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THE CONSTITUTION AND THE LAWS T II E G U A R D I A N S ' O F 0 U R LIBERTY '
Vol. XLYI.
HILLSBOROUGH, N. C, SEPTEMBER 12, 1860.
. No., 2354;
1 ,f 0 . 'I
THE PRESIDENTS SPEECH AT NI
AGARA. The following is the concluding portion
of the President'! speech, made at Niagara
Fall on Saturday, in reply to Mr. Porter's
address of welcome, as reported, in the
New York World t ?
Air. Johnson. Is there an individual
here, or a member of Congress, that can
place his finger upon the slightest devia
tion on my part, oi the part of the distin
guisbed individuals that have been asso
ciated with me in the Cabinet ? " No
no'J We have not departed from the
platform laid down in Baltimore upon
which we were elected not a hair's
breadth. All right." But because we
tefustd toTollow them in departing from
that platform by the introduction ul new
questions and doctrines detrimental to the
interests ol the mass of the people.
Mr. Seward. At the moment.
Mr. Johnson. At the moineut we are de
nounced as traitors. They are the traitors.
Why have we been traitors? Because
when the rebellion collapsed we inaugurat
ed scheme by which the States could be
restored; the States went on and complied
with all that the Government asked ; eve
ry single requirement, every suggestion
made, they went on and conformed to them.
Firtt, it was required that they should re
sign all pretence to secession ; next, to re
pudiate the debt that had been contracted
to carry on the rebellion ; and thin1 and
lastly, by their own act and cheerfully, in
their own State constitutions, to abolis'i
lavery, and - after aboliihing it in their
Mate constitutions, they were called upon
to ratify the amendment to the Constitu
tion of the United State, by which slavery
was abolished throughout the U nilcd States
and the Territories within its jurisdiction.
They did it; they complied with thee
terms; they abo!ihcd slavery, .and it wa
tmblitlr proclaimed br the Secretary cf
Mate that it had beendune; ind because
that publication was made, comprint was
n.ilc there wa n- rihi to publish throu
the State aud Executive D-'partnient of the
Government that ti er had restnreJ peace
una reconciliation, and, therefore, they
were opposed to it. They said Congress
in'i'it an t ouzht to da'it. 'Let me ak this
intelligent audience here to-day if a given
thin; was done placing it u,on the mot
plausible grounds that it ciul I be placed,
believing that the Union was restored, that
people were reconciled "gain, wh', as a pa
triot that loved his country, would object
tn it because it was not done just exactly
in the way that he wanted? But ih ar
gumenl is now that Congress had a right to
I it; therefore, if anvbody else does it i
wrong, and we are azamst it, and we wii
throw every impediment in it way that is
possible to prevent the retoration l the
L nion and the rec ncilution id the people
Congress has the right, and, therefore, thev
will exercise it ; Congress his the right to
do a great many things, but it ha done
great many things that it had no right to do
who are merely in favor of the thing; not
that they care one cent about the negro
urther than they make political power of
it. Their whole Freed men s bill may be
summed up in this. They complain of
our millions of slaves being owned by ele
ven StMes ; that there are about three hund
red or four hundred thousand slave owners ;
that these four millions of people should be
set free. How does the matter stand?
rhese men that own slaves generally own
arge tracts of land ; they employ their
overseers or superintend themselves. They
pay taxes and all (lie expensesof running tlie
nachine. If it turns out to be profitable
they put the profits in their pockets. If it
turns out to be unprofitable they run into
debt, and a great many men in the South
who are assumed to be very wealthy are.
in iaci, in me miusioi poverty, uutgive
the Freedmen's Bureau the power propos
ed, and what do you find was done ? It is
simply proposing to transfer the four mil-
ions ot slaves Iron their original owners
and overseers to a new set of design in men
calling themselves philnthror7ista and
when transferred the Government was to
appoint i' officers and dependent! through
out the United Mtes, in every township,
in every civil district and county where
freedmen c uM be found, to unna? an-) at
tend to their aiTiirs. A long train of offi
cers, and then the army and navy, are trans-
errea anj psjce.l under control of the Kx-
ecoiive to work this Freedmen's Bureau to
adana;e. Then look at the exnense.
When J -Jin Qiincy Adam nrooised to
spend twelve ni liin of dollars for then-
uic ui uovernntent they
l.iny.l t.!.n . .. I I
luittiu MMii . aim now comes i nn a
FreeJmeu-. Bire:u,and for simply liuttir,'
the machinery in action thev V 1..ii
twelve million of d .Ihrs; and if it i in
augurated and carried on a pr'povd, with-
in a Miori nine u mil run up to fifty mil.
Iins ul dollar ti carry on the Freedmen's
Hureiu. ,ow, my countrymen, with all
our philanthropy, with allour Christianity,
with all our kindness, nas it our intention
simply to emancipate four million human
being Ir the purpose of placing them at
U'e C'h ftl.the treasury of the United
.State, as a charge tube exacted from the
lauTaftd sweat of the great mass of this
people ? No, no !" The aliment is.
mat mey muit hive agents ; that thev mut
have persons there fo see that their con
tract are rigMly made. 'that they e in
competent ; that th-y re our wards, and
we must take care of them. I say, free
them; give them a fair chance and a strt
in the race of life. lA thev make an ar-
gument that yon must have persons there
employed to see that advantage is not ta
ken of them in miking their contracts ; that
they arc incompetent to do their business,
then they will turn around and tell us that
these indigent incompetent persons, who
arc not able to do without agents to make
their bargain for them they will turn
round ami ay that thev are fit to be mem-
i ..t r . ..... .
ui vonsre, ami to nave tne unliot l
ty, and should stand around the altar of
our countrythe whole country and send
party wherever it may A voice " Over
the falls." ,
Mr, Seward. That's better than the oth
or place you mentioned. Laughter.J ,
Mr. Johnson. Hence we are called trai
tors and disorganizes of party byjhe re
cent Congress eight months in sessioo.
What has Congress done all that time to
restore the Government? If ihe policy
that was adopted was wrong, cculd not they
undo it in eight months, and substitute a
proper one ? Has this Congress done or at
tempted one single thing during the last
eight months for the restoration of the Go
vernment of these States ?. On the contra
ry, they have thrown every Impediment,
every difficulty in the way that was possi
ble to be thrown in the way. The Ameri
can people must look into this question, and
they may cry " traitor!' You may think
it vain, but if it could be so arranged I
would take this Cabinet and those gentle
men who have been associated with me, and
discuss the matter with the one hundred
and eighty-two members of Congress, and
would make up a canvass and discuss the
question before the American people with
them. Let them come without regard to
slavery, without regard to a subsidized
pre, without regard to mercenary hire
ling, because they think'them placed in
nottjfand dependent upon their influence.
I-stnTiecn come Vnd we will meet them.
We have the argument and the Constitu
tion an! the right on our side. " Thrice
i he armed that hath his quarrel just."
My confvlcnce is nuvi. as it always has
people. , . .
.Mr. Seward, at this point, became ex
ceedingly alarmed lest the balcony would
break down, and personally went around t"
ciuc sonic i nurse n uiw rcure. iic ai
so suested to Mr. Johnson that it would
be well ta shorteo his speech, and retire
from the contemplated danger. Mr. John
son, therefore, concluded, w'uh briefly re
capitulatng his thanks for his cordial we!
come, hoping that the naticii would yet
stand redeemed, regenerated, and disen
thralled.
Applause. Yes, they hsvc aright, am!
it it about as philosophic, about a reason
able as that id the madman who claimei
the right to hetr wolves. I,ughtrr
lie would Ktiear a widi because be Had
right l shear a wolf. Sol'onsrcs lus th-
riht to restore the Union of the State
and, therefore, they will restore thm, am
if anybody else assumes thia duty they wil
iliolve the Union because thev had th i
i'ght to nstore the Un'u.n. Applause.! whenever she think proper, to bring a co
But another drnarture from the turtv nasi' 'rcd mn tthe p.ll to vote to make mem-
been this : You are against the Frcedme n' hers of Congr of
Bireau bill. Yes. 1 vet ed it. p
ptaute. I vetoed it twice, and if it had
rnmt to me, ahould have vetoed it forty
times. ApplsuaeJ Hence the charge U,
" You are a traitor.' How many people
I re to day, within the sound ol my voice,
thought the veto of the Freedmen's Bureau
l'ill a departure from the resolutions of the
Baltimore platform, upon which Mr. Lin-
o! n and mysell were nominated ? Did you
hear of it ? No, Does that constitute part
f the platform? No; notwithstanding
- 'here has been so much said about enunci
ation and slavery, there are a set of gen
' tleuicn, if they may be called gentlemen,
nce, and control the elections. Ha not
the time arrived, my countrymen, that we
fthtiuM begin to loon at this thing in a pro
per luht.1 And here in the great State of
New York, while we are talkinj a!. out ne
gro equa'ity and impartial uflrage, 'would
it not be wcll enough to settle the question
of the a l mission ot own States before we
undertake tns-t'.le it f-rur neiroc? We
New York, in her own discretion, and
them. Whv, in the
name ol ttod. lt New York d i if, bit we
think Congress ha n such right. Then
if Congtes ha no rght t impost any
such condition upon you, has it a right to
impose them on any State? No. The
next matter is that in connection with the
civil rights bill. We have been denounc
ed as traitors, as having deserted party.
Well, I am free to say that I am for my
country, and that party may go to the de
vil, laughter, or any where else. I go for
my country, and my whole country ; and
the day is coming when the country and
the people of the United States should
stand above party and the shackles of par
LETTER OF HENRI YTlilD EEECEEH
Th Executive Committee of the Nation
al Convention of the Soldiers and Sailors,
to meet in Cleaveland, Ohio, on the 17th
inst., addresfci-d a letter to Mr. Beecher,
requesting his attendance at the t'onven
tion to act as Chaplain. Mr. Beecher le
clines, but sends the following patriotic and
encouraging Utter :
Teelskill, August 30.
Chark$ G. Ualpine, Brtrtl ISrig. Gtn , W.Slneum
M'j. Gen.t Gordan Grange, .Vy". Gen. Commit
tee i
Gentlemen : I am oblige J to you for
the. invi'atioii which you have made roe to
act as Lhaplain to the Convention ol bai
lors and boldiers about to convene at
Cleaveland. I cannot attend it, but I hear
tily wish it, and all other Conventions, o
what parly soever, success, whose object is
ihe restoration of all the States late in the
rebellion to their Federal relations.
Our theory i government has no place
for a State except in the Uiiin. It it just
ly taken for granted that the duties am!
rep iiMbditie of a Sute in leuerai rela
tions tend to it political health, and to that
ol the whole nxtion. Even Territories are
hastily brought in. often before the pre
scribed conditions are fulfilled, as if it were
datgerous to leave a community outside o
the treat body' politic.
Had the loyal .Senators and Rrpiesenta
tives of Tennessee been admitted at once
on the assembling of Congress, and in mo
derate .succession. Arkansas, Georgia
Alabama. North Carolina and Virginia, the
public mind of the South would have been
lar more healthy than it is, and those States
which lingered on probation to the last
wouiu nave been under a moiesaiuiary in
fluence to good conduct than il a dozen ar
mies watched over them.
Eery month that we delay this healthfu
step complicates the case. The excluded
population, enough unsettled bifure, grow
more irritable; the armv becomes indis
pensable tolocal government, and super-
wurinjwe government at Washington
l..iH.ed-t0 'nterfere in one and another
uimcuity, and this will be done inaptly,
and sometimes with great injustice: for our
government, wisely, adapted to its own
uiwjjer luiicuons, is uueny devoid of those
habits and unequipped with the instru .
wents which fit a centralized government
to exercise authority in remote States over
local affairs.. Every attempt toperfoim
such duties has resulted in mistakes which
have , excited the nation. "But whatever
imprudence there may be in the method,
the real criticism should be against the re
quisition of such duties of the general gov
ernment. -
The Federal government is uLfit to ex
ercise minor police and local government,
and will inevitably blunder when it at
tempts u. 10 Keep a naif score of States
under f ederal authority, butiwithout na
tional ties and responsibilities; to oblige
the central authority to govern half the ter
ritory of tht Union by Federal civil officers
and by the army, is a policy not only un-
AAtlffS IVial 4a Alia . -I 1
vviiinai iu uui lucas anu principles, out
pre-eminently dangerous. to the spirit of
our government. However humane the
ends sought and the motives, it is. in fact,
a course of instruction, preparing our go-
veromeui ui ue uespoiic,, ana lamilianz
ing the people to a stretch of authority
which can never be other than dangerous
to liberty,
I am aware that good men are withheld
from advocating the prompt and successive
admission of the exiled States by the fear,
chiefly, of its effect upon parties, and upon
the ireeumen. ... , , .
It is said, that if admitted to Conzress.
the Southern Senators and Representatives
will coalesce with Northern Democrats.
and rule the country. Is this nation, then.
to remain dismembered to serve the ends of
parties ? Have we learned no wisdom by
the history of the last ten years, in which
just this course of sacrificing the nation to
the exigencies of parties plunged us into
rebellion and war?
Even admit that the power would pass
into the hands of a party made up of South
ern men, and the hitherto dishonored and
misled Democracy of the North, that power
could not be used just as they pleased.
The war has changed, not alone institu
tions, but ideas. The whole country has
advanced. Public sentiment is exalted
far beyond what it has been at any former
period. A new party would, like a river,
be obliged to seek out its channels, in the
already existing slopes and forms of the
continent.
We have entered a new era of liberty.
The style of thought is freer and more no
ble. The young men of our times are re
generated. The great army has been a
chool, and hundreds of thousands of men
are gone home to preach a truer and nobler
view of human rights. All the industrial
interests of society are moving with in
creasing wisdom toward intelligence and
liberty. Everywhere, in churches, in li
terature, in natural sciences, in physical
industries, in social questions, as well as
in politics, the nation feels that the winter
is over, and a new spring hangs in the ho
rizon, and works thiough all the elements.
In this happily changed and advanced con
dition of things, no party of the retrogade
ran maintain itself. Everything inarches,
and parties must march.
I hear with wonder and shame and scorn,
the fear of a few, that the South, once more
in adjustment with the Federal government,
will rule this nation ! The North is rich,
never so rich ; the South is poor, never be
fore so poor. The population of the North
is nearly double that of the South. Ihe
industry of the North, in diversity, in for
wardness and productiveness, in all the ma
chinery and education required for manu
facturing, is half a century in advance of
the South. Churches in the North crown
every hill, and schools swarm in every
neighborhood; while the South has, but
scattered lighis. at long distances, , like
lighthouses twinkling along the edge of a
continent of darkness. In the presence of