WESTERN
CAM
i
IAN.
T
VOL. IV.
SAIISnUUY, N. C. TUESI)AY,MAUCH 23, 1821.
NO.!. 98.'
' : raima
BtPHILO white,
fjLlthtr A Uwt tin Udfd Slain.
TU Urm or t wem Carolinian will
fetwalUf I t&9t . 7Va Jkfir Jf4r,
aavaUe I advance. .
Advertisements a ill be Inarrtc at ftftjr eewta
par square fur tw Int inMrtuxk, mm twenty-bra
CHI) for VMM MHHWeM .
All WtUrs MrMod to tbe Editor, must b
Ud, or they will mm b attended la.
DKDATK
On Mr. ri'HKB'S
AXTI CAUCUS KE80LLTIOX8.
Mr. T. IV. BlatkttJgt row and said,
1. Speaker, I cannot refrain on .this oc
cation, from again expressing my deep
(bat (hit house should be called on
i
i -.' 'this subject tt II. Believing
lw rr-utloni af Intended to have di
rect Wlng on the Presidential election,
the subject become to me one or deep,
eameat rd solemn intereit j believing
also, that this It subject which certainly
doe not come before us In our Legisla
tive capacity, and that ' we are travelling
bevond our constitutional limits, in die-;
Hiitt l our icprewa Watlw U Cant-rets,
1 refcret that our reeling ahould be ex
cited, and the- harmony of the house inter
rupted by the unnrcettary discussion of a
subject, at once so critical and delicate.
It is to tne, a matter of not only regret,
but of surprise also, that the gentlemen
who have lauded, with such sanctimonious
gravity, tit ra ofgtod fetlin'i who pro
fess themselves believers in a political
millenium, and assert that it has now ar
rived, should so recklessly and carelessly
hazard the existence of the one, and the
continuance of the other. These gentle
men must know that they have deliberately
thrown Into this house a lighted firebrand ;
brand which will kindle into a blaze,
the now dormant, but unextinguished em
bers of political faction ; and rouse into
action, with increased malevolence and
energy, all the angry passions which ema
nate from party discord. I repeal, sir,
that they have deliberately been the
means of rousing these disagreeable fee
lings for though the- preamble and reso
lutions ere worded with much specious
ness -ftd caution and say nothing con
cerning the candidates for the Presidency,
it must be evident, that whatever they
profess, they certainly were .intended to
subserve the interest of one or more of
the candidates for that office, and to pre
judice the standing of another of the one
whom I believe to be the most worthy,
and who Is certainly the most popular
candidate, among our constituents. 1
beg, sir, to Ue understood as imputing to
the Wends of these resolutions no unwor
thy motives far frout it. If they have a
favorite, they certainly bave a right 10
use their own ways and means to forward
his views, and neither L, nor those with
whom I agree, have a right or a wish to
be of their counsel. Dut 1 am anxious
that the subject of debate should be under
stood, not only as regards its outward and
visible form, but a to the real operation
which it is intended to have. And I think
I am borne out in my opinion, as to their
real intent, by the crisis at which they are
introduced, the well known sentiments of
the gentleman who brought them before
us, and of other gentlemen arrayed in their
defence, and lastly, by the notoriously
preponderating popularity of the favorite
candidate of this state, in the house of re
presentativesin that body, whose sim
plicity we are invited to instruct, and of
whose honor we are requested to consti
tute ourselves the guardians.
The gentleman from Rowan, sir, has
complained that the course pursued by
the gentleman from Halifax, in moving
the indefinite postponement of the whole
subject, is not liberal or parliamentary
because he is by that motion, precluded
from offering an amendment to, or a sub
stitute for the original preamble and reso
lutions. Surely, Mr. Speaker, the gen
tleman cannot pretend he has been taken
-by surprise These resolutions were not
drawn in the perplexity and hurry of bu
siness, or in the confusion of debate. They
have been expected to make their ap
pearance in this house, almost ever since
we have met. The awful note of pre pa -saUon
had for a long time sounded ere
their appearance and they now bear evi
dent marks of labor and foresight in their
ifoujction. But the gentleman from
towiri ja discovered, that there are
" wme tedej-iif house?
"pposhk idMfrtta
swallow tv, whole of the doctrine contai ;
ned in his Gamble and resolutions who
are against tucugjngt uul equally against
our usurpingx rigi,t of gurveilance over
our members ;ongress, and whose well
- known consistery wji not ptrmii them
to sacrifice a primie, ,0 fu, ,her a p(ji, j
cal purpose, by voU? fof the resolutions
its their present shape. This It no more
than 1 expect from their well known in
dependence t but the gentleman from
Howan, I presume, was deceived In m
expectations, end now wishes to rectify
the error and render them more palatable
to those gentlemen, In order that, by uni
ting that party with a fragment tjioi dit
ni republicans, be may array e force suf:
fielcnt to countervail the strength of the
republican party. I do not feel myself
bound to Indulge toe. .gentleman in any
more of his political experfrhenH--te.hu
thrown the die, and must abide the result
of chance he hat steered his own course,
and if in attempting to avoid Scylla, he
has dashed himself on Cbarybdis, his ship
wreck must atone for his miscalculating
pilotage.
The remarks of the gentleman from
Rowan have been so multifarious and dis
cursive, that I am sure my memory will
not ensile me to animadvert on therri all
nor en any of them with the same lu
cidness and order which they have been
Uid before us by him. I shall take the
liberty of calling the attention of the house
to some few f them, in the order in
which they are marshalled in my recol
lection. Before, however, I proceed to
this, I would ask leave to.examiivr what 1
deem a previous question of some impor
tancewhether we are not stepping be
yond our constitutional limits, in instruc
ting or advising our representatives in
congress ? As to the abstract right of
passing the resolutions on the table, it is
not necessary to waste time in reasoning
on it we have the right to piss resolu
tions advising and instructing the house
of lords and commons of Great Britain or
the peers of France, or the privy council
of the Czar. But as these bodies are not
particularly responsible to us for their
good behaviour, I apprehend we should
expose ourselves to their derision were
we to venture on an interference it) their
concerns. The esse is neatly or quite
parallel as between ourselves and the
members of congress. 1 conceive, sir,
that there can be no right or expediency
in tendering advice or instruction, where
there is no responsibility between the
party instructing and the party to which
iiiiirucuoiit are given, i ne ngw or ex
pediency is co-extensive with this respon
sibiljty, md correspondent to, and in ex
act proportion with the degree thereof,
on the behalf of the party instructed. Now,
sir, the members of the bouse of repre
sentatives are elected by the people, and
are responsible to the people, and to them
only and so far as we compose small
unit in the vast sum of the people, so lar
aud no farther can we expect our advice
or instruction to have weight with our
members of congress. For, sir, 1 apple
hend they owe to us no allegiance as
members of the legislature ; nr in any
other capacity but as individuals of the
community ; as a legislature, we have no
influence in their election there is
therefore, no responsibility on their part.
nor consequently any right of instruction
on ours, As individuals and part of the
people, he have a right to instruct our re
presentatives : because the people have
that right. But would it not be nugatory
nay worse than nugatory for us to in
terfcre as a legislature ? Would it not
be exposing the legislature to contempt.
to do an act to which no respect can be
paid as an act of legislation i 1 hese ob
servatioos apply, with nearly equal force,
to our senators as to our representatives.
Though we are the immediate organs in
electing them, yet wc are elected by the
people, and are responsible to them for
the correctnessof our selection. Our po
litical existence expires almost with the
act of election, and in Che nature of things
can never be integrally resuscitated. 1 hey,
the senators, are re-eligible by another
legislature to be chosen six years after
wards, by the people, from their own
body ; and they are therefore responsible
to them, though in a more remote de
gree, both on that account and the 'ac
count of the infrequency of their election,
than the representatives; and I appre-
hendhefeisnomore propriety in our
instructing our senators in their duty,
than there would be should the electors
of the President, advise him as to
the course of policy which he should pur
sue inilhe administration of the general
government. The Vnoda of their election
is nearly similar, and the responsibility of
the President to the,college of electors is
snore direct and immediate than is that
of the senators to the legislature, because
the tirm of re election is shorter t Yet I
iiK1fcia1lfe1nthit:ti:intefference'
Me -'"Hits' i'rihriidhW'Wthe'electOrrr
would be deemed an act little short of in
sanity. vV uh this view of the subject, I
beg the house to' be cautious in passing
resolutions, which, to say the least of
them, are mere nullities to forbear giv
ing advice, to which we cannot compel
them to listen ; or instructions which we
cannot coerce them id adopt. I fear, sir,
we should only expose outsell to the
contempt which always attefl. U arrogant
impudence of pretension, whr Tawcompa
nled by total imbecility or Tbkyu Impo
tence of exctuUotu ( urther, air, if we
have right to instruct our repres-.nta
lives on this subject we have the ssme
on any other, or- all other subjects k is
impossible to drav juiioe of jdiidnction.
And If we believe tiat our present Mem
bers of Congress, fom want ofunderst.n
ding or honesty, hive betrayed the inter
est of their country or are about to betray
tririd-Uiat it is our duty to set them
right i the same motives should induce
us to watch over their every act every
vote t and kindlf to point out the policy
they should pursue. It is equally our
duty to continue in session, as long as
Congress, for far that from the want of
our aid and instruction, the country
might he injured by their counsels. This
is one of the aisurd consequences, flow
ing from the doctrine it, in fact, makes
congress nothing more than a body me'
together from all parts of the U. States
to record the edicts of the stats legists
turcs.
This important previous qutstim of
the right to instruct, has, u sterns, not
arrested ibe. attention of the gentleman
fiom Howan. P. Jug it t ..') by, he
arranges hit objections against a caucus,
under two heads. He says thesystcra is,
1st, unconstitutional ; 2d, inexedient at
this time. Irt us examine tie gentle
man's objections in due order.
1st, as to its unconstitutionally The
gentleman recites to us a clauc from the
Constitution of the United Stites which
prohibits members of congres, among
oihers, from being electors ol President
and ice President of the Unied States;
and avers, that when they men in a cau
cus and recommend any particular candi
date to the people, they therciv virtually
become electors, and violate tie constitu
tion. An elector, Mr. Speakir, is a crea
ture of the constitution, and existing by
it, and described and defined distinctly
as to his powers therein. He is a person
chosen either by the people or the legis
lature, to meet at a certain time and
place, and give a vote for President and
Vice Presidrnt This, sir, K 1 believe,
a full and distinct definition of an elector
Will the gentleman from Rowan point
out to me, to which' part of this definition
a member of congress answers, when he
expresses his opinions to his fellow citi
zrni as lo the mciits of any one candi
date for the Presidency ? Even his inge
nuity must be at fault to this question ;
his sophistry does not deceive himself.
Before 1 proceed unv farther in the exa
mination of this part of the subject, I
will take the liberty of explaining my
ideas of the interpretation of the constitu
tion as applicable to the subject. I be
lieve, sir, that a citizen retains in every
offire which he may be called on to fill,
each and every prmlege to which other
citizens are entitled, except where they
are expressly taken away by some clause
of the ronoiitution. This plain and sim
ple proposition, is so consonant to our
most ordinary ideas of civil liberty, that I
apprehend none will be hardy enough to
deny or contradict it. Our general lib
erty and privileges, are, in some few par
ticular instances, abridged by constitu
tional prohibition as in those instances
where the exercise of a particular privi
lege or liberty is deemed incompatible
with the holding any particular office.
Thus a member of congress may not ex
ercise or hold any office of trust or profit
under the general government, nor be an
elector of President and Vice President
f the United States. But these except
tions are never construed beyond the
strict letter of enactment we have con
fined them lo their strict literal mean-
ing. I understand, that this instrument
has, among the republicans, always re
ceived a rigid, scrupulous, and narrow
construction. They have never permit
ted the general govern thent to -assume
any powers but what were plainly and
clearly given nothing by implication.
I he case wss different formerly. At the
eventful crisis of 17981799, the consti
tution was a mere nose of wax ; it was
construed to mean any thing or nothing,
precisely as it agreed with or contravened
the views of their then dormant party.
But those times are gone by, and we are
no longer in the habit of construing ex
pediency and necessity to be synonymous
terms. Now, sir, I call upon the gentle
man from Rowan to point out the clause
in-the tstjnu
members of congress rom formHg-7t
opinion on ny iwlitieal subject ; or of
expressing that opinion when formed ?
to point out the clause which makes a dif
ference of criminality between exnressine
the same at home ; or between expres
sing an opinion singly, and doing the
same in company .with others. The gen
tleman from Ro'Wan will not deny, that
our representatives may do the former
acts, that Is, form snd express an opinion
as to men and measures whilst at home
and acting in tbeir private capacity. Let
him then point out the Clscrirnhnion be
tween the one and the other Ut him
shew the point where innocence term!
nates and guilt commences, lt hira
demonstrate, why that which an indivi
eual rosy do honestly and consututionally
miy not be done with equal honesty and
cquii regaro to me constitution, oy num
bers. In fine, sir, let the gentleman from
Rowan, and seriously ask him to do it,
give us tome tangible definition ofa cau
cut, that we miy fairly understand what
we are to urgently pressed to pronounce
unconstitutional and inexpedient. Until
he shall have art we red these questions,
or give these explanations, I can oidy
give to the gentemsh's arguments the
weight due to earnest, and frothy decla
mation. But, sir, we ait told by the f entlemin,
that it it wrong that our representatives
should express an opinion on, or inter
fere in this matter, because; if they did,
there would be great danger of their be
ing corrupted, or bribed by the candidates
for the presidency and that this is evin
ced by the fact, that they are excluded by
Ihe cotumutioo fiora bring electors
it t'7p :Li the venerable
framera of that iastrument, entertained a
deep jealousy of their political purity in
this matter. It seems to me, sir, to be
strange, that the framers of our constitu
lion should be so exceedingly jealous of
the purity of our members of congress as
to inhibit them from expressing an opin
ion on the subject, or recommending a
candidate to their constituents and at the
same time should lodge in them, in the
dernier resort, the selection of the presi
dent. In the first event, viz : an election
by the people of electors, the number o
candidates will generally be so great, and
the prospect of the election of either of
them so remote and contingent, that their
means of corruption are greatly inferior
to what they are, in the latter event, an
election by congress The promise of an
office by any one or the candidates, pre
vious to the decision of the electoral col
lege, would be too uncertain to have
any influence i when, from the number
of the candidates, it was very probable
that that body would fail to make a con
slitutional selection. Surely, sir, if any
ihing is to be dreaded on this score, the
peril is much more imminent, when the
election becomes vested in the house of
representatives- Then there can be only
three candidates; there will generally be
only two who are prominent. 1 hen, the
whole executive patronage will be con
centrated in the hands of those two : and
can and will be wielded with a much more
powerful and dangereus effect against
the purity of congress. Yet, sir, the
framers of the constitution have even, in
this event, placed in their hands the im
portant and momentous privilege of a
final election;- This argument, sir, re
turns upon its author : the probable effect
of a caucus nomination will be an election
by the people, and a prevention of the
question's reaching the house of repre
sentatives. If there is danger of bribery
and corruption at all, there is less in a
caucus than in the house or representa
tivesbecause the, means of corruption
are then not in possession, but contingent.
Again, if a caucus, even if corrupt, only
recommends, and the people can ratify
or reject their choice there, is nothing
binding or obligatory in the recommen
dation which they make. But in the
house of representatives, as the probabil
ity of corruption is stronger, so is their
election final, conclusive and obligatory.
One other argument against a caucus
nomination is, that by a recommendation
through that channel, the people are rob
bed of their rights,; that the right of
election is in effect taten ftom the people,
and they are declared to be unable and
incompetent to make a choice- This
seems to be a favorite argument wdth the
friends of the resolutions. It has tailed
into exercise their most skilful logic, and
their most vehement declamation. I do
not berfeyeTsir, (hat thegeftllemends:
pect to effectuate much on this floor, by
their eloquence onlhis point. No, sir ;
it is an ahgdmcnt ad cafitandum vulgui f
it is intended for the ear of the gentle1
mens constituents at the contest for the
presidency which must shortly ensue.
The gentlemen are welcome to .all the
merit and all the aid which they candle
live from it, both here and! at borne. Let
u.mjuise wbeineriksMJI sunUhc UM
axiom, bicb $en the Jesuitical gentle
man from Rowan will not deny, that if
the people are robbed of any right, they
no longer possess that right. If the right
of voting for .Tj president is taken from
the! people by the recommendation of a
caucus, then the people no longer possess
that right. Now, sir, suppose that a con
gressiunal caucus should nominate for the
presidency, Mr. Crawford or Mr. Adams,
will not the gentleman from Rowan still
posse it the right to vote for Mr. Calhoun f
Will he not po" it in as full and
plenary manncrS fl HO hut Jui h l
ever been made f Will he not exercise
that right, sir f ! think the gentleman
will not negative either of these questions.
And, sir, If he possess the rigfci, and will
exercise it, hnw doet he, or can he differ
from any other Individual, nay from the
very humblest Individual in the commuol
ty, as to the possession of any right com
mon to the freemen of the land f If the
gentlemsn from Rowan possesses tho
right, which he cannot deny, then every
other individual possesses it the people
possess the right (even though a caucus
does make a recommendation) to vote for
any person as president. But we am
told, that the members of a caucus, in ef
feet, declare that the people are incompe
tent to make a choice, because tbey mak
recommendation of a particular individ
ual. The gentleman from Rowan, Mr.
Speaker, will recollect that he, and seve
ral other of the most respectable individu
als in the western part of the state, me,t
in caucus, tn this city, not merely to re
commend a president, but to destroy the
present constitution, aa4 recomwiMM. 10
the people the n'- V .' ,
They did draw up a new one theydiH
recommend its adoption to the people.
Now, sir, when that gentleman, who
is one of the most active and influential
members of this toniH'ution caucui, and
who was mainlv influential in getting it
up ; when he recommended to the people,
the adoption of the new constitution, did
he thereby declare them incompetent to
choose for themselves ? or by recom
mending them to vote for a particular set
of resolutions, on a particular constitution,
did he thereby deprive the people of their
right of voting for any thing, save the
thing recommended? He would sup
pose this a harsh interpretation of his la
bors on that occasion ; he might surely
call it a foolish and ridiculous one. Yet,
sir, I cannot well imagine two cases moro
precisely similar. Both meetings aro
caucuses, both meetings recommend a
certain course of conduct to the people,
both are voluntary and self existent, and
neither of them have any power or author
ity, save what is afterwards given to them
by the voluntary act of the people. It is
not unfrequently the case, Mr. Speaker,
that with the unthinking, a good cause)
sustains injury by being christened with an
evil or a ridiculous name, and an evil
cause derives support from the contrary
fact. I think the mends of the resolu
tions are attempting to play off that policy
on the present occasion. The very gen
tleman who puinta in such odious colors
the features of a presidential caucus, you
find the most active and influential in tho
caucus whose object is to destroy thr very
constitution of the country those who
declaim the loudest against congressional
caucuses, are delighted with the pro
ceedings of county assemblies and town
II1CCL1IIL 1 . auu I Lll Hll llOtfV.. M UUIU
. :,.. . ... . i j.. .... .. .. u
puxzle any of these gentlemen to point
out a sensible difference between the sev
eral assemblages. Let us examine if
there be any difference ; let us enquire
what a caucus is, and whether there i any
thing so very odious in the term. . It is
not, sir, I believe, a primitive English
word, whenre it was derived, or when or
where, or how it was adopted into tho
language, I am unable tossy. A caucus
may be defined te be a meeting of indi
viduals assembled in their private capa
cities as citizens, for the purpose of car
rying into effect some particular object.
From some cause or other, not necessary
or material to be known, it has generally,
though not necessarily, been appointed to
meetings of a political nature. I believe
this is a fair definition of the meaning of
the word ; and I can see no difference
between a congressional caucus to recom
mend a 1 resident, and a convention cau
cus to modify the constitution or a coun
ty assembly or town, meeting to recom
mend similar measure ; in point of p-in-
ciple, members of congress attend the
one, in their pviyatc capacities; the others '
are attended oy me citizens,, ann also uy
your justices of the peace, captains, co
lonels and generals of militia, merchants.
doctors, lawyers, and constables in their
private capacities, and each express their
opinion on the subject." I see nothing
mproper in this, sir ; to be sure we did
not appoint the justice or the constable,
or the general or congressman, for the
express purpose of recommending a pres-
idjWJJMftUXjEM k equally cer-
.... -i. . ...
t.iln thai til A Stiff hAf Inluttil Ah .i...";!"! t. "
Uatenti6lWeSc&tlnir to deprive .
them of the right of expressing their
opinion on the subject, or of 'recommen
ding their adoption to their fellow citizens.
hc people Way ratify-or reject the re
commendation, at their own option.
Believing, sir, as I do, that they all
stand, as to constitutionality, on equal
ground, i lure no hesitancy in saying,