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-4 UNION. THE CONSTITUTION. AND THE LAWS THE GUARDIANS OF OUR MBFRTY. Vol. XVII. FRIDAY, APRIL I, 1836. Ao. M2. IN THE SENATE. vciiTS ojmm eiTo!s kesoi.tr MVtnerliy, February S Mr.MlXGUM rose, and said tbaUun- ul very recently, it had not been hit pur- pOM o participate IB inw ueo-ie. loueeu, .H-resoIutioue immediately .mder eonsi- w ' I -t i.... J. : derail' SUnmcu tH uu muiv uttcvwivn and hgM diversity 01 opinion. , Thefirsi resolution, in iu original frm. vat novel. bdd. and decided, and, in hia , m!imi. eraineuUy inexpedient. It bore " lhtrn press oiipterniiy. Aa it la now : ml'5Jnhf wuifgcstioii of the Senator ! f,,,m fenneaaee jsir. urunayj. 11 emoo Au- me f that gentleman felieiioua eonee ,iumi, importing nothing definite, prr-emwg nptftuig ungiute, (manning .unce. because it ditanna iuelf. It is a m'Mth jingle of word, awakening 0e preen idea, indicating no defined practical view, and sinking entirely out or uht those bld and novel fi attires that cuaracterized ita ordinal form It r.o pfvarnia one of those coiafitruMe po.iti'iu'on which either wary or scru ple. gentlemen may stand well scieen eJ ifi'R responsibility, and aay ay" or run equal impunity. It ta now like thinj but itetf. unleaa it may he, HI hkeird to the Senator from Teniieee, ao far aa it adirma that thinga ought qoi U tanJ exactly a they are." V hen me .hall rome to divide upon it, if we ih.U tote upon it at all iu ita present form, geailtmeit will find it ditficutt, Lamg regard to iu merua, to dicier a.iv mouve lr iu support, or U auggen aay prerite and uiMe reason where fore u should be rejected. Unimportant aa are these resolutions in themselves, thtv hare been made the necaaion of' icuamg much higher and graver matter. ' Uenik'nen had taken a wide and discur ite ruge, and touched every topic that oouiti aupply maiertals for Uunt, crimi aau it, aiia injonoua comment. The Sepam had been assailed for : refuaing the eupoly of the three mil lions on the last night of the laat sesion. Oar foreign relationa, and especially the French war, had been elaboratly dit rused. and the aurplat revenue had been availed with a vigor proportioned to the mvnitutle of tHe prixe. In truth, thirty milliout of surplus revenue, and the future surplu.es accruing from "year to yrtr, are a great priif. la retain th f irp'.us. aid an unchecked eantrol of it, ii return power in th hand of the present hol'ler. and to wield it with an 'jnrniiel and irreitihle domination, in t n vi of eontitutioiil right, pi srorn of a-ient u.va. and in contempt of a diifHtil ovHleraiion. Mr. V, said he haJ disapproved the direction given t' most if the debate Sv tn-e with whm he usually acted, lie h. I til along felt thatSenatonexpoie td i1.' nvlves u the suspicion of Veiing a e i of wesknes in tliir p"uioo. h-1 they ud"ered themelvea to be trutijtfd here by a Senator, and they leno isly and gravely et alxui dfei.Ju'g themwlses agnnst the charg. A to hi rote upon ihe three million supply, it as right. Ilia firvt iiu;trein. airoag a it was, had been strengthened by mature reflection and uh- j-ient de ehpioenu. Upon that vote of the Seat depeiided the uniform usage of Congress, the integrity of the Constitu te, and the peace of the country, lie would not, therefore, submit to be arraign til either by Senators here, or by the other llnuse, or, strange aa it might sound to willing ears, by the Executive iuelf, lie would submit to arraignment by no power under Heaven, save that constituent body m North Carolina to which he always Mt amenable, and to which he owed and tberuhed all duty and respect. Nor on! J he undertake the disgusting task uf delineating the history of the three million supply, iu rise, progress aa I fall. Ii career was brief and eventful, couceiv 'J in profligacy, nurtured by empiricism, i'l brought to its death by ainister do ifws and crooked policy. The fabled Sou that devoured his olTspruig waa not wore cruel than the projectora of this "utrage upon the Constitution, the trea ""y. the pacific relations, and the pa 'imee of a betrayed and insulted people. v ' doubts that this fruit of intrigue was crushed by the hand of its parent? Mr. M. said he ahould tike hia stand npmi higher ground. There was no necessity for any extraordinary appropri ation. To the close of the last session ere had not been a word or movement, n the part of France, indicating hostile rfpose; nor hue there been, to the Pfeaent moment Not a man, woman or ' "Id in" the United States aPDrehendcd tr.. L . . ; mn time, and least v( all, that first hostile demonstration would be ; ""e on the part of France. It is true 'ut at the nneninff nrt?nnnr. ; !).. fr 34, the Prcaidont had thrown a fire-ball into the Hall of Congress. The quea tion of reprisals upon French com nterce waa dutinrtly eabtnitted la Con gress. Every one of the leaat intelli gence knows that rrprUala by one Power upon the commerce id" another. supposing them to be at all equal ia the reaourcea of defence and annoyance, are at recea sarily connected with war, aa is the shadow with the aubtur.ee. Did that message find an echo in either branch of Congress? Did ita recommen dationt find favor with any party, either in or out 01 congress: uia not the Senate, by a unanimous vote, icsolve that no legislative measure, under the exist- ing cireumsunces, waa necessary? Was there a tingle individual in thi body lounn pliant enough to natter the peculiar views of the Executive brcompromiuinc the peace f the courtrvf ma not the other House, at the very close of the session, by unanimous tot-, abstain from any specific recominenda- tion indicting the slightest apprehension of collision; Above all. did the Execo tire itself, high strung aa it was, lodirale 10 Co igress any new eauae of spprehen , or new development, requiring ex traordinary appropriationa for defence and protection! If any auch new cause exited, waa it not the boon Jen duty of the Executive, rharged aa he i by the Comtttuiioii with the care of our foreign relations, to make it known officially to C'onjfrcss?, V ill Senators press up on us a state of the question that must nt-ceMnly imply a deflet of tigacity in the Executive, or a plain dereliction of dun? Such i the metiUble conse quence. For, if eaue f.r extraordinary defencea exiated. the Kxeculite either did know, or ought to have known it. If he did know it and failed to apprize Congre of it. ir was a rUgrant derelic tion of duty. If he did not know if, be waa diicrediuMv deficient in vigilance. sagacity, and forecast. The truth ia, no euch caue exfoted. nor ie there the. least ground for imputing to the President." ia ( this reject, euher dereliction of duty or dt-linenry in sagacity. Whence came the recommendation for the supply of the1 three "miliums, and for what pnrpoee did it come? It did not come from the Executive; it did not come from any head of department; nor did it corn reinforced by the deliberative judgment of any committee. It came under cover of the darknesa of the last night of the session, upon t'ie individual repoiisibiIi ty ol a member of another body (Mr. Cam breleng.) As it was sprung upon us un der the cover of night, so its mysterious end is enveloped in impenetrable dark nes. Half of the whole truth has not been told, sir, it will never be told. And, sir. what sort of authority is this, upon whicii the Senile ie tequired to vote fiis appropriation! To vote a supply exCra ordinary in amount, unconstituuon4 in it form, in the absence of estimates, and, above all. in the entire absence of the teaM necessity, either shown or allged, iip-n uiv exhibition of fct? This sort ( authority may be deemed sufficient by ihe faititful To me it comes with no tnie t respect, and scarcely with rl nm to decent forbearance. And for whit purpose !td it come? Was it to soothe the roused sensibilities of the Exe cutive? Was it designed as halm for feeling wounded and pride chafed by discomfiture? Was it intended as an equivalent for the refusal of reprisals? As a d'licaie mode of flattery, by the trongexprcsMonof unlimited confidence, im,'lie I m the unconditional auirender of the purse, the sword, and the Constitu tion? Did it look incidentally to the providing of a contingent fund for the auminer campaign? To enlist recruits, and to carry the ballot-boxes by fraud or by force? And did it not look to the em brriin of in eminent Senator on this floor (Mr( White). " the Cato ol East Tennessee?' Nir. the position of this pure and distinguished Senator may well arouse the fears, excite the hatred, and put in motion all the puppeu, Punch, the Devil, nnd all of them," that play in thi great Presidential game. Well may intrigue be afoot, and under the cover of night. It never had more motive and greater necessity to make a desperate push. The watch-fires are kindling on every hill, from the Potomae to the Ba lize. The White banner ia unfurled; countless' crowds are thronging to that atandard. The Albany banner yet waves ita motley folds over the disciplined and the faithful." But even discipline begins to quail before superior numbers. That banner begins to bow, and will yet be draggled in the mire, if the Hero of New Orleans come not to the rescue. Yes, sir, to the rescue To tnrn hia back upon the honest the steadfast friend of forty years; a friend through good and through evil report; the aame firm, fast friend in the log cabin ol the wildernese as in the marble walla of a palace: a friend too proud and too pure to stoop to sycophancy, too honest to flatter, and too s . , straightforward for the crooked way of modern policy. To turn hia back upon this friend, and for whom? For one that the hero took to hia bosom aa of yester day. One who spurned him in the hour ol tribulation; who would have trod up on him in nia first painful struggle for power, but who haa a quick eye for the rising sun. and the smooth tongue of flat tery lor the ear of power. If auch in- i'osuce ahaii be found in the heart of man. feel's atron? assurance that it will rind no echo in thettania of a just and gene rous people. Give us but an open field, a lair contest, the people's money looked in the strong box. and the hands of pow. er off, and we promise to give a good ac count of the intriguers on the south of the Potomac. Ve shall drive them out. They will find no foothold in Maryland, in Delaware, and. least of all, in the great and glorious " Key stone State. The may be safe in the North, and strongholds of the Empire Mate, but the Presidency and the country wjll be safe from the conuminauon of Ujeif systems, and the blight f their tortuoUs'and sinister policy. Uul to return. Suppose the three millions bad been granted, does any one doubt that we would have been in war? Bythephra ecology of the grant, both the means and the implied discretion would have been' placed in the hands of the President. ; The French Chambers had uken a false position. The French Government had solemnly stipulated the payment of the twenty-five millions of francs It had not complied, the delav had produced irritation; the message of 1834 had uken very strong ground; strong expressions were used. The French Government took offence recalled iu minister here offered passporu to ours at that court. The law for complying with the stipula tions of .he treaty was passed, with a condition annexed not fouud in the trea ty, nor contemplated by it; with a condi ' tion that aaufciory explanation of the President's message should be given be fore the payment ahonld be made. All this waa clearly wrong. The position is utterly untenable. I, for one (said Mr.' M ,) aa an humble American citizen, pro test against all or any explanations, in any . manner or form whatsoever. If France "has any ground nf complaint, let her first perform her own duty, pay the money aidemnly stipulated by treaty, and then, and not till then, demand reparation (or any injury, real or imaginary, to the French Government and people. ; In that event, I doubt not that the jus lite and magnanimity ol this government will do every thing compatible with ita honor to remove heart-burnings and ill will. In tint event, we may well do it. without sceni'ng to b- stimulated h low and mercenary considerations. Ititoking to the actual position which Fiance as sumed, suppose the three million supply had been granted, accompanied w ith un restrained discretion, what would have been the conw qocnce? Is not the pr babdity strong, naj is it not almost cer tain, that measures would haie been adopted that would have brought war? Look to the history of this uaite On the Ifth September last. lic Due de Bruglie caused to be laid lx lore the Exe cutive of tins muniry a p.tper jraw n with signal ability and fairness, and obviously diigned as a pacific overture to this Government, and seeking the means of escape from a false position. What was the reception gien it II mh. cold, and haughty Breathing any thing Sut the calm and conciliatory spirit of ihatlovcr hire. In three days afterwards, on the 1 -4i.fi. this Government sent peremptory instructions to our chargejle affairt at Paris to leave that Government forthwith, in case the money should not be paid: an order hastily, and in my judgment, rash ly given cuuing off every channel of communication between the two Govern ments. Sir, if the three millions, with the implied discretion contained in the proposition for the grant, had been at the disposition of the Executive, might we not have looked for measures as strong as those recommended at the previous session? And would not those measures have brought war? Sir, what have been the conduct and tone of Senators in the confidence of the Administration during this session? The Senator from Missouri (Mr. Ben ton) has brought forward resolutions looking not onlj to the thirty millions now in the Treasury, but to the expen diture nf all accruing surpluses in future years, for the fortification and the arm ing of our Atlantic frontier; contempla ting a gigantic scheme,1:, hitherto not dreamed of. and-ihe expenditure of cbuut less millions for defence alone, as if, in this enlightened age, war were the only object and purpose of mankind. The , teeming abundance of the times, instead of seeking investment in those great lines of ia'ernal communication; instead of giving strength, wp .u'i, happiness and ornament to the finest country under the sub, and Impnlse to the spirit of enter- prise; la a word, instead of being distri buted among the Suu-s for the purpose of consolidating and strengthening all the permanent interest and lies of wociid hie this abundance ie to be poured out up on the maritime frontier, in the construc tion of fortifications, to frown defiacee toward ail the world. A scheme well w ortby of the spirit of the iron age! A nd these resolutions are accompanied with a speech mild, subdued, and guarded in language, but breathing the furious war spirit of Mars himself. Then follows the Senator from Tennessee (r. Grun dy.) Ii is difficult to determine whether hi voice is for war, or still for peace. There is no one but must perceive that he means to whip up, and keep in the front ranks nf Uie Administration, go where they may. We learn the fact, portentously announced, that he is not willing M that things ahall remain exactly mm mil air. mc IOIUSI Ol WW UIB- eussion, which seems well pitched to suppose that when hia speech ahall as bring the public mind up to the war point, sume neat pamphlet form, if the Presi there comes the offer of mediation by the ' dent, amusing himself with his franking Government of Great Briuin. privilege, aa ia hi. wont, should perchance Never has so beautiful a scheme of I frank a copy to' his brother Louis Phi operations been so completely marred by i lippe, it would materially conn mute to an unlucky incident. War, war, hoi rid . the success of the mediation? Doea the war, engrossed every mind, and employ- Senator desire war, or doe he desire ed every tongue.' A French war was t peace? If the latter. I can petceive no preferred, if we could have the good lurk : reason lor keeping op this show of war, to get it. At all events, we must have a 1 unless it be to subject the surplus reve war. If not a French war, the Treasury S Due to a sort of legislative plunder. Sir. has charms a war upon that, aa well aa the Senate, may afford an amusing inter- lude in these dull piping times of pease. This magnanimous offer of mediation on the part of Great Britain, it is understood, has been accepted by this Government; indeed, it could not be refused. In thia sute of things, when every consideration r :.. . :.t. of delicacy, in connexion with our own honor, as well as the feelings of the me diator, would seem to dit-ute, if not pro found silence, yet enure abstinence from every topic of irriution or offensive . aU lusion. the Senator from Pennsylvania (Mr. Buchanan) rises in his place. and de livers the most elaborated and high-toned war speech that ha been heard in the Capitol since 1812. He charges, direct ly and unequivocally, dishonorable equi vocation and bad faith upon the French Government,' in terms the harshest and most offensive. He goes a bow shot be yond any thing said by the Executive. Sir, I regard the Senator's speech aa an exposition of the views and feelings of the Executive. We perfectly under stand the division of labor among the leaders of the party in power. Is it not known that the Senator from Missouri (Mr. Benton) has in charge the better currency," .the bank rags, the yellow j ickets and the public domain? The Se nator has strangled the monster, more fearful than the fabled Lernsan hydra, or, rather, he has cut off hia head; but I tear he has not rkilfully cauterized the wound. The monster ecems to be in a process of resuscitation, as well as hun dreds of other lesser but pernicious mon sters that seem to have sprung from iu blood, sprinkled by the Hercules in the struggle lor its decollation. I "rust the Senator will inform us, at some early day, how the experiment of suppressing bank rags, and increasing the circulation of the gold currency, suc ceeds. I suppose the proportion of pa per money to the precious metals in cir culation does not now exceed more than three or four times that which existed half a dozen years ago. In other words, I suppose the fictitious capital is not more than three or four times greater in refer ence to the actual capital than it was six or seven years ago. As this is an tnte resting experiment under the scientific t branch of the Government vast acces superintendence of the Senator. 1 trust j sions of officers and employees to the he will give us such lights from time to i public aervice, and a corresponding in time as his leisure and convenience may j crease in the expenditure of public mo allow. I frankly confess that I am not , ney. Besides, the Army and the Navy, without fear that the rapid and unexam- opposite in every thing to the mercena pled augmentation of fictitious banking ry tribe to which I have alluded, will be capital portends throes and convulsions that may shake the, prosperity of this country with the force and destrucuve ness of an earthquake. Do we not likewise understand that the Senator from New York (Mr. Wright) has in charge all the peculiar and espe cial interesu of the Albany Regency throughout the Union? And have we not all admired the skill and dexterity with which he manages and controls this intricate and complicated machinery? And who does not know jhat the Se nator from Pennsylvania (Mr. Buchanan) has charge of our foreign relations? His wary sagacity and polished diplomacy, deriving strength and ornament, as they do, from a long experience, indicate the wisdom and fitness of the choice. There fore, upon this subject, I take his speech as indicating truly the tone and temper of the Executive. I have alluded to. the harshness and offensiveness of the mat ter and manner of that speech, as well as to the time and the circumstances under which it was delivered. Sir, Mark An thony's speech over the dead body of Crsar waa a perfect failure compared, w ith that of the Nmaor. But ark An thony tut-plain, blunt man. where aa the Senau.r is ao eloquent and prac Used dipU'malisj, He shows uthe wounds of our sweet count) bleeding, honor, s poor, poor dumb mouths." and, scrpsssisg the skill of Anthony, he puu a tongue ia every wound, which aforesaid tongue discourse so eloquently that they move the verv smnes to muti ny;" and my friend from'Kentucky (Mr. Crittenden) may look out for his plough shares, lest they be converted, in the) twiukling of an eye. into Bowie ki.iee and the most approved hairuiggers; and, strange to tell, all this display of elo quence and exhibition of elaborate skill iu fiiiog perfidy upon the French Go vernment at the very insunt that our Go vernment is accepting, yes, accepting perforce, the offered mediation nf the British Government Does the Senator j war ia resolved on. if war ran be had un der rirrumsunces to carry with it the patriotic feeling and the enthusiasm of the country. But war will not come. Thank God! war cannot now come I have never felt a stronger reliance than at this insunt, that an overruling and favor- ' ing Providence which has made this treat ! n ..... ? country what it is, will continue to it proserity and greatness. I think I see, in the divided and pecu liar interesu of the great sections of the dominant party, the surest guarantee of continued peace. I think I see, what I never expected to see. much good, yes, the blessings of continued peace. likely to come from the peculiar and selfish in teresu of the worst party that has evef threatened the prosperity of this country with iu terrible scourge. Such are the glorious ends that a gracious and benign Providence works nut by the employ ment of the meanest and basest instrn menu. : But, sir, if, contrary to all my anticipations, war shall come, whatever may be my opinions of the wretched bungling or wicked designs of its authors, I ahall regard it as no looger a party matter, but as a great national question, demanding the zealous co-operation and the best energies of every American citi zen. I shall .feel ii my duty, in w bate ever position I may aund, to lend my humble aid to the concentration of alt the reaourcea of the country to give vi gor to the public arm, and to susuin, gloriously sustain the national character. But, sir, 1 repeat, that war will not come. The beads of Ihe dominant party bave peculiar and divided interests, and consequently divided and conflicting coun sels. The present head of the Govern ment, high-toned, bold, daring, impatient, and eminently watlike, is obviously bent upon bringing France to his feet, or try ing the hazards of war. His peculiar views are reinforced and sustained by a numerous, powerful, and, for the most part, interested corps. Almost the en tire official corps, the anxious expecuntf oi place, and the greedy seekers of jobe and contracu, will be found on the side 1 of the strongest executive measures, j War necessarily brings with it vast ac i cessions of power to the Executive ! found on the side of war. Their high military spirit, their love of enterprise, their aversion to (he " cankers of a calm world,' and their devotion to glory, na turally and necessarily place them on the side of wsr. " Tia their vocaUon.' " The pride,' pomp, and circumstance of glorious war" have charms for the sol dier not to be resisted. We are upon. the eve of t Presidential elestion. The present head of the Government, brave, bold and warlike, is yet surrounded with the halo of glory won in many a stricken field. 1 have not heard that the nomi nee for the succession is particularly dis tinguished either for military spirit or military achievement Though he repo ses under the shade of the laurels that have sprung upon the glorious field of New Orleans, yet I have not learned that he has moistened their roou with either his sweat or his blood. Suppose war should come, and the Presidential election at hand who would be placed at the helm of the vessel of state," that she might ride out. in safety, the storm and the breakers ahead? v
The Durham Recorder (Durham, N.C.)
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April 1, 1836, edition 1
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