuUiean Party Predicted, at
Consequence of the Repeal. ,
" Sir, the tendency of this bill ia to stimulate
the formation of a sectional party orisinizatioo.
And, aa I said in my speech on the passage of
L arJ ffaH thil, eountry, except
tbe Senate bill, I regard that a the last and moat
the dissolution of tbe Union ; and that lost and
greatest calamity to the country, the success of
such a movement would infallibly bring about.
I trust, sir, that my fears on thi subject will
prove to be groundless, and that no auch result
as 1 bave indicated will ever be realized.
MB. CELL IX 1856 ADMISSION OP KAN3AS4
The following are extract from a speech made
by Mr. Bell in the Senate, on the 2d of July,
1856, on the bill to authorize the people of Kan
sas to form a constitution and State Government
prepatory to their admission into the Union :
lie Advocates it Early Admittian, .
. Whoever ha looked closely into this subject
and comprehends all it bearings, must be satis
fied that, though we mdy remove some of the
more fruitful sdurces of tbe existing disturbances
in Kansas, dissension and discord will still con
tinue, not only in Kansaa, but throughout the
country, until Kansaa shall become a State. The
excitement and agitation at the North may be
expected to continue, even with increased inten
sity, so long aa there remain any prospect of the
success of the pro-slavery party, in order to unite
and consolidate public sentiment in opposition to
the admission of Kansas as a slave State. Cun
the country can the Union, stand five years of
unmitigated agitation upon this di: trading sub
ject? It seems inevitable that agitation must
continue through the present canvass ior ine
Presidency. There is no remedy for that evil.
Had I tbe powor, by my voice, I would paralyze
I would crush this many headed monster this
Kansaa hydra at once ; but, ai this is impossible,
I protest against the extension of this controversy
into the next ensuing contest for the purple. I
protest against , a., me eysnu,., -uu
r . J 7
Practical Working of Squatter Sovereignty.
" This principle of popular sovereignty, con
nected as it wa in this case with the repeal of
the Missouri , Compromise, was thought by ita
friends to be of such transcendent importance,
that when the Nehraska bill passed the Senate.
at a . lata hour of the. 2d of Marco, 1854, the
inhabitant of the national metropolis wero
awakeoed from their (lumbers by peal after peal
of 'deep-mouthed artillery, announcing the glad
tidings that the great' principle -of popular sov
ereignty was triumphant; that justiee was vin
dicated by the repeal of the Missouri Coin pro
mise; that the reign of the Constitution would
now be restored ; and that slavaryj agitation would
return no more to vex the land f As though
aome great viotory had crowned our arms over a
publio enemy, at Beuna Vista, pr Cero, Gordo
height, the reverberation of the cannon lad
scarcely ceased, when the name Joyful tidings
were oaniSd with electric speed to every quarter
of tha Union. '
"I trust I may
be permitted, without offence,
to say that, in a long tract of time, no example
can be found of a deloeiou engendered in the
heat of eootroveny, aaor complete than that
which appear to have ttJtaa possession of those
wh pressed tb Nebraska bill to it -final passage
through Coo rraas. Where, now, do we find the
realixatioa of ihes pleasing dream which doubt
let iaspired tha author of that measure ?"
-. -,-. . , ' '
Preaident, I do not wish to say anythia
that can b considered offensive: but I moat say
I do not know any way in which lean so well illus
irate the true character and tendency of the or
ganic law of Kansas, aa by comparing it to the
preliminary arrangements which usually attend
th sport of the ring. Without any fur-fetched
analogy, Jtbat law may be laid to have inaugu
rated a great national prize fiht. Tho ample
lit wore regularly marked out they were th
boundaries of Kansas. The two groat section
of the Union, tho North and the South, were to
fumuh the champion and to bo their backer.
The prize of victory wa to be a slave State on
the ono aide and a free Stale on the other. But
a the viotory was to be decided by the number
of the ehampions, to encourage their enlistment
nd prompt attendance, tbo prize of a cboico
quarter section of land, at tbe minimum price,
was to ba awarded to tho champion on cither
fide.
" When we consider the champions on both
(ides of thi great national contest r ere deeply
imbued, for the most part, with adverse princi
ple, sentiments, and prejudice on the subject of
slavery, exerted and ta tUiadaimoMto ireasy ny
.. .... ... ..t-t.r
recent ana violent agitation, ana mat me innum
tantsof the western counties of Missouri wiu'd
niturallly become sensitive and excited in the
highest degree by the prospect of a free State on
their borders, it is not extravagant to assert that
had the most inventive-geuiui of tbe age been
called urion for a scheme of policy combining all
the clement of slavery agitation in auch a man
ner a to insure the greatest amount of disorder,
personal aud neighboihood feuds, border disturb
ance, aod bloodshed, in Kansaa, leadio", at the
same time, to personal and sectional alienation, he
could not have succeeded better than, by adopt
ing the provision of the Kansas-Nebraska bill."
lie Intitti upon the Importance of a Speedy Ad
justment. "Sir, months ago, when authority wa fint
given by theJ'rcsident to Governor Shannon to
call to his aid the military force of the United
State then at Fort Leavenworth, we were told
that-there would be no further disturbances;
bat wo have been disappointed. The disorders
have rather increased than diminished since thaf
time. It may be that there will be no more on-
authorized military arrays on either side; but
will that cure tho evil r Kvery settler in Kansas
now goes armed, and prepared for sudden con
flictj and does any one suppose that any future
emigrant to that Territory will fuil to equip him
self fully with tbe means of elf defence f Does
any ono suppose that there will be no more 00
eret associations, no longer any system of intim
idstion kept up, no longer any use for tho bowie
knife, revolver, or Sharpe's rifles ? Again, I ask,
where is all this to end ?' Can quiet ever be es
tablished unless one party or the other is driven
out by force, or shall voluntarily abandon tbo con
test, or until Congress shall adopt some measure
to end the controversy? 1
" And, sir, what forbids that we should now
adopt some Pleasure, with provisions so fair and
just tn ail repcci, mat 11 cnnnoi iuii k iuiii
gato, if it cannot remove altogether, existing
evils, and in the shortest period contitteut toith
thi spirit of fairness and justice, bring Ihe
whole matter into controversy lo a close by ad
mitting Kansas into tho Union as a State? Do
this and we may leave the ivsue in tho hands of
a higher power. Settle this'
slavery controversy when we may, now or at any
time, or 10 any way, the best that can be devised,
whatever section may have a triumph, there will
remain, on the side of 'the vanquished, a deep
and rankling feeling of discontent and alienation,
and a wholo generation must pass away before
they will cease to mar, to some extent, the gener
al harmony. On the question whether Kansas
shall be a free or a slave State, as a representative
of Southern interests, my preference, of course,
is for a slavootate. JIul, sir, v. 10 a fair com
petition it must be so, let it bo a free State ; let
it be retroccded to tbe Indians, the aboriginal 00
enpanis of the soil; let it become another Dead
Sea, rather than contioucthe pestilent source of
mortal. disease to our system.
MR. CELL IN 1SC8-TIIE LECOlirTO.V COXSTI
; tctiox.: ....
In the speech made by Mr. Bel! in the Sen'
ate, 'on the 18th of March, 1858, on the ecomp
ton Constitution bill, there occur the following
passages: .
Issues betuecn the Xorth ami the South Esti
. mating the Value of the Lnion.
" It is more than indicated ; it is boldly as
sumed by some genJcmcn that the rejection of
this measure will be tegarded as a deciswn that
no more slave States are to be admitted into the
Union, and the consequences which may follow
such decision are pointed to in 00 equivocal lan
guage. There is no gentleman here with whom
differ aa to tho value of. the union of these
State?, to whom I do not accord honesty and pa
triotism of purpose.- There is simply between
JS3 a difference in judgment as to the true interest
of the south as well aa the north, connected
with the Union. When my attention ia invited
to the consideration of tho advantages and bless
ing that may follow disunion to the South, I )
shun the aubjeet as one that is speculative only,
and prematurely brought forward. That is a
m rf .. j do propoge now
t0 enter w nen an n. u made : when a question
does arise demandingsncb an inquiry as that, I shall
be readyto enter upon it. and to estimate tbe value
of the Union ; but I will not anticipate the 1 0 :ur
rence of any suoh contingency. . When the North
shall, by iny deliberate act, deprive tho South of
any fair, and just, and equal participation in the
benefit of the Union-r-if, for example, the Ter
ritory now proposed to be admitted into lbe
Union as a State had not been subject to an in
terdict of slavery for thirty years if it were a
Territory such ashat lying west of Arkansas, by
climate adapted to slave labor, and by population
already a slave Territory, and if, on application
of such a Territory for admission into the Union
as a slavo State, the powerful North, without any
of the feelings and resentment naturally grow
ing' out of tbe repeal of the Missouri. Compro
mise io regard to Kansas, should deliberately an
nounce to the South, 'you shall have no more
slave States,' that would afford a pretext with
which the Snnth mifrht. with aome reasonand !
with some assurance of the approval of the civl-j tb
lixed world and posterity, eck to dissolve the ' of
the day will come when the North, io the arrq. ,
gaueeof iU power. will furnish just auch a pre-1
text as I lave indicated ; and the Senator from '
1 ninn i itnn thai it h nnnoarti Dt some mat
ueorgiaand otnera nave arguea mis quesnon on : won uiwiiaicu uj ma iau u w ,vj.v- -
tbe ground that it will come; but must eee it ' candidate Mr. Fremont, waa only beaten in th
frotne before I will calculate the valae of thi
Union.' ' I trust tJurtV'day will aever com. ' I do
r w.u nTr www.
if the South it wise and
ot htfi TtW truckle or
not believe it will coma,
true to itself. I would not
J (urreodor any of their right. 1 would not have
them yield one jot or tittle of their rights; but
I would have them make no queationablo issues
in advance, stir np no atrlfo upon unnecessary
abstract questions, having no practical value, but
to do- always whit i just, and right upon all
questions. When a people or a Territory apply
for admission into tho Union under a constitu
tion fairly formed, with the assent of the people,
exeludiug slavery, I would admit it promptly;
and when an . application comes on the other
bond from the people of a Territory, alio have
fairly formed a constitution recognising slavery,
I would Insist upon it admission ns a slave State.
If tho North should but agreo to this, it would
then b time enough to consider of tha proper
remedy. But 1 would make no issue witu the
North now, and before any occasion for it has
arison; and I regret most sincerely to hear any
Senator from the North auggctting that such an
issue will ever be tendered from that quarter."
V- ' What Ought to he Done?1 '
u With regard to the present question, I by
down aa the basis of my conclusion aa to what
ongbt to be done, that tbe sol alien of it which
proniisca the speediest termination of this dan
gerous slavery agitation ia the truo one. This
dangerous agitation baa continued long enough.
Thi:e has been no mitigation of it in lbe last four
year. Tbeift have been intervals of apparent re
pose, but it was just auch repose a foreboded in
creased disorder and commotion. It is tlu.e to
terminate it. V ""'
' " The question i, what ia that solution which
promises the speediest and most permanent rem
edy for these difficulties. Divine that to me, who
ever can, and I will follow his lead. How shall we
cut this Uordiafi knot of Kansas politic ? Shall
we cut it by the sword?. Shall we first subdue
the rebellious faction, said to exist in Kansas, by
force of arms, or shall we endeavor to unravel this
tangled skein by some more peaceful means ?"
Fraudiand Lrrgvlaritictvf Ine Udomjiton Cun-
ttitntion. . .
"Mv fucnd from Florida fMr. MalloryKaaul.
in his able, speech the other day, that it would bo
difficult to persuade the people of the South that
if this constitution be rejected by Congress, it
will not be upon the ground that it recognizes
slavery. That is also the opinion of tbe honora
ble Senator from Georgia, and others. Unless
it be thut these honorable Senators want some im
mediate pretext for a movement in the South, I
advise them to investigate this question more fully
than they seem to have done, before they, con
clude to make the rejection of this measure, should
it be rejected, a cousns dirjunctioni (a cause
for disunion.) We are told that it will be diffi
cult to persuade the people' of the South that any
other objection exists to this constitution except
that it recognizes slavery, and these opinions are
'avowed in the fact of accumulated frauds and ir
regularities connected with its history,' and though
it i clear that four-fifths of tho people of Kansas
are opposed to it. '
" It will not do for these gentlemen to say that
there is no record or other satisfactory proof to
show the frauds and irregularities alleged against
tbe Lecotnpton Constitution, or any other state
ments made by the opponents of this measure in
relation to the state of things existing in Kansas.
Tho supporters of this measure io the Senate and
in tbe 1 louse of lieprescnUtives have obstinately
persisted in voting down every proposition td in
vestigate and take proof npon the contested ques
tions of fact; aud I take it for granted that this
course would not have been persisted in unless it
was understood that the facts would turn out as
they have been charged. If I lmvc not wholly
misconceived and misstated the material points in
the history of Kansas affairs which preceded the
formation of the Lecompton constitution; if I
have not misrepresented the facts connected with
its formation ; if I am not wholly mistaken in
the views-1 have presented of the existing state
of public sentiment in Kansas io relation to this
constitution, is it becoming the character of tae
National Legislature to accept this instrument as
the organic law of tho new etatc which is pro
posed to be admitted into the Union ? "
"Is it ht, is it becoming tne senate 01 tne
United States, to stamp this Constitution, with all
its attendant circumstances, with their approval,
and send it to Kansas to be abided by or resisted
to blood by the people there r surely, sir, there
ought to be some great and overruling political
necessity existing in the condition- of affairs 'to
justify such a proceeding.' "
The Passage rf the Leromploii Bill nouhl
Strengthen Jtepultcanism. . . -"
I now ask tbo attention of the Senate to the
effect of the experiment localizing slavery agita
tion in the Territories made in 1854 in changing
tbe complexion of parties both in Congress and
in the couTrtryrfjrtho Congress which passed
the "Kansas-kebraska bill, we hare seen that
there was, at the commencement of ihe session
in December, 1000 a isemocrauo majority 01
eighty-four in tlie House of Representatives, and
only four Free Soilers; and in the Senate a like
number of the latter j so small, yet so aisunct
in their principles, that neither of the two great j
parties knownrxo the-countryk new-well how4o j
arrange them on committee. ' mow, 101
us see what was the effect of the Kansas-Ne
braska act on the elections which ensued in tho
fall of .1854, just on the beels of the adoption of
that measure. One hundred and seven free
Soilers were returned to the House cf Represen
tatives: and tho Democratio viarty instead of
having a majority of eighty-four io that Houso,
found itself in a minority of seventy-six ; and in
the Senate the number of 'Free-Sonera wa 10
wa the complexion
of the two House of Congress in the Thirty-:
Third Congress, which assembled- in December,
1855. Now, we find in the Senate twenty Free
Soilers. How many more they may bave in'th
next Congress will depend upon the disposition we
make of the duestion now before the Senate. I call
upon tho Senator from Georgia to say whether he jjks upon which- she must split, unlase hq re
will have that number limited or not Doeshe warit ga;veg timely aid a parattox, yet expressive of
a sufficient number to prevent the ratification of
any future treaty f acquisition ? How long will
it be before wo hav that number, if th Southern
Democracy Denial in their, present course? They
would seem to be deeply interested in adding to
th powet of the Republican party. I oonmder
most fearful aad perteotou of all th result
tb Kansaa-Nebraaka aot wu to create, to build
ud a arena sections! nanv- ' w
that no mora oniinou and threatening aloud nan
darken tbe poUl J UV !
formidable thi party ha already become, may be
Preeideotial aleetioa by the most desperate aBora;
and I feel warranted ia saying, that but Sir tha
ww wtt.iMww . . . .
Imminent prospeet of hi (neceaa which bom cat
Jtw tka mu eaayaa, Jir. -ebmoj
hi;
pon-
tion
-
In the closinc debute on tbe Kanta-Nebraska
bill, I told ita upporters that they could do Both- k
ing nioro certain to disturb the composure of
the two Senators on tbe opposite lide of th
chamber, tbeono from Massachusetts, (Mr. Sum
ner,) and the other from Ohio) (Mr. Chase,) than
to reject that bill. Jta pasasgo was the only
thing in the range of possible events by which
their political fortunes could be resuscitated, o
completely had (he Free-Soil movement at tho
North been oaralvied bv the Ci inpromia mess-
would not have attained hi present
ores of 18.r0. I aav now to the advocates of
this the liccotnpton meascrj If they want tq
strengthen th Republican party, and give the
reins of Government iuto thiir hands, pass thi
bill. If they desire to weaken the power of thst
party, and arrest tbe progress of slavery agita-
tion, reject it. And, if it it their policy to put
an end to the agitation connected with Kansaa 1
affair at the earliest day practicable, aa they say
it is, then let them remit tbia constitution back
to the people of Kansas for their ratification or
rejection. In that ay the whole difficulty will
be settled before th adjeurnaiaat of th preatn-.
session f Congres without th violatioa-of any t
soand principle, or the sacrifice of th rights of .
cither section of th Union." x
Mr. Bell rrpliet to the Complaint of the Xvrth
oVuart the South, and calls upon thefiAlouert '
of Mr. Setcard to " arrett him in hit nwtf
career." . I
"The bonorablo Senator from New York far
ther anuounced to us, in exultant louoa, that 'at x
last there was a North side of this chamber, a n
North side of the chamber of thellooseof Kep
rrsentalivcs, and a north siJa of the Uuioo, Li
well as a South tide of all these;' and he admon
ished us that tbe time was at baud when freedom
would assert it 'due influence in tho regulation
of the domestic and, foreign policy of the coun
, was there a lime in the history of the
try.
Government that thcro was no North side of this
.hamher and uf the other? .When wss there a
time that thcro was not a prond'array of North
ern mch in both chambers, distinguished by their
'genius and ability, devoted to the interests of tho
North, and successful in maintaining them ?
"Though it may be truo that Southern men
have filled the Executive chair for much the
largest portion of the time that has elapsed since
tbe organiraum, of the Government, yet when,
in whit instance was it, that a Southerner has
been elected to that high station without the
support of a majority 0!' the freemen of the
North?-.. '
"Do you of the North complain that tho poli
cy of tho Government, under the long continued.,
influence of Southern Presidents, ( has been inju
rious or fatal to your interests ? Has it paralyzed
your industry ? Has it crippled your resources ?
Has it impaired your energies? Has is checked (
vour progress io any one department of human
effort ? "Let your powerful mercantile marine,
your ships whitening every sea the fruit of
wise commercial regulations and navigation laws ;
let your flourishing agriculture, your astouishing
progress in manufacturing skill, jour great
canals, jour thousands of miles of railroads,
your vast trade, internal and external, your
proud cities, and your accumulated mijliona of
moneyed capital ready to Qbe invested in profit
able enterprise " in any part of the world, an
swer that question Do you complain of a nar
row ani jealous policy under Southern rule, iu
extending and opening new fields of enterprise
to your hardy sons in the great West, along tl.o
line of the great ehain of American Jakes, even )
Ij the head waters of the farther of rivers, and
oer the rich and fertile plains stretching south
ward from the lake shores ? Let the teeming
populations let the hundreds of millions of an
nual products that have succeeded to the but re
cent dreary and unproductive haunts of the red
man answer that question. That very p-cpon-derance
of free Stales which the Senator from
New York contemplates with such aatisfactiou, -and
twhicli has led him exultingly to exclaim
that' there is at lest a North side of this chamber, ,
has been hastened by the liberal policy of South
em 4'residents and Southern statesmen ; -and has, . .
it become the ambition of that Senator to nuito
and combioe all this great, rich and powerful
North in the policy of crippling the resources
and repressing ihe power of the South? Is this
to bo the one idea which is to mould the policy
of the Government, when, that gentleman and
his friends shall control it ? - If it be, then I ap
peal to the better feelings and the better jodg-nretrt-frfiJiis
followers to arrest him in his mad ca- -reer.
Sir, let us have some brief intervaljuf re
pose at least from this eternal agitation ofUbo ,
slavery question."
IVic Vaion'IIou: only it can Ic Saced.
" Let power go into whatever hands it,msy, fet
ns save tho Union !
"i have all tho confidence othergenllemen can
have in the extent to which this Union is in
trenched iu the heaiU of the great mass of tho .
people pf the North and South ; but when I re
flect upon and consider the desperate and dan-
serous extreme-tohioh.ambitiou aodLpartjr
leader arc often prepared to go, without meaning
to do tho country any mischief, iu the struggle,' ,
for tho imperial power, the crown of tho Ameri
can Presidency, I somoiimca tremble for ita fato.
"Two great parties aie now dividing the
Union on this question. It ia evident, to every
man of sense, who examines it, that practically,
in respect to-slavcry, the result will be tho same
both to North aod Scuth; Kansas will be a free
State, no matter what may be the decision on ibu '
question. But how that decision may affect the
fortunes of those parties, is not certain, and i.
the chief, difficulty. But the great question- of .
of all is how will that decision affect the country
as a whole? t '
" Two advorse yet concurrent and mighty for-
ccs are driving the vessel of State to-wide tbo
a momentous and perhjpfaUl truth
There
19. ao bop of refl uniesa we Kwei-iuinucu
men, both of tlie'nofth and South, shall by om
sufficient influence be brought to adopt the wise
maxims and sago counsels of the great Joun Jem
of the Government.' .' .
COSCLCDINO BEMABKS. t w
It is particularly worthy oi notice, that Mr. t
,' Bell 'traduoera have never assailed any sentiment,,,
V" VT
S t .K!Z T
,uJec . ""fJ 1
enoonoed by him on is
Tbcir objAtionlie,and ar
limiied-
1. To hie vote ia few of receiving and a at
ing upon abolition petition, as a matter of sound
ooliov on th nart of the Ktpresaatativea from
. js . . . . - - i . ). ,:
tha South, and In view of t4 Injurioua leeuha
,bjcli U peeved would follott a