V
- ' .
PNIQX. THE COXSTITPTIQN. AND THE LA WS THE GUARDIANS OF OUR LIBERTY.
Vol. XVIII.
FIX I DAY, APRIL 13, 1 S3 8.
3
DEBATE IN TUE SENATE. ,
Sjircrb of Tlr. Calhoun,
is irrtT t . cur,
Om the iaWTreaserj Dill. -March
10, IS J9. '
(C.wtinses.) t '
The Senator next preed lb state,
iW is certain doeumsni (if lie named
JiJ not Lear him) I assigned as a
:mi why I ciuld not jin in ihe attack
eg ih Ad'niaiatration, that the benefit nf
iit victory would not tnait to myself, or
e.J P-Hf. ' explained himself,
fcri.ie it woulJ not place myself and
powffr. T I presume ha re farrf J
, teller, to ana wer to an invitation In a
;Stic dinner offered ma by my old and
faithful friends au J constituent of Edge
rr, in approbation of my roarie at the
r tt session.
JJr.CiAr. I do.
'J'li pressure of domes tie engagements
ron!d not permit rat to accept their in
:tutn, ana. in declining it, I deemed it
,Iuj to them and myself to etplsin my
mtte, in ita political and party bearing .
more fully than I had done in debate.
Tnty had a right to know ay reasons,
aal t expressed inytelf vrlih tlia frank
rfti due to the long and uninterrupted
confidence which tad arer aiiateJ be
tse-e a. Vf
lining made these explanatory re
ri'k. I now proceed to meet the asser
tion of the Senator, and I egah uka iue
oa the fact. I assigned no aueh reason
ai the Senator attnbntra to raa.- I never
Jr-m-d or thought of aueh a one; oor
cm any force of construction extort it
frm whit I aaid. No; ay object wss
nji piwer or place, either for raye!f or
piny. It was far more humble and ho
ttest. It was to save ourselves and our
principle front being ahsorhrd and lost
in a pwty more numerous and powerful,
1st huVrinj from as on aluoji every prin
ne anJ queition of policy.
When (he aujc ntion of apecie pay.
-nx'. tooVflace in May last (not ones--firJ
to me,) I irrtneJuidy turned oy
v.;ention to the event earneailr, consider
i: it at an event pregnant i'lh great and
iittiug conaequeurea. Reviewing (he
ab! grojaJ, I aaw nothing change
in tho opinion! and princtplea 1 had a
nieJ in IS3I. and I determined to carry
thru out, a far ai circnmaUneea and my
ibility would enable mo. Hut I aaw that
n:v- eoune muat he influenced by the po
t.tinn which the two great contending
rri.ei might take in teferenre to the
.,4eiia. I did not doubt that the Op
r ation would ra!Iy either on a national
or a combination of ante bank,
nit B:JJ!e'a at the head; but I waa
h!lv uncertain what course the A!mi
tiitratioit woulJ adopt, and remained ao
t il the meisjge of the Preiidnt waa re
wieil and read by the Secretary at hi!
hb!e. When I iaw he went for a divorce,
I never hetitated a moment. Not only
ay opinion and principle long enter
iimrj, and, a I have ahiwn. fully ex
?r:)elyear! aip, but he h'gheat politi
fi! m.uie, left me no alternative. I
reived, at once, that the oSjort, to ae
"omplish which we had acted in concert
iih ths oppoaition, had erased; Exrcn-J
..v uiwrjiiuoni nau coma io an enn ior (
h? present; and that the struggle with the 1
Al'Oinislration was no longer for power, I
Vit to save themselves. I also clearly !
if we should unite with the Opposi- ;
i'Hi in their attack on the Administration,
icurtory over them in the position they ;
. 1 - -
";wped, would be a victory over us and
it principles. It required 00 sagacity
see that such would be the result. It
i as plain aa day. The Administra
m hn taken position, as I have shown.
on the very ground I occupied in 1831,
wnich the whole State-rights party
1,1(1 taken at the same time in the other
touse, as its journals will prove. The
,'piiition, under the banner of the bank,
ere moving against them for the very
r;"'i tlial they had taken, the ground
inn.
'N w. I k, what would have been the
'Hull if we had joined in the attack! No
can now doubt that the victory over
in power would hare been certain
t l deciaive, nor would the consequences
e been the least doubtful. The first
'""I would have been a national bank.
"B principles of the Opposition and the
,c'y object of the attack would have nc
jessarily led to that. We would have
1 eer 'oo feeble to resist, but would have
wa com rnmed by joining in the attack I
lj its avowed object to go for one, 1
le those who aunnnrl aim A Jministr.
,!"t Vfould have been acaltcred in the
"I. We ahould then have had a bank,
u is clear; nor is it less certain, that in
" "ain thera Wsttlil liatra f.al!.avail fill
C 'tSO(lUPl.r.i ll.sal l.w.aa am I vavMI
t, i w' v viaes nv sjiite we taw
when
tried high duties, over-
;:lg revenue, extravavant exnendi.
IJJ'M, Lre surplusses; in a word, all
lr f disastrous consequencee which have
well near overthrown oarinititutioni.and
invoivea me country in it prevent d.Q
cultie. The influence of the io.tiuiuon,
the known principles and f-dicy of the
Oppoaiu'on, and the otter prostration of
the Administration Party, and the absorp
tion of ourv, would have led to these re
sults si certainly as we esit.
I now appeal. Senators, u your can
dor and jeatice, and ask. eould'l. having
all tlicve coutrque nee Ufore me, with
my known opinion! and that of the party
to which I belong, and to which only 1
owe fidelity, have acted differently from
what I did! Would not any oiUr'coune
have justly exposed me to the charge of
having abandoned my principle! and par
ty, with which I am nw accused so no
jtut!? Nay, would .it not have teen
worse than rallybeen inadnere in me,
to hare taieo any other? And yet, the
grounds Lk!i I hare anuTied in this
ex;siifon are the tery rtatont assigned
in coy letter, anJ which the Senator has
perverted moat unfairly and unjustly into
the pitiful, personal and selfitu reason,
which he has attributed to me. Confir
mative of whalleiy, I agam appeal to
th record. The Secretary wdl read the
paratrapn inarmed in the i.JcficlJ letter, i thai, to suad between them and their on
to Inch, I retime, the Seuater alluded, jwi, 1 mu.i nectiur.lv incur their dee a
As awn aa I siw this lute of things,
I clearly perceived that a very important
question was presented for our determi
nation, which we were compelled to de
cide forthwith hII we eoutinue our
joint attack with the Nationals on those
in power, in the new position whieli they
Have been eomprliedta neeupsr It wae , erful interest (he most powerful by far
clear, with our joint loree. we could ot- of any in the whole'community; and tbua
terly overthrow and deinotish thc.w; but wou!J unite sgaiost me a combination
it was not !- clear that ih vicuiry would t of political snd moneyed influence almost
enure, nt to us. but ex bively w die be- irresistible. Nor waa ibis all- I could
nefit ..four ailiea and iheir eauie. They ? not but aee that, however pure and distn
wrre the m'l numerous and powerful, leresteJ inv motives, and however can.
sd the point of avsiull on the position .
which the party to b aautied had taken
in relation to the bank, would nave (real
ly trengthencd the ettld prinnple and
policy of die National party, and weaken
ed, in the same dt-gree, ours. The'y are,
and ever hae been, the dccilcd advo
cates uf a national bank, and are now in
favor of one with a rapiul so ample as to
be sufficient to control tit aiaie imtitu
liot.s, and to regulate t'-ie curiency aud
exchange of the country. To join them,
with their avowed object, in the attack to
overthrow those in power, on the ground
they occupied again-t a bank, would, of
course, not only hae placed the (.over,
went snd country in then hand without
opposition, but would have c iinmit'eJ us
beyond the poibilny of rxiriraiion, for
a bank, and absorbed our party in the
ranks of the N ttinnl Iepubh-n. The
first fruits of the victory won! 1 have been
an overshadowing national bank, with an
immense capital. ot lets than irmn filtv
to art hundred million, which would
centralized the currency and tXclMnges,
and w ith them the commerce and capita!
of the country, in whatever section the ; ,taie. might desert me. I replied that it
head of the institution iniglM be placed. ( was not imnosible; but the result has
The next would be the indissoluble un- proved thai I under-estimated the ioielli
ion of the pnlitic-d opponents, whose j genre and iiarioiis'n of my virtuous and
principles and poury are so opposite lo ,
00n, and ao dan;rrnu to our msiilutiona
as well aa opp-e.sive to us."
' I now ask. is t!e.-i .any thing in this
extact whirl will warrant the .-oos ruc-
iioi tnai me senarir n . tte npi.-j 19
forco on it? I it nut manifest that tie i
expt8sin - 00 which he fixs, that the !
victory 'wonldeuure, not to us but e.x-
clusitely to the benefit of ihe Opposition, i
alludes not to power or plce,butto prrj
riple and policy? Can word be morel
platn! hat then bteomci f all the as-1 ciple, but t iqiarty, aud espeeially the par
persions of the Senator, h refleciions t ty of which he is ao promineut a mem
about selfishness and the -want of patriot, ber.'mv answer is. that I oeeer belonged
ism, and his allusion xnd illbstrations 10 i Vi his, party ,Vor owed it any fidelity; and
give them force and rfiVctt They f-ll td jof course, could, forfeit, in reference to it,
the ground without deseiving a notice, I no character for fidelity It is true,-we
with hi groundless accusation. I
Out, lit so premeditated and indiscri
minate an attack, it could not be, expect
ed that my motives would entirely es
cape, and we accordingly find the Sena
tor very charitably leaving "if to lime to
discloseoiy motive for going oyer. Leave
it to time in disclose my motive for go
ing over! I. who have changed no opin
ion, abandoned no principle, and desert
ed no party; I,' who have stood still, and
maintained, my ground against every dif
ficulty, to be told that it is left to time, to
disclose my motive! - The imputation
sinks to the earth with the' groundless
charge on which it rests. I stamp' it with
acorn in the dust. I pick up the dart.
which fell harmless at my feet. I hurl
it back. What the Senator charges on
me unjustly, he has actually done, lie
did not leave it to time to disclose his
WW It V V I uibiHWI.Viv wwvnfiipii, .iiu
motive.
The Senator next tells us that I borees
character for stern fidelity, which he ac
companied with remarks implying that I
had forfeited it by my course on tbe pre
sent occasion. If he means by stern fi
delity a devoted attachment to duty and
principle, whinotliing eau overcoae,Jnd political contest of the day. My state
the character is indeed a Kith one, and. I
trust, not entirely unmerited. I have, at
least, the aathority of t!e Senator himself
for saying that it belonged to roe before
the preaeut occasion, and it is, of course,
incumbent on bia to show that 1 have
sioee forfeited it He will find the tak
a Herculean one. It would be by far
more easy to show the opposite, that in
stesd of forfeiting, have etrvogthroed
my tide to the character; instead of aban
doning any principle, I Late firmly ad
hered to them, and that, too, under the
most appalling difficulties. If I were to
select an instance in the whole course of
my life, on which above all others, to
rest ray claim to the character which the
Senator attributed to toe, it would be ibis
very one, which he has selected to prove
that 1 have forfeited it. I acted with the
full knowledge ol the difficulties I had to
encounter, aud the responsibihty I must
iucur. I saw a great and powerful ptrty,
probably the mo.i powerful in the coun
Tt eagerly seizing on the catastrophe
which bad befallen the currency, and the
consequent embarrassments that followed,
to displace those in power, against whom
they bad been long contending. . I saw
.nd lasting displeasure. I also saw that.
to maintain the administration in the po
sition they hsd taken, to separate tlie go
vernment from the banks, 1 would draw
down on me, with the exception of some
of the Southern banks, the whole weight
0f thst extenivr. concentrated, and pow
siftent my course wi:h all I had evef said
- w - - -
or done, 1 would be exposed to the very
charge and s-persiont which I am now
repelling. T!ie eaie with w hich, they
could be mailt and the temptation lo make
tlieui, 1 ea were loo i;reat lobe retstcd
by the pnv 'horJay f the day, i
groundli t I ' ave dciitoo.tatvd tlieui to
be. B.i 'her auothvr eo.i-equeuoe
thai I could not'ioi foiesce, far njire pain
ful I ine til; tl -I! otlier. 1 bu. loo elear
Iv saw thi.. in o sud'Un and emzi, lex a
juncture. c!ltl n a I was to .lendo on
my eours" instantly, as it" were, on the
field nf bitile. wiihoul consult 'ion, or
explaniuie my teasons I would 'Mramre
for a tun' unnv of my poimcl Irietulf,
who had p:s-i'd through with in' so many
trials snd d'tii-'ulues and lor w hom I kvl
a brother's love. Bui I i before me the
path l duly, and though rueed, and
hedged no all side with thetv'and many
o her diffii'ultie, 1 did not lieniiaiea mo
nient to take it. After I bad made up my
nii'id aa to mv coune. in a con versa ion
with a friend about the responsibility 1
wrnld assume, he remarked that my own
noble state. I a:k her pardon for the dis
trust implied in my. an wer? hut, I as-k
with assurance it will be, grantod. on
t'td ground I shll put it that in bring
nrenared to verifier- her ennfid'-nce. as
dear to me as turn and tile, ruber than
diiobey, on thi great question, the die
iats of my judgment and conscience, I
proved myself worthy of being her repre-
entHtire. - -
IUit.af the Senator, in attributing to me
,tern fidelity, ractit,nt devotion to prin-
acted in concert against .what we believe
to be the usurpations of the" executive;
and it is true, that, during the tune I saw.
much to esteem in those with whom I
acted, and contracted friendly relations
with many which I shall not be the firt
to forget, It is also true that a common
party designation was applied to the op
position in the aggregate, not, however,
with my. approbation; but it i no less
true that it was universally known that it
consisted of two distinct parties, dissimi
lar in principle aud policy, except in re
lation to the object for which they have
united: the National Republican party, and
the portion of the State rights party which
had separated from the administration, on
the ground that it had departed from the
true principles - of . the original party.
That I belonged exclusively to that de
tached portion, and to neither the oppo
sition nor administration party, 1 prove
1 by my explicit declaration, contained in
oue ol trio extracts, reaa irom my ipeecu
on the currency in 1834. That the par
ty generally, and the state which I repre
sent in part, stood aloof from both of the
parties, may be established from the fact
that they refused to mingle in ttie party
withheld her electoral vote in two succes
sive presidential election; and rather
than to bestow on either the Seastor from
Kentucky, or the distinguished rime
whom be opposed, in the first of the
elections, the threw her tote on a patri
otic citizen of Virginia, since deceased.
of her own polices, but who was lint a
candidate; and in the hist, she refused to
give it to the wonht Senator from ten
nesre near me, (Judget White,) though
h.s principles and views of policy ap
proached so much nearer lo hers than
that f the party to which ths Senator
from Kentucky belongs. Hut. suppose
the fact was otherwise, and that the two
parties had blended so ae to form one,
and that I owed lo tbe united parly aa
much fidelity aa I do to that lo which I
exclusively belonged; even oa that sop
position, ao conception of party fidelity
could have controlled my course en tbe
present uccssiuo. I am not among those
who pay no regard to party obligations;
on the contrary, I place fidelity to party
among the political virtue, but I asjgn
to it a limited sphere. I confine it to
mailers of detail and arrangement, and to
minor questions of policy. Beyond that.
on all questions involving principles, or
measures calculated to auect materially
the permanent iuterat uf the country, 1
look only to God and country.
. And here, Mr. President, I avail my
self of the opportunity to declare my pre
sent political pusition, ao that there may
he no mistake hereafter. I belong to the
old Republican Stale-rights party of '93.
To thst, and that alone. 1 owe fidelity,
and by that I aaall sttnd through every
change and in spile of every difficulty.
I s creed is to be found in the Kentucky
resolutions, aod Virginia resolutions and
report, and lie policy is to confine ibe ao
tion of this government within the nar
rowest limits compatible with the peace
and aecurity of these states, and the ob
jects for which the Union was expressly
formed. I. as one of that party, shall
support all who support its principles
and policy, snd oppose all who oppose
them. I have given, and shall continue
to give, the adrntnitratio!i a hearty and
sincere support on the great question now
under discission; became I regarded it
as in strict conformity to our creed and
policy, and shall do every thing in my
power to suetani them under the great re
ponsibdiiy whidt they have assumed.
But let me tell those who are more inte
rested in sustaining them than myself,
that the danger which threatens them liee
nm here, but in another quarter. Thi
measure will tend to uphold them, if they
s.and fast and adhere to it with fidelity.
Dm, if they wish to know where the dan
cer is, let them look to the fiscal depart
went of the government. I aaid, years
ago, that we were committing an error
the reverse ol the great and dangerous one
that was committed in 1823, and to which
we owe our present difficulties, and all w e
hsve since experienced.. Then we rais
ed the revenue greatly, when the expen
ditures were about to be reduced by the
discharge of ihe publie debt; and now, we
have doubled the disbursements, when
the revenue i rapidly decreasing: an er
ror, although probably not so fatal to the
country, will prove, if immediate and vi
gorous measures be not adopted, far more
so t.i those in power. The country will
not, mid ought not to bear the creation of
a new debt, beyond what may be tempo
rarily necessary to meet the ptesent em
barrassmftit, aud any attempt to increase
the duties must and bnght to prove Tata!
to those who may make it, so long as the
expenditures rasv, by economy and ac
countability, be brought within the limits
of ihe revenue.' .,
Rut the Senator did not confine his at
tack to my tonduct and motives in refer
ence to the present question. In his ea
gerness to weaken the cause I support,'
by destroying confidence in me, he mado
an indiscriminate attack on my intellectu
al faculties, which he chatacterized -as
metaphysical, eccentric, too much of ge
nius, and loo little common sense, and of
course wanting a sound and practical
judgment. . ? .
Mr. President, according to my opini
on, there is nothing of which lliose who
are endowed with superior mental faculties
ought to be more cautious than to reproach
those with their deficiency to whom Pro
vidence has been leas liberal. , The facul
ties of our mind are the immediate gift of
our Creator, for which we are no farther
responsible than for their proper cultiva
tion, according to our opportunities, and
their proper application to control and re
gulate our actions.'- Thus thinking, I
trust I shall be the last to assume superi
ority on my part, or reproach any one
with inferiority on bis; but those who do
not regard the rule, when applied to oth
ers, cannot expect it to be observed when
applied to themselves. The critic must
expect to be criticised, and he who point
out the faults of others, to have his own
pointed out. ' '
I cannot retort on the Senator hbarge
of bring metaphysical. , I cannot acees
hioa of possessing the power uf snalvsrt
and generalization, those higher larai-jre
f the toind (called met-.phjeei.l by those
w ho do not possess tbem.) which dreoru
po and residse into their eleir ent iht
rnp'.es aa.es of idea that exist in the
world of mind, as eheuiit urv does the bo
dies that surround os in the material wrld(
and without which those deep and hidden
causes which ere in roustant action, and
producing such .mighty changes in the
condition of eoeieiy, would operate un
seen and unaeteetrd. 1 1. absence of these
higher qualities of tbe mind ieeonsptcuoul
throughout the whole envjrse ol ihe
Senatnv'e public iife. T hie it may
be traced that he prefers the specious to
the solid, and the plausible to the true.
To the same, cause, combined with au
aioVut temperament, it ia owing that we
ever find him mounted on some popular
and favorite measure which he white
along, cheered by the shoots of the rotiii-
tude, and never dismounts til be ha rade
It down. Thus, at one time, weSidbici
mounted on the protective system, which
he rode down; at another, cn Irteroa!
Improvement and new he ia mounted cfi
bank, which will eurely share the aan
fate, unless those who are imatediattly in
terested shall stop him in his headlong ca
reer.. It is the fault of hii mind to seize oa
a few prominent and striking advantages
and to pursue, them esgetly without look
iof to consequences. .Thus, ia the ce
of the protective system, he wee struck
with (be advantages of manufactures, snd,
believing that high duties was the proper
mode of protecting them, he pushed lor
ward the system without seeing that he
we enriching one portion of the country
at the expense of the other: corrupting the
one and alienating the other; and. finally,
dividing the community into two great
hostile interests, which terminated in the;
overthrow of the system itself. So, now,"
be looks only to a uniform currency and
a bank as the means of securing it, with
out onre reflecting how f.r the banking
system has progressed, and the diiHculties
that impede its farther progress; that
hanking and politics are running together
to their mutual destruction; and that the
only possible mode of saving his favorite
system is to separate it from the Govern
ment. - To the defects of understanding, w hich
the Senator attributes to me, I mtike no te
ply. It is for others, aod not me, to deter
mine the portion of understanding which it
has pleased the Author of my being lo be
atow on me. his, however, fortunate for
me, thai ihe standard by which 1 shall be
judged is not the false, prejudiced, snd,
as I have shown, -unfounded opinion
which the Senator has expressed, but ray
acts. They furnish materials, neither few
oor scant, in form a just estimate of .my
mental faculties. I have now been more
than twenty-six year continuously iu (ho
service of ihis Government, in vaiious
stations, and have taken part in almost all
the great questions winch have agitated,
this country during tins long and impor
tant period.- Throughout the-whole' I
have never followed events, but have'
taken my stand in advance, openly and
freely avowing my opinions on all ques
tions, and leaving it to time and experi
ence to condemn or approve my course
Thus acting. I have often and on great
questions separated from those with,
whom I usually acted, and if I am really
so defective in sound and practical judg
ment as the Senator represents, the proof,
if to be found anywhere, must be found
in such instances, or where I have acted
on my sole responsibility. Now, I ask,
in, which. of the-many instances of tho '
kind is such proof to be found? It is not
my intention to call to the recollection of
the Senate all such; but that you. Senators, ,
may judge for yourselves, it is due in
! justice to myself, that I should suggest ft
; few of the most prominent, which at the
time were regarded as ihe Senator novr
considers the present; and then, aa now,
because where duty is involved, 1 would
not submit to party trammels.
I go back lo the commencement of my
publie life, the war session, as it was
usually called, of 1812, when I first tofk
my seat in the other House, a youn -man-
without experience to guideline;
and I shall select, as the first instance,
the Navy. At that time the Administra
tion and the party to which I was strong
ly attached, were decidedly opposed to
this important arm of service. It wae
Considered anti-republican to support it
but acting with my then distinguished .
colleague, Mr. Cheves, who led the way,
I did not hesitate to give it ray hearty
support, regardless of psrty ties. ' Does
this instance sustain the charge of the
Senator!
The next I shall select is the restrictive
system of that day; the embargo, the noa'
importation . and non-intercourse acts.
This, too, was a party measure, which
had been' long and warmly contested,
and of conrse the lines of party well,
draws, Yeaog and inexpeneqeed ft V
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