sou was her noi only arraigned, but condemned
bv the gentleman's own votes, without opportunity
oi" being heard in self-defence. The gentleman
was his judge, his juror, and witness. If ." conlemn
ned him first, in order that he might impeach hiii.
afterwards. How supremely absurd!
Again: Civil officers oalv are constitutionally
subject to impeachment. Does the gentleman
ai;ain desire the floor to explain ? If so, u will be
cheerfully yielded to him. Here Mr. Edwards
observed " he would lake occasion, in his reply, to
explain." It is manifest the gentleman is emb ar
rassed by the inconsistency of his conduct. Let
me entreat him, then, to pause and abstain from
the consummation of this partisan act, which,
while it purports, on its face, to condemn Mr. Mun
mim, will thrice, on record, condemn himself, If
it is his object to expunge from the journals of
Congress all censure ot Lren. Jackson tor violating
the Constitution, he should move to amend the re
6 dutions by including his own votes censuring
Gen. Jackson tor the execution of Arbuthnot and
Ambrister, and the forcible occupation of Pensaco
1 1 and the Barrancas. The only difference between
the two gentlemen is this : when the gentleman
from Warren censured Gen. Jackson, the General
was powerless, and had no patronage to dispense.
When -Mr. Mangum censured him, lie had every
thing to risk, and nothing to gain. His elevated
and patriotic learing entitles him to the plaudits oi'
his countrymen ; but he has certainly yielded up all
claims to the favor of the Administration. In the
exercise of this high censorial power, which you
have gratuitously assumed, wliv shrink from the
discharge of your w hole duty ? Is it lecause Gen
Jackson's conduct may be culled in question ? Does
he, too, possess inherent jxnvers, authorising him
to do what no binlv else has a riirht to do ? When
we dissolved our connexion with the mother coun
try, vve repudiated the doctrine of the divine right
of Kiti"s; but, it seems, this odious attribute of
rovalty is to be revived, under a new name.
With u hope that you would dispense justice to
all parties, I have passed m review belore you the
abuses ot Mr. Adams s Anmimstration. .L.et me
e.itreat you to go along with ine, in comparing the
abuses of this administration with those tf the
preceding one. Mr. Adams's you have condemned
1U tlie most UIinieaureu tcrnw. v ill yu ajr,vo
in this, what you have condemned in that We
shall see. Mr. Adams expressed the opinion that
it was competent for him alone to appoint .Ministers
to Panama. But he took care not to exercise the
power. Gen. Jackson expressed no opinion, but,
without the consent of the Senate, he actually sent
a Minister to the Ottoman Porte, and has in utter
contempt of the Senate, and in palpable violation
of the Constitution, put men in otlice, who had
previously b?en rejected by the Senate, on his nomi
nation for the same office ; as for instance, the case
of Gu;nn. Mr. Clay displaced a few printers who
had been appointed by his predecss r to print the
laws of Congress. Gen. Jacks in Ins dne the
suns thing through his Secretary of State. Nav,
more in defiance of recorded pledges, he h is ap
p iated scon;s of partizm editors to oiliees of pro
tit and h nor. Against this I remonstrated at the
ti:n?; an 1 vet, sir, truth comp ds me to acknowl
elj; that, in one instance, I participated ia it.
With ut the knowle Ige of (Jen. Jackson, I app lint
el vour newly elected State Printer to a highly
lucrative o.lice in the X ivy, whence he h is been
scat to you. You, my friend from Burke, may
smile; but you advised it. Whether we served
the country, or strong thened the malign influences
with which we are n v grappling, ti.iu will deter
mine. I must acknowledge, however, that I have
misgivings.
I in iy n w ask, what has General Jmksion not
d ) 12 to corrupt the press, and mike it subservient
t; his purposes ? Permit me to lay bifore you an
instance of the in lirect action of t!i e governme.it,
through its patronage, on a loading press in the
Oi l Dominion a press which Mr. Van Buren, I
kao.v, was anxious to conciliate, an I bind by the
siro.igest cords. I m-an the " Richmond Enqui
rer." When Mr. Stevenson was nomiuited to
the S-inate of the United States as Minister to
England, I was lot in wonder; fori well knew
Gen. Jackson's opinion of him ; it was never dis
guised. When, sir, I separated from (Jen. Jackson
but a short time previous to his determination to
app ant Mr. Stevenson Minister to the Court of St.
James, he did not regard him as "worth the pow-d-T
aul ball it would take to kill him." This rery
expression I hare heard used or assented to by
him, and candor compels me to admit that I hearti
ly concurred with Gen. Jackson in his estimate of
Mr. Stevenson's worth. When the developments
which took place in the Senate of the United States
were laid before the public, more particulaily the
correspondence between William Ii. Lewis and
Mr. Ritchie, the mystery was unravelled, and thus
it appears that the first diplomatic appiontineut in
the gift of the President w.is conferred on Mr.
Stevenson for the patriotic purpose of conciliating
this Editor.
Again: the lat year of Mr. Adams's adminis
tration, he expended a little upwards of twelve
millions of dollars. (Jen. Jackson, the last ear of
fits administration, expended nearly double that
sum. You charged Mr. Adams with negligence
and prodigality ; but have no censures to impose on
this economical administration !
Where are the pledges he made to the people,
to curtail expenses and abolish useless oflices
Unredeemed and abandoned ! Where is your re
pird for the freedom of the press, end your abhor
rence of Executive patronage when brought into
conflict with the freedom of elections ? When you
tre the patronage of the government, through one
of its well feed officers, buying up a press in this
city, can von not be roused from your deathlike
slumbers to a proper e iso of the true condition of
the country, and of the obligations you are under
to hand down to posterity that lilrty which a race
of illustrious ancestors lias bequeathed to you ? or
will you rather prefer the ignoble fife t hat awaits
the degenerate sons of noble sires ? Can you over
look the means which are daily practiced to control
the freedom of our elections, and thus virtually
take from the people the right to choo-e a sueees
sr to (Jen. Jackson I In whatever direction you
turn vour eyes, you have the mot convincing
proofs that the money au l th" offices which belong
to the people are bestowed with a lavish hand to in.
fluence their choice. So daring h ive these corrup
ters of pulic morals become, that it matters ti t
whether the applicant for executive fivors be for
the Bank or not, State Rights or not, (Jen. Jackson
or not, provided he be in favor of Mr. Van Buren
for the succession.
Can you flatter yourselves with the belief that
our representative form of government can long
continue iheu the ource whence our public func
tionaries emanate becomes impure and corrupt ?
The elective franchise in its purity is v ital to liber
ty, and ought to be guarded with unwearied vigi
lance. But, say you. my constituents are Jackson
men, and, as I am told this is a Jackson measure,
I feel bound to sustain it. It is to be borne in mind
that most of us are planters; and, therefore, I must
observe, without intending any disrespect, but ill
qualified to settle and adjust such didicult constitu
tional uuestions as we shall necessarily have to en-
counter in reviewing the decisions of the Senate of
the United States. Does your being a memlier of
this General Assembly, by magic convert you in
to a profound constitutional lawyer? Did your
constituents send you here for such purposes, or
with such expectations ? 'No. eentleman, you de-
ceive yourselves and misrepresent them grossly, it
you believe they would willingly see their Senator,
Mr. Mangum, who has risen from among them
without the aid of opulent friends to push him for
ward, prostrate at the feet of Gen. Jeckson, there
by dishonoring himself and the sovereign State he
so ablv represents. But, says another, I don't ex
pect him to obey I wish him to resign. Then
why not let the resolutions speak your wishes? It
is obvious, Mr. Speaker, their intention is to drag
down this distinguished Senator from that high
station he has attained to their oic?i level. When
you shall have done this, and thereby made your
selves acceptable to the influences which dictated
these resolutions, what will you ive done to shield
yourselves from the indignation wf the virtuous and
enlightened portion of the community ? Surely
you cannot flatter yourselves with the belief, that
you will have secured a glorious immortality, or
entitled yourselves to the gratitude of the coun
try. But it is said that, in opposing these resolutions
we are taking sides with the Bank. Against whom
could such a charge be made with less semblance
of truth than myself? I own no Bank stock, 1
am not indebted to any Bank, and have no sympa
thies in common with any such institution. My
opinions and official acts f r near a quarter of a
century, are conclusive to show my decided hostili
ty to a paper system in every variety of firm.
No man who knows me, believes any thing of the
kind.
In what section of the country is the President
most severely censured for having seized the pub
lic treasure and taken it out of the custody of the
law ? The South. Who, or what portion of our
people are most opposed, on principle, to recharte
ring the United States Bank I That portion which
inhabits the Southern States. While we believe
that the Constitution has not conferred on Congress
the power, we, nevertheless, know that it has been
exercised from the adoption of the Federal Consti
tution ; and, as I observed In'fore, that it has recei
ved the direct approval of Washington and .Madi
son. We are further told that the Bank gave no equi
valent f r the use of the Government deposites.
Permit me to say, I think I know better. In 1S1G,
some person or persons, who I know not, appoint
ed me one of three commissioners to open books
in this place for the subscription of stock to this
very Bank. The charter came to us as it had
passed Congress, ami was tendered to the people
tor their acceptance or rejection. No persons'
names were attached to it as its proprietors. As
applications were made, we received them from A.,
B., C, and D. You are entitled to all the privi
leges and immunities of exclusive banking in the
United States fr twenty years : ymi oniiilcd
to the use of the Government depsites for the
same time, and to every other right which the char
ter confers on you ; for which you are to give to the
Government one million and a half of dollars.
This, sir, was the language, and these were the
terms held out to the subscribers, among whom
were t be final tlu widow and the orphan, rely
ing implicitly up m the plighted faith of the Go
vernment forastiiet performance of all its promises.
An 1 vet, sir, because Senator Mangum has con
demned the bid faith of the Executive, in depri
ving the stockh dders of the benefit of these depo
sites without good and sufficient reasons, you arc;
urged to condemn and disgrace him. Whete, sir,
is the man reckless enough to declare that the rea
sons of the Secretary of the Treasury were suffi
cient to justify the President in executing this rash
and lawless act 1 Thrice were the House of Rep
resentatives of the United States, pliant as in every
other instance they had shewn themsslves to be,
pressed to approve this course, and thrice did they
refuse their assent.
Then, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Mangum has done no
thing more than it became him to do ; and, instead
of deserving your censure, he is justly entitled to
your applause. For (Jen. Jackson's virtues, patri
otism, and distinguished public services, 1 respect
and honor him. For him personally, I entertain
no unfriendly feeling: on the contrary, there is an
irrepressible feeling of kindness for him in my bo
som, (created by the reminiscences of former days,)
which often compels me to rush into his presence,
and attempt his deliverance from the jertidious
embrace of his vile betrayers. But it is impracti
cable. We arc separated, forever !
I thank the Senators for their indulgent hearing.
I feel that 1 have addressed them with the great
freedom, in the discharge of a high and solemn
duty w hich I owed to tin? country. In performing
this painful task, I have endeavoured "nothing to
extenuate, nor ought set down in malice;" I have
taken no greater liberties with others, than I am
willing nay, anxious that they shall take with me.
The public acts of public men are open to scrutiny.
I go into private life with as few personal regrets
as any man ever did : I know I have given to mv
fellow citizens the most conclusive proofs that the
it . i ,i .i .
allurements oi oince nave not been sumcieni to
make me unmindful of my coutrys' rights and
honor, or my own. Let those who practice on
other principles enjoy, if they can, the triumphs
which they may now or hereafter achieve by the
ascendency of corrupt influences. To a Just (od
I confidently appeal, by whose award I am not
onfy hound, but willing to abide.
ion rm.vnxG.
rrWE Proprietors of THE WESTERN CA
ROL1NIAN having a very large supply of
.Job Typo, Cnls, etc.,
Every description of Printing will be done in the
neatest possible style, and on the most moderate
terms. Orders from a distance will be promptly
attended to, and forwarded in the safest and most
expeditious manner.
, Salisbury, February 28, 1835.
RELATIONS WITH FRANCE.
From the St to York American of Ftbruary 23.
LATE AND IMPORTANT FROM FRANCE.
The town was thrown into commotion last eve
ning by the arrival from Brest of a French bring
of war after a short passage. She brings despatches
for M. Serrurier, but is not, as we hear, destined
to take him home. The Bring Le Dussas sailed
' . 1 . 1 - . y-v . 1 1 . 1 1 .
irom uresi on ine vum, dui orings no papers Ha
ving received by Telegraph, orders to prepare for
sailing, six hours only, before messenger with des
patches reached her, when she put to sea forthwith.
The Sully, however, from Havre is arrived,
bring us Havre papers of the 17th ult., and Paris
of the lGth. We consider the accounts by this
vessel are on the whole pacific, that is, if as we
hope, the decision in the Chamber be delayed, till
after the Senate's proceedings on the message
should reach France.
One thing is certain, Mr. Livingston had not
left Paris, and had intimated to the French Gov
ernment that be would not take upon himself the
responsibility of doing so, unless positively ordered
away bv it. In this we think Mr. L. has made a
just and patriotic sacrifice of personal feeling to
the interest of the country and the duties ot his sta
tion. The decision to recall M. Serurier was a sudden
one, and wholly unexpected, alike to Mr. Livingston
and the Americans rene rally in Paris. There is
no ground for the surmise of the Tribune, that M.
Serurier is recalled from dissatisfaction with his
conduct that recall was put as we are informed,
expressly upon the ground, that 44 the King could
no longer sutler his Minister in the United States
to remain exposed to hear such language as that
contained in the Message of the President of the
United States."
We have every reason to believe that 3. Scru
rier, so far fiom diminishing the effect of our claims
upon France by representing that they might be
liquidated for half the sum stipulated in the treaty,
has urgently recommended the ratification of that
treaty.
It may be worth while to add, as wo have un
doubted authority tor doing, that the statement in
a Paris paper of the 11th, that Mr. Livingston had
an interview on that day with the King, is without
foundation.
Extract of a letter from Paris, loth January, lSlo.
Mr. Livingston has decided, since yesterday,
before asking for his passports to request an expla
nation from the Minister of Foreign A flairs here,
ujhhi the communication made to him that is
whether it was the intention of the Government
- . t
here to leave Ins taking Ins passports to Ins own
decision, in which case he will remain until lie re
ceives instructions from his own Government, or
whether this intention was to request him to take
his passports, in which case be should ask tor them.
tiir opinion is now, under these circumstances,
that he will remain at his station for the present,
The law for granting the 2o millions for the
American indemnity, has been proposed to the
Chamber of Deputies to-day, by the Minister of r i
nance, with the reserve that this money should le
ascertained that no rf prisals had leen made by the
authority of the American Government upon the
French property. This was immediately sent to a
Committee to report thereon.
From the Xat tonal Intrfligenccr.
Extrart of a letter Jrom a respectable gentle
man, an inhabitant of the State of New York,
now in Paris, to a Member of Congress, dated
Pakis, January 15, l$bo.
" There has been much excitement since the re
ceipt of the document, (President's Message,) and
some anxiety has been felt tor the issue. The
French admit the justness of our claim, and the
tarts of the message are not denied ; but the spirit
in which they are set forth, and the language em
ployed by the Executive, are, unfortunately, regard
ed as oflensive and insulting to r ranee, to a degree
that should forbid a further discussion of the mat
ter." "The best opinion I can give you is derived
from a quarter entitled to regard. The French
Government will do nothing further to liquadate
the debt, until it le seen whether Congress sustain
the President in what the French understand to be
the position assumed. If Congress do not concur
iii the message, the difficulty will be settled by a
prompt payment of the claim. That this is the
ground to be taken here, I am assured by gentle
men who have it from members of the legislative
bodies."
The following nrtlcle is from the Paris Correspond
ent of the Ixjudon (England) Courier:
FRENCH AND AMERICAN DISPUTES.
Pakis, (France,) January 10, lbUo.
To the Flilor of the Courier:
Sik : The speech of the President of the United
States has filled us with sorrow and regret sorrow,
that the Chief of the American Government should
feel it his Iuty to express himself as he has done,
with reference to France, on a question of twenty
five millions of francs, or a million sterling and
regret, that a foolish vote of the Chamber of De
puties last session should have justified the language
which is now held. As, however, it is very possi
ble that the history of this transaction maj- not be
familiar to you, I propose to supply you with a
narrative of the negociation, and of their results,
to the present time.
In 100, a commercial treaty lietween France
and the United States was signed. It established
the principle of free navigation, and the rights and
obligations of neutral flags and states. This princi
ple of maritime neutrality was again consecrated
in 1S03, by a treaty between the two countries,
which had for its object the cession of Louisiana to
America; and on the other hand, the granting of
commercial advantages-to France. The principle
that the flag covered the merchandize, and that
right of search should not be allowed, was adopted
by secondary maritime powers lor their protection ;
but England, as mistress of the ocean, would not
consent to it; and, therefore, immediately after the
treaty of 1803 had been signed, issued new Orders
in Council, submitting neutral flags to the right of
search, and even to impressment, and compelled
American vessels to touch at English ports, and
discharge and recharge their cargoes, lefore pro
ceeding to their future destination. Of these Or
ders in Council, it is unnecessary to pronounce any
opinion, as they gave rise to a French and Euro
pean war, and to a resistance upon which history
has already decided.
In lPOo, new orders in Council imposed new re
strictions, which were again opposed, and in 100,
England declared all the ports between Brest and
the Mouth of the Elbe in a state of blackade.
This continual blackade was met by the savage and
odious decrees of Berlin and Milan, snd the battle
of Waterloo, in 1815, decided the long contested
disputes. In 1603 and lb05, the United States ot
America submitted without hesitation to the Order
of the Council. It is said that this line ot conduct
was dictated by the old federal party, which was
always opposed to France, and which dominated in
the sea port towns, and in all the northern states.
. .... I -vt
Napoleon, on the contrary, replied to these uraers
of the Council by the decree of Berlin, which decla
red the British Isles in a state of blockade. In
having recourse to this measure, Napoleon said to
the Americans, "You always submit to the preten
sions of England ; you sutler her cruisers to v isit
vour vessels ; you allow yourselves to he conducted
into British ports, or you go there by her orders.
Besides this, you pay a tax on the cargoes w hich
you carry. Thus you constitute yourselves the
vassals and the subjects of England. The moment
you so act, I consider you no longer as Americans.
In my eyes your ships are English ships your
cargoes are English cargoes and, in one word,
you have anti-nationalized your flag." The Uni
ted States thus found herself placed between the
menance of France and the Order in Council of
England, and witnessed, off the American coast,
the impressment of sailors on American vessels,
and the attack of the Chesapeake. In ISO?, the
President, Jefleason, ordered all American ships to
enter into American ports, and thus to prevent the
meditated attacks on the independence ot the Ame
rican navy.
This order was made in ignorance of the decree
of Napoleon, of Milan, but in knowledge of his de
crees of Berlin. The execution of this order, issu
ed by President Jeflerson, became very ditlicult,
and was eluded bv many American vessels, which
continued to convey English merchandise to those
German, Austrain, Italian, and Spanish ports, which
were not occupied by French troops. The Ameri
can Government subsequently issued an order,
prohibiting American vessels from having commu
nication with France or Great Britian, but re-esta-
mm.;.,,, rnlotitikno n i
When this last order of the American Government,
prohibiting any intercourse with France, was pub-
lished, Napoleon took it into his head to consider
this measure as a declaration of rupture between
France and America, and founded bis ouarrel on
1
the tact. that, as he had emitted American vessels,
which were in the
French ports, to return to the
e demand of Jeflerson, that now
United States on the
America had no right to prohibit the intercourse : aru wrence, ine assassin, as &euu uy mem in
of American vessels with France. This was most ; the private room of the Honorable George I oindex
absurd reasoning on the nart of Naooleon : for. in- ! ter the two tla s "nniediately anterior to his at-
asmuch as lie bad complained of American vessels
holding intercourse with England, and submitting
to English search, Arc, the moment the Government
of the United States declared that no intercourse
should take place with either France or England,
in American vessls, he (Napeoleon) ought to have
leen satisfied ; but he was not so, and he signed, at
Rambouillet, a decree, ordaining that every vessel
carrying an American flag, which should, from
I A '
the gOth of May following, be brought into or enter
a French port, or a port of any Fr.ench colony, or
of any country occupied by its armies, should be
seized, sold, and the produce thereof be paid into
the sinking fund of the national debt.
By virtue of thia abominable decree, which was
most outrageously unjust, various seizures were
made in the port of St. Sebastian and other pla
ces of American vessels. In addition to this, at
the epoch of the expedition ot St. Domingo, seve
al American vessels were burnt on the hbdi seas
by the French fleet, with no other object than to pre- Ine instance 01 the 1 resident himself. Having as
vent, by that means, the secret of its expedition 'certained these facts, I deem it to be a duty w hich
from being discovered. These seizures and this j 1 owe to iysclf,U my constituents, to society at
destruction of property are the basis of the A me- j large, and to the Senate, to ask the appointment of
rican claims made to-day ; claims which are just I a Special Committee, clothed w ith power to send
and undeniable, and w hich no one, who respects f ror Persns and papers, and to inquire into the truth
France and her national honor, can refuse to recog- or falsehood of the charge imputed to me, having
nize. On the 2nd November, 1810, the Govern-1 elation to the Chief Executive Magistrate of the
ment of the United States recalled its decree of! :,tin, that if found guilty, I may no longer dis
"non intercourse," as for as France was concerned,
and required England to revoke her orders in Coun
cil within a short time.
In 1811 and 1812, when the relations between
the two countries were established, and when ne
gotiations were opened for the adoption of a treaty
founded on maritime neutrality, Mr. Barlow, the A
merican minister, demanded of Napoleon 70,000,000
of francs, as an indemnity for past seizures and loss
es, and Napoleon went as far as to ofler 30,000,000.
He thus recognized, as far as America was concern
ed, the injustice of, barbarous decrees of Berlin and
Milan, and the llagitiousness of the burning of
American vessels by the French fleet proceeding to
St. Domingo. In the mean time the United States
had declared war against England, and Napoleon,
then engaged in his expedition against Russia, in
vited Mr. Barlow to meet him at Wilma, in order
to terminate the treaty. Mr. Barlow, however, nev
er reached him, and rfied on his journey. This
matter remained in a state of suspense until the
month of January, in the year 1814, when France
was invaded by all her former allies, and when the
United States alone continued their war against the
British flag and British navy. Napoleon being de
sirous of standing well with America, directed the
Duke of Vicenze to examine the claims made prin
cipally with reference to the burning of the Ame
rican ships by the St. Domingo Fleet, and these
were said to le just and right to the extent of eigh
teen millions of francs. This did not include the
, ...
claims for seizures of American vessels, by virtue
of the decrees of Berlin and Milan.
Then arrived the restoration of peace; and, al
though the annual Message of the President always
referred to the subject, yet no direct negotiations
were renewed until 1818. From 1818 to 1830,
the question was always on the tapis: Delay was
added to delay, and intrigue to intrigue, and in the
meantime, the claims of the Merchants and Ame
rican subject were bought up by a few individuals
for the lowest possible prices." Prince Polignac
pretends that France owes nothing to America.
At length came the Revolution of 1830. In 1831
the negotiations were renewed, and a treaty was
signed, by which France agreed to pay twenty-five
millions of Fracs to the United States." For a" long
time M. Casmir Perier endeavoured to reduce the
sum to fifteen millions, but America would not con
sent, and the treaty was signed. For three vears
this treaty was kept secret by the French Govern
ment, and it was not till 1834 that it was presented
to the French Chamber of Deputies for its ratifica
tion. The Chamber of Deputies refused its approbation
on the ground that a compensation had been grant
ed, indirectly, for the seizures of American vessels
in Spanish ports, by a treaty which was made In
tween Spain and the United States, by which the
former power ceded the Floridas to America; and,
therefore, that France is not bound to pay any sum
of money to the United States, that Gevernment
having already been indemnified for its losses in re
spect of seizures, by the Spanish cession of the
Floridas. Still, at any rate, the burning of the ships
by the St Domingo fleet, remains to be paid for,
and yet the treaty has been wholly rejected. This
has led to the determination of the President of the
United States; and it may end in another Ameri
can war.
I am, sir, yours, ccc,
I. O. U.
THE OUTRAGE.
From the United States Telegraph, Ftbruary g3.
GOVERNOR POINDEXTER AND THE PRESI
DENT. AVe insert below the letter of Governor Poindex
ter to the Vice President, and its enclosure, the
letter from the honorable Dutee J. Pearce, of Rhode
Island, by which the charge of an attempt to im
plicate Governor Poindexter, as accessary to the
attempted assassination by Lawrence, is traced to
the President himself. We forbear the expression
of the feelings which this disclosure calls forth.
The Senate unanimously referred the subject to a
committee, consisting of Messrs. Smith, Tvler,
Mammm, Wright, and King, of Georgia. e
insert the correspondence, with the single remark
that we do not believe that there is a single indivi
dual in the District, who lelteves that there is the
least foundation for the charge.
CHARGES AGAINST A SENATOR.
The Chairman, (Mr. King of Alabama,) stated to
the Senate, that a communication had been made
to the Chair by the Hon George Poindexter, which
he would request the Clerk to read to the Senate
The communication of Mr. Poindexter was then
read as follows:
Washington City, February 21, 1635.
Siu : I address you as the presiding oflicer of
the Senate, on a subject involving a ciinnna Icharge
highly injurious to my moral character, and which,
i .i J,l i -r . ovnn lirttl imin tiw mi-
11 y"i;i 7. "V t " " " . ,
Ssf 0w,ch 1 m a e'ber: A artic)e
! J the "r, letter from a person m this city to
! correspondent m NewWk, has found its way
! ,, to t,,e Iulbhc Print aud has aIreild en widely
circulated throughout the country, alledging
that
j the Administration was possessed ot depositions,
j takpn roin three individuals, who swear that Kich-
tempting the lite ot Cieneral Jackson. AO one,
I presume, sir, can mistake the purpose for which
these depositions have leen procured. The evi
dent design is to fix on me the most infamous of all
crimes, that of having been an accessary before
the fact, to an attempt to take the lite of the Chief
Magistrate, by the hand of an assassin ! A charge,,
so monstrous, and so repugnant to the tenor of my
past life, resting simply on the authority of an ano
nymous letter in the columns of a newspaper,,
might well be placed to the general account of the
calumnies of the day, which have, of late been so
freely cast on me, and as such would scarcelv me
rit contradiction from me. But the investigation
which I have thus far given to this conspiracy
against my character, has enabled me to trace the
authority on which the statement in the letter re
ferred to was founded, to a member of the House
of Representatives, from Khode I-In,,,! , oud tho
I depositions therein spoken of, have been taken at
grace the seat winch 1 occupy in this body.
I have the honor to be, with great respectj
Your most ob't. serv't.
GEORGE POINDEXTER.
Hon. M. Van Buren, Vice President of the U. S.
Washington, February 21, 1835.
Hon. G. Poindexter : In reply to your note
which I received this morning, I am at liberty to
state, in answer to the interrogatory which you
have propounded, " in whose hands did you see "the
affidavits of which you speak," that the affidavits
were by me read at the house of the President of
the United States, they were handed to me in his
presence, by a friend of his, by me returned to the
President, and were put into bis hands by the affi
ants themselves, as I have been informed by him ;
and I am further authorized to say that other testi
mony of the kind is expected.
Your verv obedient servant,
DUTEE J. PEARCE.
The communication having been read,
31 r. Clay expressed the horror he felt at what
he had heard horror, if the accusation were true,
and no less horror if it were false and calumnious.
He would not readilv believe it possible that a
President of the United States had been guilty of
taking secret and clandestine depositions and accu
sations against any individual ; it was due to him
that he should be vindicated from such an aspersion
- .... ... .. . ... , ,K una tlll out
j to the Hon. Senator, that this subject should be in
lor surely it must be an aspersion : it was a so dn
vestigated, for if guilty he w ould deserve immediate
expulsion from tins honorable body, and if false, he
deserved immediate vindication from such heavy
and grievous charges.
Mr. Clay concluded by moving that a committee
be immediately balloted for, having all the poweis
necessary for the inquiry. Which resolution waa
unanimously adopted.
Distressing Casualty. Dr. Samuel S. Pool, a
physician of our town, while skating on Little RU
ver on Tuesday last, was suddenly precipitated in
to a hole through the ice, and before assistance
could be rendered him, sunk to rise no more.
His body was recovered next day and intered.
Dr. Pool was quite a young man, amiable and afla
ble in his manners, and for several years a memler
of the Methodist Church. His sudden and untirr.e
y death is a severe blow to his fond parents and
other relatives. Elizabeth City Star.
It appears by the report of the Secretary of the
Treasury, that the number of persons employed as
Custom House Officers, in the United States, is
1226 and that theircompensation amounts to, Sl,-086,981.