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vo:ltj:me; iix
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Jan 8, 1876 47tf
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1
f ;: From the Daily News Extra.
Extracts from tbe Address of Montford
McGehee, sq on the "Life nnd Ser
Tlces of Hon. William A. Graham,"
before the Raleigh Bar, Delivered on
Thursday Evening, 8th of June, 1876
The administration of Mr. Buchanan
drew to its close amidst signs ominous
for the future tranquility of the country
These signs awakened the fears of all
who loved and valued tbe Union, and
tbe trusted statesmen or the country
made arrangements to meet for confer
ence, and to give expression to their
views. The Executive Committee of
' the Constitutional Utou itfirty deter
mined early in January, 1860, to issue
an address to the people of the United
states upon the grave exigencies in na
tional politics. A committee of jeveu,
all men of the lushest national distinc
tion, among whom was Mr. Graham,
was appointed to prepare the address.
Mr. Crittenden notuied Dim ot ins ap
pointment in a letter of January 24th,
and urged his attendance at the meeting
of the committee. In his answer, Mr.
Graham had left it doubtful whether the
pressure of his engagements would per
mit his attendance ana requcstea tnat
another might be appointed in his place.
Accordingly Gov. Alorehead was ap
pointed. But Mr. Crittenden wrote
again ; and to show the importance at
tached to his ludsruent and action.
subjoin an extract from his letter: "The
crisis is important, and fills the public
mind with expectation and anxiety. It
is earnestly to be desired that the char
acter of our Convention should be con
spicuous and equal to the occasion. We
have good reason to feci assured of the
attendance of many of the most eminent
rueu ot the country, audit is ov Uic
sreat weight of the moral and public
characte of its members, that the Con
vention must hope to obtain for its acts
or counsels, whatever they may De, re
spect and influence with tbe people. Wo
cannot do without your assistance and
name. All the members of the commit
tee, who were present when your letter
was read, united in wishing me to write
and to urge your coming to the Conven
tion, l our absence will De a positive
weight against us."
A number of eminent statesmen,
among whom was Mr. Graham, met in
Washington City in February to consult
together upon the dangers which men
aced the country. The result was tbe
Convention which nominated the Con
stitutional Union ticket for the Presi
dency, in behalf of which ho canvassed
the State, upon the election oi Mr.
Lincoln he made public addresses and
exhorted the people to yield due obedi
ence to bis omce. .
" The doctrine of secession met with
little la vor in .North Carolina. As a
right deduced from the constitution, and
to be exercised under its authority, it
was believed by Mr. uraham and the
school of statesmen to which he belonged
tobe without foundation. The Legisla
ture of North Carolina directed the
question of a Convention to be submit
ted to the people. The question was
discussed, in the light of recent events,
by the Press ot the State, and numerous
meetings of the people were held in eve
ry part. These meetings were address
ed by our ablest men. Amongst these
a monster meeting was neid at oaiisDury
which was addressed by Gov. Morehead,
Mr. Badger and Mr. Graham, who as
well for the exalted positions they . had
held, as for their commanding abilities,
were looked to for counsel in this emer
gency. The people at the polls pro
nounced with great unanimity against a
Convention.
. .
On the 20th of June the Convention
passed the ordinance, by which the State
of North Carolina became a member of
the Confederacy. To this measure Mr.
Graham offered a strong but fruitless
opposition. In the perilous career upon
which we were about to enter, he was
unwilling to surrender the sovereignty
of the State into the hands of those whose
rash counsels had, in the judgment of
the people of North Carolina, precipita
ted the war. He wished the State to
hold her destinies in her own hands,
that she might act as exigencies might
require. Those who realize the delusive
views under which the government at
Richmond acted during tbe last months
of the war will see in this opinion ano
ther proof of his wise foresight.
In December, 1863, Mr. Graham was
elected to the Confederate Senate by a
majority of two-thirds of the Legislature.
tie took bis seat in -May, 1504. xnere
was then need of the best counsel. The
brilliant successes which bad crowned
our arms in the early years of the War,
had been replaced by a succession of dis
asters. The battle of Gettysburg and
the fall of Yicksburg bad brought us ap
parently to the brink of fate. As the
year 1864 rolled on the prospect became
darker and darker, and at the end of the
year the situation was to the last degree
critical. Our territory had been cut in
twain ; and we beleaguered by land and
by sea. Within the area which acknow
ledged the Confederate Government,
there was great exhaustion of all kinds
of military supplies, and a like exhaus
tion or an the elements for the suDuort
of human life. Gen. Lee was only able
to oppose the front of Gen. Grant by ex
tending his line till it was ready to snap
from excessive tension. To strengthen
his force from the white race was im
possible ; conscription there had reached
its limit. . Gen. Shermau had swept
through Georgia, and the broad track of
desolation which he left behind him too
truly told the story of our helplessness.
It was known that each Confederate
soldier was opposed by as many as five
eaerai soiatcrs; ine lormer scantily
fed. ciolbcdand shod ; thelattersupplied
with every comfort and manv luxuries.
It was plain there was no longer any
hope of a successful prosecution of the
war. in the midst ot the dense gloom
which shrouded the country on everv
side, a ray of light dawned in the pro-
The odds were exactlv 7 to 1. The whnlp
number of Confederates surrendered,' in
cludipg Lee's and all, amounted to about
150,0u0 under arms. Tlin whole number of
Federals, then in the fu-.J, and afterwards
mustered out of sev!
as the records show,
vto l.(- ,(; U
t...ies, pone
amounted in round
'''-- II of .
posed peace conference at Hampton
, Roads. Mr. Graham had endeavored
to reach this form of intercourse from
the commencement of the session. He
was not without hope of a peaceful ter
mination of hostilities ; not so much from
his estimate of the statesmanship of
President Davis and his Cabinet, as from
tbe extremity of the caso which left no
other alternative. -The conference took
place on the 3rd of February, 1865. The
terms offered by Mr. Lincoln were, that
the Seceded States should return to ttie
Union under the Constitution, in the
existing sate of affairs with slavery as it
was, -but liable to be abolished by an
amendment to the Constitution. He
pledged Mmselt0u-the utiaost-exereise
of llic Executive powers in behalf of the
South. The demand of the Commis
sioners was for independence. There
could be no middle ground, and the con
ference ended. Upon the return of the
Commissioners Mr. Davis and Mr. Ben
jamin mado public speeches in Rich
mond, to fire the Southern heart anew ;
but the event proved how little sagacity
they brought to the direction of affairs
at that supreme hour. The speeches fell
still-born. -
One principle had actuated Mr. Gra
ham from the beginning of the war : to
sustain the Government in its struggle
for independence until it should be dem
onstrated that our resources were inad
equate for that end ; and when that
should be seen and acknowledged, to
seek, if possible, a peaceful solution.
How well he sustained it, is matter of
history. He sustained it iu eyery way
in which his talents and his means could
be made available. He sustained it by
ins counsels in tne state ana in the con
federate Government. He sustained it
by blood more precious in his eyes than
his own, all his sons, five in number who
had attained the age ot eighteen, enter
ed the army and were in the army to the
end.
The inadequacy of our resources, par
ticularly of the population from which
our soldiers were drawn, had now been
demonstrated. It was known to Con
gress : it was admitted by Gen. Lee in
his proposition to conscribe slaves ; it
was proclaimed from the steps of the
Capitol by Mr. Benjamin : "Unless the
slaves are armed," he said, "tbe cause
is lost." .Every expedient had been
tried : the extremest measures had been
put in operation ; "by means of conscrip
tion, impressment laws and the suspen
sion of the habeas corpus, the whole pop
ulation and all tbe resources ot the
country had long before been placed at
the command of the President for pros
ecution of the war." All had been found
unavailing.
One resource, in the opinion of some.
remained, the conscription of negroes.
A bill for this purpose was introduced
lntot3bngres8.,i' It was opposed by Mr.
Graham upon the ground, that it was
unconstitutional, as well as inexpedient
and dangerous. His sagacious miud
saw that this was a measure not of safe
ty "but a measure born of the wild
promptings of despair. On the 21st of
February it was indefinitely postponed;
though it was subsequently taken up
and passed.
If ever negotiation was to be resorted
to it was clear the time had come. We
know but little of what passed in the
Confederate Congress at that time. ; Its
proceedings were had in secret session :
nor is it now known whether the jour
Dais of the body escaped destruction.
All that we know, is derived from what
was published by the members after the
fiU of the Confederate Government.
Among these publications is a paper
contributed by Mr. Oldham, then Sena
tor from Texas, to Ucliow'8 Keview in
October. 1869, which gives us some in
formation of the proceedings of the Sen
ate at that time. A few days after the
conference at Hampton Roads, he in
forms us a committee consisting of
Messrs. Orr, Graham and Johnson was
appointed to confer with the President,
and ascertain what be proposed to do
under the existing condition of affairs.
In a few days they made a verbal report
through Mr. tiranam. "Among other
things," I quote his words, "they stated
that they had inquired of the President
his views and opinions in regard to pro
posing to the United States to negotiate
for peace upon the basis of the Confed
eracy returning to the Union, and that
he bad answered that be had no power
to negotiate a treaty upon such a basis ;
that his authority to make treaties was
derived from the Constitution, which he
had sworn to support, and that such a
treaty would operate as an abrogation
of the Constitution, and a dissolution of
the government ; that the states alone,
each acting for itself, in its sovereign
capacity, could make such a treaty.
Mr. Graham said that he gave notice
that he would in a few days introduce a
resolution in favor of opening negotia
tions with the United States upon the
basis of a return to the Union by the
States of tbe Confederacy ; that he did
not give Ue notice at tbe instance or
under the instruction of the committee,
but upon his own responsibility. The
notice was received in such a manner
that he never offered bis resolution."
I never saw the paper from which the
foregoing quotation is made, and was a
stranger to this passage of Mr. Graham's
life until within the last forty days I
read it with a feeling of profound relief.
I have ever regarded him Irom my ear
liest years, with the warmest admiration
and the most affectionate respect; but
his failure as I thought, to take some
action looking to peace after tbe Hamp
ton Roads Conference when the plain
est dictates of humanity so clearly de
manded it left upon my mind the pain
ful impression that he had been wanting
to himself in that, the most important
crisis of his life. There is a deep seated
conviction that the blood which was
shed after that conference might have
been saved. That the waste of the fruits
of past centuries of toil a waste which
consigned so many of the present and
future generations to want and misery
might have been avoided. I rejoiced
and do still rejoice that not one drop of
that blood stained his hands. It is with
gratitude I reflect that not a tittle of re
sponsibility for this waste lay at his
door. And when the inevitable hour
came to him, I doubt not that the
thought that he had done what hu could
to arrest a war attended with such ter
se and ueii-fS sacrL'ee, was one of the
ei'U&t ri;:!-?fc'.'.o;3 of his whole life.
Mr. Graham did realize the facts of
the case His letters published in "The
Last Ninety Days of the War." show
with what clear vision lie swept the hor
izon. Hence his movement looking to
negotiations "to ascertain for the States
what terms would be yielded, provided
they consented to re-adopt the Constitu
tion ot the united states."
Congioss adjourned about the 16th
day of March. Impressed with the im
minence of the emergency, Mr. Graham
stopped but one day at home that day
being the Sabbath-eand on Monday pro
ceeded to .Raleigh to confer with the
Governor. - The .conference was long
and earnests ?' '.'Graham laid before
the GovemciitiW vfewsjf the President
the state of tlie armies and earnestly
recommended that the Legislature
sin- ild be convened. He sustained his
acvice by the opinion of General Lee and
that of many good and able men with
whom he had been associated, lie end
ed by telling him that Richmond would
fall in less thair thirty days, and that
event would be touowed probably by a
rout or dispersion of General Lee's army
lor waut ot food, U lor no oilier cause.
The Governor was surprised by his state
ment of facts, and incredulous in some
degree as to his conclusions. He agreed
to consider the" subject and convened
the Council on that day week. Hearing
nothing of their action, in a few days
Mr. Graham visited Raleigh again. The
Governor informed him that on the day
appointed, a bare quorum ot the Cdun
cil atteuded, and being equally divided,
he had not summoned the Legislature.
He said that Mr: Gilmer, with whom
Mr. Graham had advised him to consult,
had surrested to him to solicit an inter-
View with Generat Sherman on the sub
ject of peace. Mr." Graham remarked
that if such an interview were held, Mr.
Dayis should be apprised of it. To this,
the Governor at once assented. Mr.
Graham suggested further that if that
course were taken, he, the Governor,
should be in a condition to act indepen
dently of the President, and convene the
Legislature. To this proposition tbe
Governor mahiftjsted reluctance ; but
finally agreed to call the Council of State
again. But while negotiation halted,
the march of Gen. Sherman's army de
cided events. Ida lew days no resource
was left, but an unconditional surren
der. With the part.borno by Mr. Gra
ham at that trying time, a gifted author
ess of North Carolina has made the
public already familiar in the captivat
ing pages of her work, "The Last Nine
ty Days of the War. "
.- . .
In his opinion, that peace ought to be
sought by the State after the failure of
the conference at Hampton Hoads, be
was sustained by our entire delegation
in Congress, and a large proportion of
the leading citizens of the State. Vet
so anxious was he not only to avoid any
appearance of conflict among the Con
federate states, but to conform to all
that the most punctilious deference for
the Confederate Government might re
quire, that he did not move in the mat
ter until after a conference with the
President, and then only in the track
pointed out by him. Tbe President dis
claimed all power of making a treaty,
which would abrogate the Government,
and declared that the "States alone,
each acting in its sovereign capacity,
eould make such a treaty." In the line
of action here indicated the Stale could
not be put in a false position ; Day, her
honor would bo put beyond all cavil.
It was known- that we had no power to
arrest Gen. Sherman's march. General
Johnston confronted him, and all felt
convinced that whatever his great mili
tary genius could accomplish would be
done. But it was also known that his
gallant army was outnumbered six to
one. A surrender in a few days would
be inevitable. Burning capitols, deso
lated homes, famine and destruction of
life followed General Sherman's march.
Was it not worth the effort to put a stop
to such frightful calamities V What Mr.
Graham urged, was that: the people
might be allowed to determine their fate
for themselves. Such a course was in
strict conformity to the fundamental
principles of our Government. A con
vention of seven Governors at Altoona
had precipitated the war when peace
counsels seemed to be in the ascendant.
Was not Mr. Graham justified in the
opinion that executive powers which
had been so deslructively exerted in the
beginning, might be beneficently exerted
in the end ?
Mr. Graham has left on record, in a
letter to Gov. Swain, a full and minute
account of this interview. That it was
the same is pi oven by reference to the
time. Gov. Vance says it was after the
Hampton Roads conference. 'Mr. Gra
ham, as we have seen, reached home
from RichrvmnfLpa the 19th of March
and weut to Raleigh on Monday the 20th.
It is proven to be tbe same by tbe iden
tity of topics discussed or refewed to, as
far as those topics are alluded to by Gov.
Vance. It is proven by the identity of
words, one of thena used not in its plain
and obvious but iu its remote and sec
ondary sense.
That letter and tbe circumstances un
der which it was written thus become of
interest. On Saturday the 8th of April
Gov. Swain wrote to Mr. Graham urg
ing that he would go with him to Ral
eigh to confer with Gov. Vance upon
the state of public affairs. He pictured
in strong colors the lmHiinence ot the
dangers which beset the country. He
told him that the State looked to none
of its citizens for counsel and guidance
as it did to him. He told him the Gov
ernor would give as favorable consider
ation to his suggestions as he would
yield to any citizen or functionary in
the Confederacy. To this letter Mr.
Graham replied on the same day at con
siderable length. He wrote that he left
Richmond thoroughly convinced : 1st,
That independence tor the Southern
Confederacy was perfectly hopele-s. 2d,
That through the administration of Mr.
Davis we could expect no peace. 3rd,
That the State Government should make
a movement in behalf of peace. He then
proceeded to give iu detail what had
occurred on the occasion of his visit to
Gov. Vance. This account was written
for the purpose of putting Gov. Swain
iu possession of what had passed, no
doubt with the expectation tnat it would
be used 1-y him in the interview with
Gov. Vi'"ec, and n: - to f-how how
frankly ! i ad cxprc-s '. views upon.
the statu of the country. ' On the Mon
day following Gov. Swaiu weut to Ral
eigh, and the conference between him
mid Gov. Vance was long and full. It
may, I think, be assumed as certain
from the importance .attached by Gov.
swam to the opinions ot Mr. Urabam
and from the weight which he thought
those opinions would nave with uov.
Vance, that the contents of that letter
were mado known to Uov. Vance, and
formed the basis of their conference.
An account of the interview was fur
nished by Gov. Swain to the author of
"The Jjast 4 inety Djiys," together with
the letter in question. Tho inference, is
clear that Gov. Swain understood tlmt
letter as coBtateiaga'tpw narrative -ef
what passed between fir. Uraham and
Gov. Vance. Further, the "Ninety
Uays" has been lor years before the
world, and the correctness of that nar
rative has been unchallenged. That
narrative has thus the direct sanction
of Gov. Swain, and by acquiescence
during Mr. Graham's lite it has the
sanction also of Gov. Vance.
Now compare the narratives and note the
uitierence. iu uov. Vance s version air.
Graham comes to him from third persons
wnose names were not aisciosed : in Mr.
Graham's he went unprompted by any body,
unprompted save by his own high sense of
amy. in uov. v ance s version lie came tne
bearer of a proposition from others ; in Gov.
Graham's he went to submit his own views.
In Gov. Vance's version the proposition is
to "make separate terms with Mr. Lincoln;"
in Mr. Graham's to call the Assembly. In
Gov. Vance's version he with-holds his ad
vice ; in 'Mr. Graham's he went for no other
purpose than to give his advice and did give
it at length. The only reference in Mr.
Graham s narrative to any third person, is
when he reinforces his advice by the opinion
of Gen. Lee, and by the opinions of those
considered bv him. as the wisest and best
men with whom lie nad conversed, it is
absolutely certain that what is alleged in
the "statement" as having occurred, did
not happen before the 20th of March, be
cause, between the Hampton Roads Con
ference and that time, Mr. Graham had not
been in Raleigh. It is morally certain that
it did not occur after that time : because it
Gov. Vance rejected Mr. Graham's advice
to call the Legislature, and thus allow the
.representatives oi tne people to decide their
own fate, the latter would not have submit
ted a proposition that the Gov. should at
the instance of nameless men, decide their
late lor tnem. whence, then, tne irrecon
cilable discrepancy between the two ver
sions ? The explanation lies in the fact that
Mr. Graham's narrative was penned a short
time after tbe interview occurred, when the
facts were fresh in his mind ; while Uov.
Vance's was not written until over ten years
had passed away.
. - .
Id his letters, given at length in the ''Nine
ty Days." he lays open all his thoughts
without reserve to his life-long friend. Gov.
Swain. In them is to be found no hint of
any other measure than that calling the
Legislature and allowing the people to con
sult together for their common safety in this
unparalleled strait. These letters show fur
ther that he never contemplated separate
action by the State of North Carolina.
After the Hampton Roads Conference he
had no longer any hope of a peaceful solu
tion through the action of President Davis;
from thenceforth he turned his thoughts to
the accomplishment of the same end, thro'
the action of the States. - The subject is of
ten recurred to, but not an intimation can
be found of any plan, except that of the
States acting in conjunction. Very soon
united action on the part oi ail Decaine an
imnossibilitv : connuerintr armies bad dis
membered the confederacy had left indeed
bnt two States that could act in concert.
But this plan still embraced these two.
March 16th, he writes as follows to Uov.
Swain : "I went to Raleigh to have an in
terview with the Governor on the subject
matter referred to in your letter. 1 he result
was a convocation ol the Council of State
to assemble to-morrow. The Legislature of
Virginia has taken a recess until the 29th
instant, and I think it very important that
that of North Carolina should be in session
as earlv as possible. The war is now nearly
reduced to a contest between these two
States and the United States !" In his letter
of the 8th of April, which contains, as I
think has been shown, the true account of
the interview between Mr. Graham and
Gov. Nance, Mr. Graham says, "I told him
1 should attend tne session oi tne General
Assembly, and if desired would address
them in secret session : that I had confiden
tial conversations with a committee of the
Virginia Legislature, which had taken a re
cess for ten days, and that it was important
to act m concert witu tnat Doay.
Democratic Economy.
The country has been treated to
such a continuous howl by Demo
cratic members of Congress in favor
of retrenchment and economy that
it becomes interesting to examine
where their pretended economy ex
ists The report of the conference
committe upon the sundry civil ser-
ice bill, and the ensuing discussion
n the Senate, throw so. much light
on the subject that the proceedings of
the Senate upon the report or the
committee have been published in
pamphlet form by the Republican
Congressional Executive Committee.
(See Campaign Documents, No. 36.)
A careful perusal will show that nev
er was any boast more falsely made
than that of tbe Democratic mem
bers to be economists of the public
treasure. While devoting millions
to the improvement of unimportant
streams in Democratic dislricts
they have deliberately refused appro,
priations to carry on those things
which were absolutely necessary to
the economy of tbe Government
They pretended to save 25,000 on
the revenue service, while risking
the sacrifice of millions of revenue.
They save $6,000 to the Government
for service of examiners of rebel arch
ives, and lose the people millions
through fraudulent rebel claims
This perhaps '. one of the most
pleasing features to the rebel con
stituents upon whom the party de-"
penns so largely for its success.
Their claim to economy is a uoi-
low mockery, calculated, they believe,
to deceive the public, but showing
the most reckless and criminal dis
regard of the public Interests and
true economy, n is, as senator
Cragin declares, no more real econ
omy than that of the farmer who
would refuse to buy seed with which
to plant his crop in order to save
the cost of the seed. But the report
speaks for itself. It ii copied from
the Congressional l.ecora oi duty
3, 181G, commencins a THZ"
Terrible Effects of Lightning In frank
lln County Two Whole Families
Nearly Destroyedroar Killed
and Four Serlonsly
Injnred
A terrible storm swept over Frank
lin Co., Va., Sunday evening (5th in
stant.) , The Salem Conxeroatice
gives the following account of the
fearful effects of the lightning near
Helms' Store:
A happy family, consisting of five
persons, Mr. -Randall Abshire and
wife, and their two sons and one little
daughter about Ave years oltf, wcie
quietly seated In their home, when
thunder-bolt struck the house, des
cended the chimney and killed out
right the mother and daughter, and
very seriously injured the father and
oldest son, a young roan about grown.
The other son, a lad some twelve
years old, was also- badly shocked
and incapable of rendering any assis
tance to his wounded father and
brother, or of making known the hor
rible death of his mother and sister.
How long the family was left in this
condition is not known.
But Mr. bamuel Jamison, a near
neighbor, who was uneasy about one
of his little sons that was absent uu
ring the storm, was looking for him
and called at Mr. Abshire's, thinking
he might find him there. He hallow
ed several times, but no one respond
ed to- bis :alls. He went into the
house, and what an appalling scene
greeted his vision. It was more than
he could stand. He instantly left
the house and ran to Mr. G. M.
Helms', who lived near by, and in
formed him of what had happened.
Mr. Helms at once proceeded to Mr.
Abshire's, and found the horrible
story of his freightened neighbor to
be too true. He did all he could to
resuscitate the dead and ministered
to the wants of the wounded. The
little boy who was stunned had by
this time got up and gone for auoth-
er neighbor. Dr. Muse was summon
ed and rendered the necessary medi
cal attention. He thinks Mr. Abshire
and his son will both recover, though
thev were both very seriously, as well
as similarly, hurt. The electric current
struck both of them on or near the
right shoulder and passed down the
right side to the hip, thence to
the crotch and down the inside of
left thigh of the father and down the
right thigh of th uoa, tearing - and
burnis the flesh and skin in its entire
course.
The Danville News gives the- fol
lowing account of a similar terrible
visitation of another family the fol
lowing day in the same county:
We are informed that Monday last,
while Randolph Sbowles, wife and
two children were in their yard un
der a tree, a small cloud was seen
above, the weather clear, and they
not suspecting any danger, didn't
even go into tbe house. All at once
a flash of lightning descended, stun
ning Mr. Showles and one child, and
killing Mrs. Showles and the other
child. It happened in Bowbrook
township, Franklin county, near the
Courthouse. It was certainly a vis
itation of Providence.
i Bloody Comparison.
After the battle of the Little Big
Horn, and the massacre of General
Cusler, and his brave band of three
hundred soldiers, by the blood-thirsty
savage, Sitting Bull, and his Sioux
warriors, they manifested tneir tie
light at the bloody tragedy by a
grand scalp dance, with the bloody
scalps of tbe United States' soldiers
dangling at their belts. Great Joy
prevailed in the savage camp, and
Sitting Bull made a fiery speech,
complimenting his savage followers
for the gallant way in which they
had executed their bloody work.
Tbe bare contemplation of the
cruel and savage deed chills the
blood in our veins, and causes a
universal condemnation from the
whole civilized world ; who charac
terize the deed as one of unparal
leld atrocity of inhuman cruelty and
of savage barbarity.
In 1864, when "Jim" Keith massa
cred the unarmed and defenceless
citizens of Laurel, Madison county,
in defiance of law, and of the usages
of war, Zeb. Vance, then Governor
of North Carolina, and now candi
date of the Democratic party for re
election to that honorable poet,
wrote Keith an official letter compli
menting him for the brave and fear
less manner in which he had slaugh
tered unarmed and defenceless Union
citizens, as well as helpless boys and
decrepid old men. Persons familiar
with this outrage are cognizant of
the fact that these men were murder
ed in the most cruel and Inhuman
man imaginable. Sitting Bull with
his savage thirst for blood did no more
at the battle of'Little Big Horn." He
complimented his men for the slaugh
ter of Gen. Coster, and a portion of
tbe army of the United States, who
had Invaded his territory and taken
possession of his property. Zeb.
Vance complimented MJim" Keith
for the murder and massacre of citi
zens of Laurel, in Uadiaon county, for
no other offence than '.hat of bc-ini
true to the Union and tho flag of
our forefathers.
TliQ Democratic party prorvows
to hang Sitting Bull for Lis Ouce,
and elect Van ? Governor of J.'ortU
Carol :na for a l.ke c.T.r.ce. .tv'e
vu!e VLmecr.
Kead and Select.
The great falling off In asetcd
valuation of real estate in the South
ern States, as iudicated in the table
given, is due not so much to the iIh
truction which atteuded the war aa
it is to the bitter political prejudices
held since its close by tbe prorty
owners of the South against North
em capitalists, especially those who '
favor tbe Republican party. These
prejudices have been so marked that
Northern .men, with money to invest,
-have sought other and safer channels .
for--Uelr Investiaaata. Ilad.lU.
South laid aside its political hatred
to the Republican mrty and extend
ed a cordial welcome to Northern
men, skill, industry, and wealth
would have poured into its States,
and ere this restored to it the prosper
ity lost by the rebellion. Numerical
ly Republicanism has been stronger
in certain Southern States than Dem
ocracy, but the latter lias controlled
the property ami moneyed interest,
and thus checked the growth which
would otherwise have followed the
ascendency of Republicanism. No
political party, however pure, can of
itself restore prosperity ton pJe
who combine the money power
against iL A cordial relation must
exist between the party In power and
the business elements with which it
has to deal before true prosperity
can lie attained, and tf the South hail
long since recognized this truth to
day her real estate would have shown
as large an Increase in value as that
of other sections.
Tho question may be asked, Why
has not the Republican party advanc
ed material interests of those Stales
in the South where it has bad control f
The answer is because it has met the
organized opposition of tbe intelli
gent, wealthy, and business elements
of those States. - Its control has
been tbe control of a majority cut off
by deep-rooted prejudices from the
sympathy and support of an Influen
tial minority. Thus, insurmounta
ble obstacles hare been placed In its
way. Its efforts- to build np have
been met by counter efforts to
tear down, and this conflict, car
ned on through a series of years,
has borne its natural results, the par-"
alyxation of industry and tho stop
page or growth. At the North active
party opposition against a Slate ad
ministration ceases when the ballot
announces the people's choice. At
tbe Sontb the opposition of Democ
racy is intensified by the elevation of
Republican ofticiala. The choice of
the people is disregarded, tbe minori
ty refuse to cheerfully submit to tbe
decree of tbe ballot-box, and thus
the administration of government
lacks that corporation of effort on
the part of all classes essential to a
complete development of State inter
ests. We have already shown the mate
rial prosperity which the Union has
developed, this far outweighte tho '
money expenditures made . necessary
by four years of war. The compensa
tion for the bloodshed cannot be
found in dollars and cents. The ele
vation of the human race, tbe extinc
tion of human bondage, tbe erection
of free Stales throughout the world,
and the future preservation of bun-
dred of thousand of Uvea which
would be sacrificed in tbe defense of
separate nationalities are among the
legitimate fruits which will spring np
from tbe graves of tbe Union de rend
ers.
A Watii Spout Strikes a Ua.il-
ROAD CailKS TURNED INTO RlVIRS
Aug. 13. This morning, about S
o'clock, a water spout struck tbe line
of the Virginia Midland Railroad,
near Mclver'a Station, aix mile
north of Lynchburg. Tbe flood ex
tended for about five mi loo, swelling
the smallest creeks into rivers, and
submerging hundreds of acres never
under water before. A culvert was
carried away, leaving a gap ninety
feet broad and any feet deep, into
which tbe South bound freight was
precipitated, killing C. D. Keyea,
engineinan, and Bob Anderson,
brakesman.
The storm lasted only a few mo
menta. All of the passenger trains
were stopped by. the track walkers,
and escaped without disaster.
In six hours the water bad receed
so as to allow a child to step acrose
the stream. Passengers were trans
ferred around the break, and there
will be no interropUons to tbe trains
after Sunday night. ' .
Tni Future Habitation or tax
Jiws There were feature of inter
est to both Jews and Gentile in the
Hebrew American Convention which
was held in Washington a rew day
ago, and at which a hundred dele
gates, representing congregations in
every part of the country, were pres.
ent. In the coarse of iu i rocecdings
the Convention determined to Open
correspondence with the Universal
Israelite Alaaiu-e cf Paris, an I with
similar bodies, in London, Vicuna,
Berlin, Rome BatLnrcst,
view of colonizing i.i t:
Stales ail those of their In
dwell in countries whose 1
protect them In their li
and property." Tlie civrr)
this measure wHl douUK--,
f w yerr, a 1 1 1 c t-J
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