i
UNION. THE CONSTITUTION. AND THE LAWS THE GUARDIANS OF OUR LIBERTY.
Vol. XX.
THURSDAY, OCTOBER 1, 1840.
20. 1011.
fr Iks Reorder.
0m i-tatly rf 1qr. aJ
Jl iw irM Mliir ! P'-e of it."
If patriotism ere die sustaining prill
rifle of avrtioa in the ancient renowned
tutet wbich Ion; ago berime extinct, it
if natural to tbik that an nation of mo
vers time will decline ae tpeeddy at
they, which depend upon a principle
o higher than theirs. If we should ad
mit lit at no people can be great, and eon
tinue, without true patriotism; if we fur
i'ier elhiw tbat to possets it would be to
, fete our naii'-n.l roaditioa ia a degree
improved, it would rcmaia far ee Kill to
ssk. whether r not. the elevation of it
slims would be tuffieieatl' Would Ue
stability it ea give, be adequate and te
eoref booking at the beginnir.fi of the older
mire of the world, we should say, that
with unity of character and purpose, el
aiiMt any people might become a great
aatioe. But greatness once acquired, ia
iib difficulty preserved. It ia harder
to preserve disUnguUlted political eleva
tion than to gjie it. The tingle priuci-
le of patriot am may bear up a people
ttnig'ling fir due eminence, better than
it ca austain ihe nation after their ttcto
ries are gweJ. lit no o her circumstan
ces of a country, i the trid of patriotism
so great, aJ in the aeason of prosperity
and triumph. It i common to apeak of
jht period it our Revolution aa the
time which tiied men's souls," but it
uuy be questioned whether it were pecu
liarly to. It ii not natural that he ahould
be thievish who has few allurernenU
arosnd him, nor for him to fall into any
vice, who has roach business pressing
on bis hands. So ia the struggle for li
krty, (be it laid with reverence to the
ftihers of the republic,) there was too lit
lis to tempt, and too great a demand for
activity and devotion, to have allowed of
the advancement of selfishness very far.
But victory once pined, and prosperity
enjoyed, then leisure comes, and with it
idleness, and the 'attainment of much
wealth furnishes food for moral corrup
tion. Ileaee arose the vigor of the an
cient sutes, so long as they were rising
and struggling, but wbea they became
prosperously secure they were soon cor
rupted.
The very opportunity to gratify sel
fisbness it an evil ia a wational view, for
it stimulates and brings into action wrong
feelings until they become dominant.
The exercise of them, will then be at
tended by more or lets of success, and
that will confirm the habit of tclf gratifi
cation, and then the people have lost
their patriotism and greatness. Selfish
ness cannot be the governing principle in
the hearts ol the individuals composing a
great nation. A money-coveting people
can neer be truly and permanently great.
Their ruling passion it hostile ia its
tflVscts. toward liberty, and national
strength. If such a people sustain go
vernment and good order, it will be only
because it it subericnt to individual
elf advancement; whereas a patriotic
people regard their individual interests
as subservient to the glory of lite country.
The idolatry of covclousnest costs no
free-will offering upon the altar f coun
try; it payt what it is obliged to by tax
es, and that is a blemished., cheapenod
gift nothing from gratitude, nor from
patriotic love.
The general, or predominant pursuit
of pleasure, it likewise incompatible with
national greatness. Thelaurels of fame
appear as though withered, on the brow
of the debauchee. Tne fall of Rome wat
nearly contemporary with her abandon
ment to luxury. The listlessness of the
Greek, which even the eloquence of the
prince of orators could hardly arouse, and
he sig'it of tyranny itself wat insufficient
to awaken to deeds of self sacrifice, wat
bred jby luxury and enervating pleasure.
And thus we sem to have been instruct
ed, that in states, aa in the individuals
who compose them, self gratification, is
nearly equivalent to aolfdestrticlion.
These instances warn us, that to resist
pleasure is to crown tht life.
But we are in a position different, at
least in one granl respect, from that of
the ancient states Our patriotism rnnst
be tried as theirs was, but is not an un
' 'elicit reil, unjust'iiui'd virtue, as it was
anciently. Their love ofeoimiry. distia-i
guished by constancy and self-sacrifice,'
" jet as Noah's dove hovering above
interminable waters, onable to descry s
resting-place. Ours is as the tame wan
derer of wearied wing, having tht ark in
sight. .
Ia order to aa abiding national prospe
rity, there must be in lbs state, enduring
pairtousm. Cat this virtue is by ae
ueans ioJestructiblf, thoegb apoa it de
pends the happiness of the people. For
the successions of tneient heroes have all
terminated, oae by one; first ia one at
tioa thea ia another; until each eoceet-
tioa of patriots hiving ended, each seve
ral country frit into degeoeraey. Meat
it be ever so? Must every nation dege
nerate ia the course of time, and fall!
Aocirnily the tree home of patriotism
bad not, aa we b-litve, been provided
now, wo are persuaded, it it beeauit the
providence of God would not have vir
tue unprotected and destroyed, though
much exposed; and because He would
confirm the glory which virtue only caa
create, and would that astional greatness
should continue, not be ephemeral, that
He has established a kingdom of grace
among men, the church of Christ.
Would we now be recklessly telf-confi
dent? Would we tesist the admonitions
of experience, and incur ruin? We lav
only to determine nationally to separate
patriotism from religion; to expose love
of country, to the temptations which in
the old lime it wat ant able to buff.t, and
to refute to this most needed virtue
house of protection.
Is not the repots of virtue alwtrt more
dangerous than its exercise? If we would
be great, we most consider ourselves, and
exercise ourselvea for a lone time
struggles like that of the Revolution
which tried our fathers. Patriotism caa
be preserved only by struggling to live
The stern exercise of this virtue it ne
cessary to its power. Hence tin otility
of Christianity for its preservation.
Christianity would highly exalt, and
atmt to lead men, in a manner, above
themselves. They are not allowed here
by, to rest in the promotion of selfish
ends of any kind. It would secure sn
enthusiastic unity; and conducts oca by
a principle at strong aa life, and at ar
dent aa enthusiasm to the height of sir
tue. The christian, however perfected
ia character, is not allowed .to consider
that he hat apprehended and gained al
but it to press forward toward tho prize
ol bit hish cillinc of God. Hit voce
tion, therefore, (as the greater include
the less,) includes the character of the
Patriot. There is something virtuous
holy, and attainable, ever before him, de
maoding strife tnd endeavor. A chris
tian nation therefore in the duties to
which they are called, striving earnestly
toward holiness and sincerity, and sho
ing forth disinterestedness of character, it
of necessity a patriotic people. 01 right,
their virtue is not only genuine and en
tire, but it also an exercised, a hardened
virtue. A christian is one prepared for
patiiotie struggle, because of a truth, his
armor is kept bright: his virtue is exer
cised daily, by the faithful performance
of duty toward God and his fellow-men.
Therefore the church of Christ must
be the citadel of a nation's strength.
Should danger spring up tuddenly in the
hour of east and prosperity, here will be
found the teat of fixed, enduring love and
self-devotion, ol a larger compass and lof
tier aim, than even patriotism itself.
Finally, if the lover of bis country
would learn of the aource of power, and
of the true exaltation of a people, he hat
only to go to the tanctuary of God. What
though he be depressed? And all histo
ry be fraught with gloominess to him,
and the future be unknown? Yet ibis it
the holy temple, where hit anxieties may
be toothed by responses, that utter senti
ments of pttct on earth: and here are the
oracles of truth, first breathing forth Glo
ry to God in the highcet! Here the pi
ous patriot can be blessed ol lod, ana in
the security ol his own virtue, the great
nest of hit country will be permanent
Herein, then, it provision that the suc
cession of faithful and patriotic men
should not terminate. Humanity is weak,
but in the church of Christ there
strength granted; and though corruption
.hould abuuud, here is a source aud fuuu
tain f pure virtee. The desire to be I .Come and sit by Amy," "id
purr, secures cleansing, and the wib for I Edward to ber when they were alone
divine strength eaduet at with power. I rtning,
Ficturc of Home Influ
ence. -
sy jiaa. roiAz.
The beauty Bad -nnrsl truth of the
following picture of Ueae inSa-ncr,
and woman learning to the right will
be acknowledged by all.
Uear Edward," said his wife.
yea have something wa your mind:
year brow looks troubled; what is
itr
Only anxiety about business.
Amy. How often have I wished that
bad sot been bred a merchant! Out
ay mother said it was a favorite wish
of my father that I should be aa ac
complished merchant.
I bsvc sometimes aUhed so, too,
aaswered his wife;" -and then again.
rememtierea tbat the ery evils
which belong to your profession rosy
be tnrned into good. Ha that has it
a bis power to do wrong with Impaiii-
17 thoegb he gains by it, yet choos
es the right, by which ha totes, is the
most eloquent preacher of righteous-
nett.
Very true. Amy: but sometimes
this is indeed rutting off the right
bend, and plucking out the right ryr;
and then thinking always about too-
j wai c.aiiia uia auvu vuiiif ivr I . a a
4 O I frn nn in tiart alian I , r.Trii
ng influence upon one's mind " . r, . , .L-r-T
- Itiitw jtii til sin rt? ITiM aav Atll in tha as. a a. 1 at sn
Out bow i.rtrn, Edward, have 1 1 " i 1 " " IZ 1 ' Vr ' 1 . " . . . ZA
11.
Amy eat dowa by her Lusbane.
Do y oo nut enjoy, Aay,our hand
some boose, and pictures, and car
riage. Iter
-Surrlr, Edward; I take great
plrsture in these things. Cut why do
you sskr
And you love to hate money
enough to give to thoie ho want it!"
'Why, bat a question, Edward!
You fcaow I value tbia poaer more
than I caa trIL"
And caa too voluntarily retign
them?",
Edward! what makrs yea so enig.
maticalf lell me what yoa mean.
Suppose that all the money which
enables as to indulge oortelvea ia
these luxuries is not truly our own;
what would you hare mo to do,
Amy?
Is it you. Edward, that aaka me
whether I would be dishonest?"
But suppose, according to the law
of the land, and the customs oisocie
ty, and the tacit consent of those most
interested, this property a is secured
to you
When I am satiafird, said Amy,
that I caa plead the law of the land,
the customs of society and tha opinion
of the world, before the judgment seat
of God, as an excuse for violating
tbat higher law, which be bas writ
w ide and various connexions with the
human race, as a well educated, up
right and active merchant. Every
part of the world sends him its tri
bute f knowledge, as well as of rich
es. He sees men under all aspects:
and while ho rosy with a certain de
gree of security, indulge in dishones
ty, and be the enemy of bis fellow
men. perhaps no man can bo so true,
and self sacrificing, and efficient
philanthropist, as a Christian merchant."
It ii not always eoeiay as you
may imagine, for a merchant to act
I might hesitate. Out ah ask me
tucb questions? Why do you not
speak plainly f" ,
I will. Amy. answered her hus
band. Wben I failed io business be
fore our marriage, I made aaettle
ment with my creditors, by which I
paid them seventy-five rents on a
dollar. They knew that I paid them
all 1 bad, and eigned a release from
all further claims. Of late, ray mind
bss been troubled about those debts.
for aucb I. consider them. A few
days since, one of my creditors
brought bit son to me, a fine fellow,
, . ,, . I and aked me to takebim In my etorc.
B I.t r .11 i Kt fnp He mentioned, in thecourse orconver-
Wot for all, or some men; out tor T- . . -, . , . . .
you, Edward, the didcalty wuuld be "Uo.D 'J, h.J aV! fiii i ! l i
to act otherwise. When ! think of nr WJf-.f
your profession, it gives me plea
aure to notice that merchants in gen
rral, as they acquire property more
easily, are roost disposed to spend it
liberally .
Yes. said Edward, as his eye
kindled at the thought: the greater
proportion nf our public benefactors
have brrn on rchants. Thrir money
has given ryes to the blind and ears to
the dear, health to the sick and peace
and comfort to the forsaken; it f.eds
thirst fur learning; tbat he was in fact
filled to enter; but tbat he found that
he was too poor. If,' said the fa-
Ihrr, by denying myself every thing
but the necessaries of life, I Could feed
my boy's oiiqyd 1 would thankfully do
it; but I cannot honestly indulge my
self even in this luxury. 1 felt snail
ten to the heart. When 1 failed, I
owed that man S 12 000. I paid him
but nine. I now. of course, owe him
Hirer, and the interest upon it. Tbat
. wtu oat t,l ananl l.im aviar laia inn
mi A iMtitw-taawtal I haa 19 tlit-ai fil flfl fififtr I O
r. V ., i a. 1 T 1 ' the advantagea which he so much de
It I ,,iV! been thinking over th.
to toe unoeuvrr anu pcimcai, it utt)
little children
thrm. Out
supposes wealth. Amy.'
I ..I rma I I t.aal -ole Subject, and Studying it fairly.
" 1 u X h . . 1 V Dji.oad'.Baj wuuld satisfy n.e. if
all this glorious pcv . J ftolconfiiced before of what is
And you, dear Edward, jre rich
enough to enjoy this highest of all
privileges, the dispensing of good to
others. You have cause only fur
thankfulness. But tha poor, uouc
restful merchant, who has not the
means of educating his children,
whose spirits are broken down by tail
urea, siuu -awn riirKi.. I r.n....i 1. 1-tKia.tr n. with
w Uall II V VUiiaiut a 9 asaw iiiiuauvv vi .
honesty of others, prrhaps even of bis
right."
And you will of course do it, Ed
ward, there can be no doubt!'
I knew you would say so. Amy;
but you must think over calmly. You
know upou the subject ol property, as
well as of other things, we have no
mine and thine; as we have one in
terest and duty, so we have equal
own friends, he is the man who, per
haps, may be excused for finding fault
with his profession. My heart aches
for him."
Edwardatarted up,and walked has
tily backward and forward through
the room, aa ii be bad been seized with
some sudden and intolerable pain.
out your full approbation and con
sent."
Is that all that has troubled you
for these few days past!" aaid Amy,
as she looked into her husband's face,
with an expression of joyful relief.
All," said Edward.
And why not speak tome at first
about it? Why not let me share eve-
What is the ma
wire. Are you ill?"
Oh. nothing; nothing of conse
quence," aaid Edward. ! happen
ed to think ot something ratoer un
pleasant then. It is late now, 1 be
lieve, and my heed aches."
They retired for the night. 1 tie
next day. Edward looked depressed
and thoughtful, and as if he had pass
ed a sleepless night. Amy was
troubled by his silence, litis wss
the first cloud that bad rested on her
husband's brow since they were mar
ried.
He has," she said to herself, "he
has always confided every thing to
roe. He will tell me what it is tbat
hans so heavily upon his spirits.
He will never shut me out from his
sorrows, any more than his joys.1
Iter?" said his r L" VlV!
O, Amy, 1 felt it only on your
account..! bated to deprive you of all
these luxuries. You know with what
delight 1 see you doing good, real
good, with money."
JNever again, toward, tlo me the
injustice to suppose that I prefer the
lower virtue of charity to the higher
one of justice.
From the Madisonian.
PLAIN TALK ON POLITICAL
MATTERS.
Noted down by Peter Ploughboy.
SEVENTH DAT.
ju. Cpis rcfum- tht Docmnts-IIit Opinion-
Capias. I have perused the documents
I vou were good enough to lend me. Col
onei, and now return mem.
Col. R. You have found; I presume,
She thought when he returned Irotnl. hat I have not misstated a single fact
the counting-house for the day, that I ftom them? .
he locked more free and happy, though I Capias. You have stated nothing but
ho wai still silent and thoughtful. . I what is borne out by Uieir testimony
No honest minded man caa read this '
document ia relation to the defalcations
of poblie officer, aed not coma to the
conclusion, that tut publte robbery wbtca
ia bere disclosed, wss winked at by the
Secretary, nr that he was tcVfuUy bUnd
to iht pecblatioRS that were going oa under
btt aoae and before lit erea.
CoL R. Did yea look at the Florida
War transactional
Capias. I did. and ost lay I don't
know which looks most dark., Uvthindi
cam a degree of imbecility or corruption
1 asver dreamed ol.
JU SUa&nf Jmy 109,000 Mr.
CoL R. There is another very impor
tant subject to which I wish to draw your
attention, ilr. Caniaa; I mesa the plan
proposed by the cVeretary of Wtr and
recommended by the President, of ao
org aniline the militia of the United States
as to have blandM JJrmy of 200,000
men at all times under tne ewnmand ol
the President. Hate you examined this
stapendous scheme!
Capias. 1 roust confess I bate not
those h 1 hae beard morn ol it.
CoL It. If you have a mind, we wil
do it aow.
Capiaa. Dot you do not consider this
plsa of Mr. Poinsett at that of Mr. Van
Cuien, dnyou! -
Col. R. Certainly. Mr. V.n Buren
recommended it ia bit last annual roes
taee. and thus made it bit own. Besides
you know that while Jackson wat Treat
dent, our doctrine waa tbat be was re
sponsible for all the act and meaaores of
his Secretaries. That doctrine, you know,
we advocated on several occasions; tnd
especially in the ease of the removal of
Mr. Uuane, and in justification or that
act
Capiat. True, we did to; but let at
look at thia plan and tee what it it like,
. CoL R. Ii proposes to divide the Uni
ted Sutes into 8 Military Districts, and
to organize the militia in escb District,
so as to have a body of 12.500 men in
each Dialrict, tit active service, and
another of equal number as a reserve.
ibis would give aa armed militia
force of 200.000 men. to drilled and
stationed aa to be ready to take their
placet io the rankt in defence of their
country, whenever called upon, and
Tbat every man on the militia roll
above the age of 21 and under 45, shall
provide himself, at hi$ own expense, with
a good mosket. bore of capacity to receive
a lead ball of 18 io the pound; a sufficient
bayonet and belt; two spate Uinta; a knap
tack; cartridge box to contain at least 21
cartridges suited to the bore of hit musket,
snd each cartridge to contain a ball and
three bock shot, and a sufficient quantity
of powder; or with a good rifle, knapsack,
shot pouch and powder hora or flask.
wan autucient powder and ball tor 24
charges, and two tpare flints; and that he
shall appear to armed, accoutred and
provided, when called out for exercise or
into eerviee."
Recollect that all this Is to be-provided
by every man on the militia roll, at his
own expense.
Capias. I hat would be an intolerable
burden, and one which a large portion of
those who would do inilitia duty, could
not bear. Many of them have not the
mesne to purchase these arma and ac
coutrements, which would cost each man
from twenty to forty dollars, without
distressing their families.
Col. R. Tha lOih section ot the plan
proposes:
t hat within months alter me a-
doption and establishment of this system,
there shall be taken from the mass of the
militia, in each State, Territory and
Districi of the United States, by draft or
bv voluntary service, tush number, be
tween the asea of twenty-one and thirty
. a j a
seven vears. so that me wnote may noi
exceed 100.000 men, and in the folio
ing proportions for each State, Territory,
and District, respectively, io wit; wm
4.400 men. New Hampshire 2.400, Ver
mont 2,400, Massachusetts C.000. Con
necticut 2.800, Rhode I.land 800. IMew
York 18.000. New Jersey 2,800, Penn
sylvania 10.400. Delaware 800. Mary-
land 3.ZUU, Virginia o.uuu, ijiswci ,
Columbia 400, Worth Carolina 4.4UU,
South Carolina 2,400, Georgia 2,800,
Florida 400. Alabama 2.000, Mississippi
800, I,ouisiant 1.600, Tennessee 4,400.
Arkansas 400, Miouri 1.200, Iowa 400,
K-ntuckv 4.400. Illinois 1.200, Indiana
2.800. Ohio 8.000, Michigan 800, and
Wisconsin 400 men. This force to con- j
stitute the second class, and be drnomi j
nated the active or moveable force.
Here is to be an active or moveable
force of 100.000 men, an army sufficient
at anv time, in the hands of an ambitious.
popular, and skilful General, to overturn
the liberties ol our country ana enaomn
a monarchy or despotism upon their ruins
Remember, too. that this army of 100,000
men is to be under the command of the
President, and subject to such regulations
as he may think proper to adopt.
Capias. This is truly a fearful power
to entrust anu man with in a Kepuoiic.
But where do you find it proposed to be
vent
Col. R. In the 17th section, which is
in the following words:
" That the President of tha United
Sutes be authorized to call forth and
y
assemble such numbers of tie arttre force
ilitis at tuck placet ia their reaper
tf Districts, at inch timet, net exceed
inf twice nor data ia the year, at Ae
. , .
mey aeem necessary; sea caring vara
period, iarloding the time wbea gnteg M
and returning Irons the plate of reades .
voaa, they snail ce attmea in m sows
of the United Slates, and bo oubjtct t
such rtgvluttont as the f resident snay
think proper to adopt lot their iastiwetjoo.
discipline and improvement, ta muitary
know ledge:"
Here, yen will nbter, the power ta
proposed to be tivea to the Presides! ta
call fortk and assemble suck ttumbert at
. i
ins ornce tore, nameir, am mmarwa
thousand men, at tuck placet and at such
timet ae Ae may dtent necessary! aaa
that thia immense force ia to be subject
to such regulations as f Ae I rcuJcnt may .
think proper ta adopt. And ia soother
section, lbs ZSta, it is proviaed mat
officers and privates shall be tulle to be
tried by courts martial!
hat more, sir. is necessary ta esiaMtett
a aundtng army in a Rrpublie and in lima
of peace!
Capias. InrTeed, I esnnot see tbat any
thing mure would be wanting.
Tit iirt rail Sthtau.
Col. R. Now suppose it ahould so
happen that we should have a Csssar, a
Cromwell, or a Napoleon, for President:
and suppose that a question should arise
betweea the national government sod or'
of the state governments, simitar to that
which arose a few years sgo between tne
United States" and the state .of 8uutlt
Carolina, (and it would be very easy for
an ambitious President to get up such a
quarrel at any lime.) would not the oc
casion be seized upon to call out At
whole of this 200.000 army, and would
not this warrior President place himself
at its head snd endeavor to win lbs con
fidence and affection of the soldiers', and
attach Ihera to himself, aa Cssar, Crom
well and Napoleon did, for the purpose
of usurping the sovereignty and establish
ing a throntl
Capias. 1 would not trust him. none
but a Washington could resist the temp
tation placed before him.
tit awsMUtitMliowsiiff .
Col. R. But let ua cxamioe the eon
stilotionMity of this plan. ,
. EvrnHindfu of our liberties, the fra.
mere nfyJ-e Consiiiuiion were cautions of
putting r ower into the hands of tbe Prtsi
dent, andthey therefore only authorized
him to call ouOUie militia to execute
the laws, to suppress insurrections, snd
to repel invasions," dee., and no, at is
here provided, at such times, and at
such places, aa Ae my .think proper.
This provision of the plan ia unconstitu
tional. The plan provides that the. mi
luia shall be trained by the authority of
the General Government, and by officers,
acting under the command of the Presi
dent, and that they shall be subject to tha
rules snd regulations prescribed by the
President whereas the Constitution ex
pressly reserves to ihe states respectively
the appointment of the effieers, and the
training of Ihe militia. These provisions
sre. therefore, unconstitutional. Accord
ing to this plan the President is to com
mand this army of 200,000 men. snd every
officer, non commissioned flier r, dee.,
who shall fail Io obey him, is to be tried
by a court-martial, and punished. . Now
the Constituiion provides that the Presi
dent shall be commander-in chief of the
militia, &c., only when called into actual
service of the Vnited States. The plan
i, therefore, unconstitutional in thia re
spect. Capias. I do not think there can be
any danger. Colonel, of thia plan being
adopted by Congress, for the more it ie
known the mote obnoxious it most be to
the people. t; 'i
Col. R. At present it lo obnoxious to
the people; but not more to than ihe eob
Treasury tchemt was when that wss first
proposed; and yet, by dint of persever
ance, the force of party discipline, and the
power of patronage, tbe President baa at
length succeeded in carrying that measure
through Congress, snd saddling it upon
the people, against their often-expressed
will. Let the present Administration be
re-instated in power for another term ot
four years, (wbirh is not at all likely to
be the case,) and this grand scheme of
raising a standing army ot 200,000 men
will be forced upon the people, and, by
means of a pliant and obedient Congress,
will become the law of the land and
then, with the command of such sn army.
and the entire possession of the publio
Treasury, which he has now got. tne
President would be clothed with all the
power of the most absolute monarch of
Europe, and ihe mert formt of a Republic
which he might ttill permit us to enjoy,
would be but a mockery of liberty!
Capias. Your language ia atrong. Col.
Richland, but I must admit it ia the
language of truth. I confess, should ihit
stupendous scheme be adopted and carried
into effect, I ahould despair of perpetuat
ing our liberties; indeed, its passage by
Congress would be the death-knell of
freedom in this land. We have, in our
day, seen an army of citizen-soldiers,"
beaded by a professed friend of liberty,
erect in Republican France an Imperial
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