North Carolina Newspapers

I o o PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY: A&ffBZBIb SHUUl ASSID 33I2I?31 S2ASIIPIff(lir PIB3SIISl?aIB3 Vol. 15, No. 44 Whole No. 774. AT TXVO DOIASIS A VEAR, 24 Paid in Advance. Or Tiro dollars and Fifty Cents, Arccr tire expiration cr 3 mcritLe. SALISBURY, iORTII CAROLINA, APRIL 4, 1835. 09 THE WESTERN CAROLINIAN. o o o o o O to the i'itr;i::3i;:; Of the Tenth Congrfsslcmd District vf N. Carolina: Wasui m;ti", March G, l3.o. Fellow Citjzi:s: The twenty-third Congress having just terminate'!, permit me, Left.ro leaving Washington, to piesent y u with a brief review of its proceedings, aianv i lueni have been a a nature well calculated to cbiim, and I doubt not wad receive ywr most serious coidcration. Up on sul jects S tojoh rierp notional cot.ei rn 1 sh.d! r.t t tduink from the dic barge of my duty to the people, !ut rthull speak trie truth lVe ly and fully. In the various changes which daily take place in the political world, I hive eudoavoicd to keep straight forward, without regard to men, in the support of the great principle- upon which I came into pjh'ic I if-, and which I a:n determined to iiiainlaiii as long a-- I continue then. O.i the groat subject of the Tariff I need not de tain ytu. Happily fr the country, that vexed rpistio!i has Le-n amicably an J fortunately settled. Southern firmei is no longer to be ground into xlust to enrieh the rnanuf icturer of the North. Internal Improvement, by means of ma 's and canals, under the Federal Government, a twin-brother to the tnrid has b-e-u arrested in its fearful growth by t!ie salutary V to f the President. By t.ie firm and patriotic exercise of thi- power, lie h is cheeked this wasteful and corrupt expenditure of public monev, which threatened at one time to ex haust the public revenue, prevent the payment of the national debt, and the necessary reduction of the tariff which has followed. Upon these two im portant subjects the Administration deserves much praise. If it has not gone as far as we could have desired, it has gone much further than we had rea s m to expert. The policy of the Administration towards our Indian tribes is both patriotic and humane. Under the Act of Congress of 1 tUO, commonly called the Indian bill, the President is authorised to exchange lands west of the Mississippi with such tribes of Indians as mav choose to exchange the lands where they now reside and remove thither. Under the provisions of this Act treaties have been formed with almost all the Indian tribes east of the Mis sissippi river, by which they agree to go to this new country, w here they may enjoy their own laws and customs under the parental care and protection of the Federal Government. The Cherokees are the only considerable nation of Indians who have not jret agreed to treat ; but they cannot long re main where they are, and must soon follow their red brethren to their new homos. On this subject meie is now nui one opinion. 1 in; uiijiiwiieiii-u i ; , 1 , .. . . , nil nn-lt.i .....Is in tint KikliAt tVth tlk rniniti il t A .i : . i ... 'in i:.. i .ft 1 1 I f'.ll 111. lining 111 111 l.vll'.l llllii I 11V I ljlr?ii wi the Indians is the only means of uivinir peace to the States in which thev now reside, and of saving from entire extinction these once powerful and war like nations. ; ' y1" l" ; " ; ; j -chartering the Hank of tne United States, met j -,th my hearty aporooatio:. and support. It is , now,! to you th it I voted auust toot bid, and my ; .asons were spread b dore y,u at irre.t length. I j ine cio i.i ine i reioe:n, i i-o,, u. me u.u rv i- . c a . i i ... . c i . t Ml i rctiartcririT the Jauu ot tae Uuiteu stales, mci i w know re i . : . i - - i . .... i . i iki nut s.nee n,,.;..-, ,u op.n: , uo,, on ' thei r powrrs . an j, inseparable from human in coatrary, Mib.-e.pe-ot re 1 -ct.t.n and tsNp.-ri.Mice has ; - ;r , . v:0inf i i,srhnrtor but coriinme l me ,n my opposition to i at msutu-i, jt j)0 tr& Vlkn every other criminal is tried, tion Indep.n lent of mv objections to tite conduct accorJi to ,:lw Ti:lt-Iaw ;,M,horiseS the Presi- oi the HanK and the pn.v.Mons ot tne cnarter, j tQ a srjrrr(jrjnit nxv j,avo tj,:it f:ict tri0l t.unk ,t uaw.so to renew the charters .,: any l,ans. hy a . J ,f f infl It wemu,t have H amis, and they have --com a . - - r . , fit M, i,.,,,.,.,. n.-cearv cwi, itu gi c, n ,,, ,.., ........ - , , I :tuate these moneyed monopolies : such nionopo- l t'.-i ar e a in r ;rous io irt.': i i ouo.is, u i mhjuio . . - . , . , , . . b:- nu irde 1 a r,i:a-t. Hut 1 do n t intend to o into this argument. Mv opinions are well known. The Hank of the United States cannot, and oulit not to be rech irtere I. This brief review brings us to the suaiei'r of IS i.'i, imme hatel after the pas si 'O of tae f reat co.ii;"ro.nise bill, which fell like oii upon t!ie troubled and anry waves ( f iliscoatent, an 1 rest r ,d ir in 1 h irmoav to the whole coun try. Th- rrre;lt coo-'l let i u interests of the North an 1 the S 'u'h were hannilv reconciled, r. i I the nvvord which had been drawn in civd sfrif w is I ! ice ptcofii'!v returned to its seabhtrd with cam-' prsrifv yur m ia r.'ftures il mri.s'i ed liosv commerce whitene 1 everv sea and the hand of plenty potirel f.rth her abm.daooo to gladden and reward the industry of the firmer Never . was there a brighter prospect. No patriot c mi l lo.k up n it without wi!iiu it might tie perpetual. HHMOVAI. OF THE PUULIC DEPOSITED. B.it this hriirht and iovous orosoect wassu I h t r'vuio I. and. dorin the wh de suececdiu-' whiter, iiothi.nn w is seen through ut our uh le owimerci.il community, but deep and wide spread embarrass-j juo t and" distress. The main c uie of this dis- astrous chaoge in th con lition of tho country no j loe can doubt. It was the unexpected and unau- i fh.rised removal of the public money from the 1 jmk of the United States, where it had been placed i.v authority of law, n ud from which it was removed bv the President of the United States. The Se-j rrtarv of the Treasury, who alone was authorised to remove the public money, refused to d it, a id for tiiat refusal was dismissed from ohiee. 1 he President, therefore, in the manifesto hit h he read to his Cabinet, told them that 4ic responsibility has been assumed by him" and he begged his Cabinet to consider the " measure as his vicn." The President does not pre'end that he had any authority to remove the public money, for he says that he assumed the responsibility ; anil, in bis last annual message to Congress, he tells us very frank ly that the public money is not note under the authority of law, and earnestly invites us to pass some law regulating the deposites in the State Hanks. BuCstrange to tell, the majority in the House of Representatives who sustained the remo val of the deposites from the Bank of the United States, where thov were under authority of law, have neglected to pass anv law for the safety of the public monev in the State Banks, and even" re- fused to adopt the law which the Senate passed and sent to our House for its concurrence ! What does this show ? Does it not show that the jrreat State of New York, having forty Representatives in Con gress, and having most of the public money in their Slate Banks, are determined to keep it and usi it as they may think proper, without paying to the Government one cent of interest, and witnout being i c,)nTro;C(' ,v v inv leual regulations ? 'J he bank f f the United .States was established by Congress for the saf-i keeping of tho public money. Before its establishment, the Government lost immense sums by the frauds and failures of Stats Hanks. The Hank paid for the use of the public depo-ites one million ami a half of dollars. Hut this is not all. The Government has in the management of that Hank five Directors, and the right to inspect and supervise at all times the proceedings of the Hank. We, likewise, own in that Ban!;, stock to the amount of seven millions of dollars. Whatever advantage, therefore, the public money may be to the Hank, it is to the extent of our stock an advan tage to us. This, then, fellow citizens, is a plain stKtcment of the case. The public money has been taken from a Hank, which paid lor the u.-e of it one million and a half of d dlars, in which we own stock to the amount of seven millions of dollars, id where it was known ami admitted by all to be entirely safe, and it has been transferred, without authority of law, into numerous State Hanks, ahjut which we know hut little; over which we hive no control whatever; in which we own no stock, and where, in all prolability, much of the public money will be Iot, a some of it has already been. What man, let me ak, would so manage his own aflhirs? Who would transfer his own money from a Hank where it was known to be safe and place it w here it miht le unsafe ? Who would take money from a Hank in which he had a large interest, and place it in Hanks in which he had no interest ? As well might a merchant transfer his custom from his own store, or a miller send his xrain to another's mill. Would any discreet man so act, and if he were so to act, would you not pronounce him guilty of mad ness and folly ? And I cannot Ielievc you would have your public servant do with your money what no prudent and sensible man would do with his own. In answer to these plain and conclusive argu ments, I know it will be said, as it has leen said, that the Hank has forfeited it? charter, abused its powers, and loen guilty of corruption. Suppose it were so ; is that any reason why we should jeo pardize the public money by placing it in unsafe hands ? It is a good reason why the Hank should not be rechartercd, but no reason why we should not use it as loni as it exists as a safe depository of the public monev. There are many men whose , i . . , . 1 1 vices we despise, whom, notwithstanding, we would trust with our money sooner than place it in unsafe hands? Hut can anv one sav that the newly se lected State Hanks have not been, and will not be truilty of more flagrant abuses and deeper corrup tion than anv which have b"en found in the Hank . , f7 . , t f,f the United States. For on". I h u e no doubt j( fijr , ,iave t,,c Kn1 inioM ff al, UnuUm Thf n fir (hf.ir m n il;on?st nni, caro lot fr t! , c f(r fm mav contriI)I1 0 .rU lUor TUt! aj, at abll; For on". I h u e no doubt of iey ie ite " r1' o, U0(1 . pank p!i oxi.ts, and will W h Ill0S ox'istf j fc.,f it ..r.ntir.iie to Ptict till tho t it r i:ir Pr. A; my solemn i . . . 1 i c r duty to use it for the convenience and benefit of the Government and people, as the bst fiscal aent r the collection, safe keeping and disbursement of tho public money. Ti. public interest, therefore, seemed to demand that the public money should be continued where ! j it had been placed by law, and where it was admit ted to le safest. I he immense losses f r:noriy sustained by State Banks ouht to have taught us a lesson not so soon to bo forgotten. But there are other con-i derations of the mist vital imp or-j tire, and ess ltiallv involvin ' the preservation of a our nee insiioi'ioiis. Jvtriy in IS::) th President, as it was his duty, -.ill.. 1 t ( 'ilt..nti.ii . " .lrr.'iwl 11 t'lO llft.fV" rit t " V. -n lu. )f tho United" States, Thf? s.h ;vas rpfl,rrej to a Committee, and ex- IOJ amine. 1. That Committee rep rted, That the f hfir money iras safe in the Hanlc of the United States, and ouhf to he continued.'"' The II use confirmed that report bv an overwhelming majori- Jtv. The Secretary of the Treasury, at the sug- gestion of the President, app anted a spec'r.il agent to examine into the condition of the B mk ; that agent reported that the Bank was entirely sound, an 1 the public money entirely safe. But stdl more, The President called a council of his own cabinet. In that council this whole matter was examined j . . . . ..... and ihscussod ; and a majority of Ins own cabinet ; -decided that the public money was safe, and ought j to bo continued where, it was. In the f ice of all j jthis, the President required the Secretary of the' Preasurv to remove the public money. The law had confided this p nver to the Secretary of the! parts, that Congress, in 191G, was compelled to Treasury, and to him alone, and had made him 1 establish the present Bank, which received the ap anienable to Congress fr the proper exercise of it. probation of James Madison, then President of the The Secretary, Mr. Duane, with a firmness and j United States, and tho venerable author of the Con independence honorable to himself, refused to do stitution. that which he honestly believed to be improper, The first Bank of the United States came warm and which a lare majority of the representatives: from the hands of those whose valor achieved our of the people hail said ought not to be done. For, liberties, and whose wisdom laid the foundation of this refusal he was dismissed from otiice. And let me ask if there be a single friend of the President, free from party and free from passion, who docs j not sincerely regret this rash act, this proscription j of an honest man for opinion's sake this unjust punishment for doing what he honestly believed to le his duty to the country and to the people ? But further. By this act of L.xccutirc power the President has claimed and note exercises tin-1 limited control ovtr the public revenue. He has(tory of the public money i and that if the sanction taken it from its Ieal custody, and placed it in such Banks as he chose, upon such terms as he mieht think proper. Upon tho same principle lie can remove it to-morrow, and place it in olher Banks, or in the hands of his own friends. Is not this substantially a violation of that article in the Constitution which declares that "no money shall be drawn from the Treasury but in consequence of appropriations made by law?" Cut the Presi dent, in his Protest, asserts his riht to the custody of the public money, and declares that Congress cannot deprive him of it! Is it s: ? Is it true that the representatives of the people, who alone have the rijht to lay taxes and raise a revenue, have no riht to take care of it vhca so raised ? j The p-jwer to raise money implies the power to take care of it ; and it would be worse than idie to impose upon Congress the power and duty of rai sing revenue, if, as soon as it is raised, the Execu tive could seize it and take it under his own con trol. In Cngland, from which we borrow many of our institutions, the King has no more riht to touch the public money than one of his subjects; and the people here have a security against oppres sion in the fact that, if the King abuse his pjwers, the Commons, who are the. representatives of the people, can withhold supplies. And will it be con- j tended, is any one so slavish as to admit, that in tins land of liberty tho President is entitled to exercise more power than the King of Ungland can rightfully do ? In all Governments there are many great and dangerous, but necessary powers. Tho security to liberty consists in the proper division and distribu tion of those powers anion; the various departments of Government. The most importitit and dange-rou-! of these is the money power, and the military power the purse, and the swoid. The wisdom of our fithers, who framed our institution?, saw the necessity of keeping these two great powers sepa rate. They therefore gave to Congress the power to raise revenue, and to the President the command of our army and navy. And, permit mo to say, that whenever the purse and the sword shall be come united in the same hands, and the people shall acquiesce in such a union, the days of Ame rican liberty are numbered. It is against this uni on, so fital to our free institutions, that I have contended. The President, under the Constitution, brandishes an unsheathed sword ia one hand place but a well stufied purse in the other, and no monarch would desire more. I have confidence in the patriotism of our present Chief Magistrate; I do not believe he would abuse these powers to op press or enslave the people ; but u hatevcr power yon concede to him you niut eo.- Je. to his suc cessors, for power once gone from the people is never returned to them; and in the hands of some more youthful and ambitious chieftain, your liber ties would be cloven down. It becomes u, there fire, to watch, to guard with jealousy against the encroachments of power, and to endeavour to trans mit, unimpaired to posterity, the rich inheritance of liberty bequeathed us by our fathers. Hut, fellow citizens, I cannot yet dismiss this subject. It is one fall of interest to the people, and I roust bo allowed to speak with the freedom b "coming the representative of freemen. I feel that I have no object but truth, and no motive but your welfare. The President, in his first annual message to Congress, declared himself in favor of a National Hank ; and, in his Veto Message to Con- ; rjress, ia he says "a Hank (of the United States) is both convenient to the Government and useful to the people." So thought many of his best friends; I was of that numbor. Thouih op posed to the rerhartor f the present Bank, we were still in fiver of a Hank of tho United States, boliKiinrr exclusively to the people cf the United States, under proper li nutations, and with such provisions as should protect the rights of the States, and secure the people against the ab;i-s which had been f nind in the existing Hank. Tho President, in his Veto Messie, to, I Congress if he had been consulted ho could have furnished the plan of such a Bank. At this day, it seems to me unnecessary to use arguments to show that such an institution ?re I is riot oely necessary for tho collection, safe kcep-or-1 in'j, arid dish irsoment of the public revenue, but indispensable to a sound currency, in which the irreat mass of the peoplo are so deeply and vitally interested, experience, worth more than argu ment, has convinced us of this truth. In 1S12 the old Bank of the United States, which was estab lished bv the first Congress, and approved by the lather of his country, expired. Congress refused to recharter that, or incorporate any other Bank. They made the experiment, which we arc about to repeat, of depending entirely on the State Banks. That experiment was a fatal one. By the frauds and failures of these State Batiks, tho Government lost immense sums, hut tho loss to the Government was trilling compared with the loss sustained by the people from a deranged and depreciated curren cy. The State Hanks every whore stopped specie pay merit. Their notes fell to 25 and even 50 per i .i re it. ueiow par: our merchants who went auroaa lr the purchase of their goods, had to deduct this per cent, upon the w hole amount of their purchase. Hut the loss f 11 riot upon them, but upon you, their customers, bo fatal was this experiment m all its our institutions. I he onriin of the present Hank is not less respectable. It was established by the republican party, who ruled our concils during the last war, and who, in the darkest period of it, "Stood by their country's glory fist, And nail'd her colors to the mast." It seemed to me, therefore, that, if experience was worth anything, it had taught us the folly of depending entirely on State Banks as a safe deposi of great names was worth any thing, we had tho highest authority both for the constitutionality cf a Hank of tho United States, ana its indispensable u.ilit, m C'l-njJ ana co..crcmig the ur.o-s sues ot otate ilamcs, and in lurching to tuts coan- iry a sou no currency. Such I understood to be the views cf tho Presi dent, and that at a proper time he v.ri!d, as ho had said, present us wirh the plan cf a Bank, " both necessary to the Government and useful to the people.' What, therefore, wa3 the surprise and astonishment cf his be-t friends, when upon the removal cf the deposites he announced to the coun try that we were to have no National Bank, and that he intended to make another experiment cf the State Banks; nn experiment which in my opin ion will prove as fatal as the other experiments on this subject have heretofore proven. What, let me ask, has produced this extraordinary change in the mind of the President? What magician's wand has struck the mind of the old hero, and changed his policy upon this important subject? I hnvo no hesitation in saying that it lias been brought about by the intrigues cf the friends of Mr. Van Buren. It is a New York measure, and well calculated to aggrandize New York, and make her the mistress of this Union, and the other States her handmaids. I beg tho earnest attention cf my fellow citizens to tins important subject. Trie State of New York is a great commercial State. Most of nur public revenue is collected in that State. The importing merchants there pay the duties upon their imposts which are added to the price of the goods, and ultimately paid by those who consume them. I have shown that, when this revenue is deposited in the Bank of the United States it is used, until the Government has occasion for it, for the common convenience and boneilt ot ! the whole people of the United States, booauso the Bank has branches in every part of tho Union, and because the Government owns a lare amount of stock in that Bank. But how is it now ? Most of the public revenue is placed in the Suite Banks oft New lork, kept and used without interest for the sole and exclusive benefit of the Banks and people of New York. You get none of this public mo ney, nor your Banks, although you pay the tax in common with the people of New York. Is this just or equitable ? But this is not all. There is another consequence of this fatal policy which will prove still more oppressive to us. Most of our merchants purchase their goods in the city of New York. At present these goods are bought with the notes of the Batik of the United States, upon which there is no discount. In the absence of a National Bank, our merchants, as formerly, must depend entireiy on the State Banks, and, as former ly, the State Bank paper will be at a discount of from 5 to 2o per cent., perhaps more. The mer chants will not lose this heavy discount ; they will add it to the price of ther goods and you must pay it. For whose benefit will you thus be compelled to pay this heavy indirect tax? For the benefit of the B;uiks, and brokers, and money shavers of New York. She has the free use of most of the public deposites, and will levy this additional indi rect tax from every portion of tho Union that trades with her. Well mav she dory in such a system; while it will exhaust and oppress you, it will enrich and nri"uifv her. She may then well be called the empire Sf tte, and we her humb'e trihutai ies. F -How-citizens ! are vcu willing to such rdusrice ? I know you have men amon:i you who are willing, for party purpos'-s, thus to degrade and enslave you, but it shall never bo done by my consont or co-operation. I never will consent, fir any purpose, to abandon your rights and your interests. Sincere and heart JHt pleasure it will at all times sMbrd me, to sustain tho Administration when I think it right, j ted Land Bill; and the plan seemed to bo so equi and equally determined am I to oppose it, whatever j tabic and just, that I regret it did not meet the sp it may cost me, w hen I think it wrong. I belong probation of the President. The public lands weio to the legislative department. As your represe ra - tive, 1 te.t it my s-icreo duty to take care ot the people's money. While, therefore, I voted against the recharter of the Bank ot the United States, 1 also voted for the resolution declaring that the pub lic monev was safe in the Bank, and ought to be continued. That vote met your approbation, for it was before my last election. In opposition to this paid, than by dividing their proceeds among the expressed will of the people, through their repre- States in proportion to their representation in Cf n scntatives, the President assumed a control over gre.-. This would give to North Carolina net less the public revenue and ordered it to bo removed, j than two hundred thousand dollars annually, which, It is this act of the President which I do condemn, i while it would curtail the Federal Government cf Certain it is, that it has produced no rood, and some of its dangerous patronage, would civc to cur equally certain mat it diet produce, at thai time, muoii evil, i-or tho President l have the mst entire respect. I believe him m both patriotic and honet. I acquit him ot any impure motives or j in this way, they will in a few years, for party pur ambitious designs in assuming to himself a control poses, be given to the States in which thev "lie- over the public revenue But lie has been milled, i signing intriguers bv whom,' bv the ambitious and d unfortunately, he is surrounded. In his honest j I was, therefore, perfectly astonished that any rc zeal to destroy the Bank of the United States, he j preventative from North Carolina, either here cr has been milled by these men into the adoption of j in her Legislature, should vote against a measuro measures which, if sustained by the people, must I so just, and so well calculated to promote the pros change the character of our Government, and ulti-j parity and happiness of the State, mateiy lead to its overthrow. j It is for the people to say whether thev will stif- " RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES. ! fer their most important rights thus to be 'sacrificed The balance ia the Treasury on tne 1st of Jnnuiry, j f j.- the sake of party the public revenue given to " ,s r.,j.x,i 4 1 00 The receipts into the Treasury during the year looU, from customs, were 29,032,503 ei From Public Lnds 3,937,052 55 From tock in Bink U. S. (dividend and sales of principal) C10.C55 00 From other sources 37,019 79 Making with Mhncff of 1st Jan. 1S33, 35.900,03 0 The expenditure? for the Eirae year, exclusive of the payment of the pub lic debt, were 22,713,755 11 There was applied to the payment of the puouc debt during that year 1,5-13,543 y-, j 24 "7ss 40! -1 , Loivinjabal. in Treaty ca Ut Jan.1531, 11,702,905 ol recs.pls curing vear liSi, to;na, were 13,1 5,957 13 , Iw in L- 3 B 65G,6i9 50 j Ffoni otU KutCc(i l;,7S 1 4,bd7,o00 (iJ 21,791,935 3 The expenditures Pr exclusive ct public cett. were 18.435.U5 55 There was piid towards the puLLc debt, wu.ch extinguished it, C.17G,:C5 19 -24.CS2.C10 74 Leaving' in Tress'y cn Jan. 1, 1SS5. gstS32 ,S0 12 Trie estimated receipts for ls;s5, are S( ,(.X),GC0 () The esiirnated expenditures for same S19,GS3,541 L'2 In this statement of our receipts and expendi tures, there are two things which cannot fail to strike your attention; one is the entire extinguish ment cf the public debt, and the other the rapid and alarming increase in the public expenditures. While the first, I am sure, will afford ycu heartfelt satisfaction, the last must be a source of the deep est regret. In my address to you in lo2, 1 called your attention to this extraordinary increase in cur j public exponditures. I attempted then to explain the cause ot this prodigality. I do net throw tho entire blame upon the President, for in manv res pects he has done much to prevent i. Eut for his vetoes upon roads and canals it would have been much more. Congress is equally or more to hlarr.e. The whole tendency of the Government is towards prodigality ; and unless some great and successful eifoi t be made to arrest it, the Government will be come more prodigal and corrupt than the most cor rupt monarchy in Europe. The expenses of thi3 vJovernmer.t, in the early history of it, did not ".mount to more than three millions of dollars. Under the late Administration it had grown to wdiat we then considered enormous nearlv twelvo millions. It has now swelled to nearly twenty millions! What it will be in a few years more, no one can foretell. I must say for myself, however, that this immense expenditure has net been caused by any vote of mine, nor shall it receive from mo any countenance or support. Econoniy is indis pensable to a free government. Extravagance and profusion in our expenditures must, from necessity, oppress the people, and at the same time corrupt the Government ; and corruption in the Government will destroy the spirit of liberty in the people. Sin cerely delighted, therefore, should I be to see tho Government return to that simplicity and economy which characterised its early history, tind froia which we have so wofully departed. SURPLUS REVENUE. Tho public debt is extinguished, and the revonua is now greater than what is sufficient for the ne cessary wants cf the Government. An overflow ing Treasury invites to prodigality and corruption those who administer it. Tne most obvious po licy would seem to be to reduce the taxes on im ports, so as to bring the revenue down at once to the necessary wants of the Government. But thia cannot bo done before the vear 1S42. The com promise bill provides for a gradual reduction up to that period, and tho peace of the Union demands that that compromise should not be disturbed. There ought, therefore, to be a surplus revenue for several years to come. I o disnose of this si irp:us so as to prevent the wasteful and dangerous use of it by the Federal Government, various plans fiavo been proposed. One was to dispose of tho reveruo arising from the sale of the public lands araonc tho States according to their representation in Con gress. This was the object of Mr. Clay's celebrt- ! either purchased by the Federal Government at great expense, or were originally given bv tho j States to the Federal Government "for the" rem- mon baefj of all the 67c5." Thvso were tho terms upon which the lands were given, and I do not ste how these terms could be more strictly and ) properly con. plied with, now that the public debt is btate tne means ol carrying on nil her improve. merits without taxing the neoole. Besides, if Jq kr. 1 licved that unless the public lands are disposed cf - 1 Such a disposition would be most unjust I States, who ought to have an equal share to the old in them. i one nortion ci me l nion. anu tne dud ac lands to another. Anotner proposition, having the Bamo ohjeet in view, was presented by a distinguished Senator from South Carolina, (Mr. Calhoun:) it was to amend the Constitution so as to authorise, for a given number of years, a division of the sur plus revenue among the States, according to their reprosentntion in Congress. I regret, however, ! that this proposition could net be acted on for want ! cf time. j POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT, j The Pot Office Department has been tha sub ijoct of severe scrutiny. It was commenced bv a j Committee of the Senate at the first session. That Committee reported. That report disclosed a scene ff mismanagement and abuse in office so unexam- 1 ;.- 4 .ma s;ji 3ixiiiii. iiiui uiixiiv ivnc uiin inline 1 1 j t - - believe it, and set it down to the score of party op 'position to the Administration. -The department j has become bankrupt, from the immune extra T:.e O 2429 61