II o TUBLISIIED EVERY SATURDAY MORNING A3312252i 321231 AH3 33)3131 Wo OlASIDIT EDITORS AND PROPRIETORS. JYumbcr 25, of Volume 1G : SALISBURY, IVOIlTII-CAROLIiYA, NOVEMBER 21, 1835. THE CASOLIN o o o o AN INTERESTING ESSAY. Till! CRISIS: peing on Enquiry into the measures proposed to be adopted by the Southern States, in reference to the proceedings of the Abolitionists. No reflecting man can fail to perceive, that a firsts is rapidly approaching, prkx.ixt with the TATH OF THE SotTIIERN STATES. TllC proceed ings of the Rritish Government in relation to their West India Colonies the fanatical spirit which seems to have taken possession of our Northern brethren, and indeed the whole current of affairs at home and abroad, admonish us that wo ought no longer to slumber in a fatal security. Wo must not shut our eyes to the difficulties which beset us, nor turn our backs on the danger which lies before us. Our actual situation unquestionably demands the most anshaken firmness, and untiring vigilance cniidcd and controlled by that wise policy which, availing itself of every favorable circumstance for the accomplishment of a good purpose, is in itself a "tower of strength." livery one at all acquaint ed with the world, and the workings of t:ae liutnan heart, must know, that in every great eaiergency the first impulse is for immediate action, witliout Lestowing much thought ujxm tho best mode of ef fecting the object in view. Error at the outset, however, invariably leads to a reaction in public sentiment and hence the best purposes are often frustrated bv rash councils, or injurious measures. The didiculty bof re us is one, for t o grate and serious in its character, to bo met by any sudden ebullition of popular lee'ing. It cm never be over come by merely breaking i:it the I--t-C Mice, and making a bun-fire of one detachment of Incendia ry Publications, still less by the dangerous inter vention of a Lynch Club, which, however patriotic in its origin, could not fail to lead to e xcesscs,, which must produce reaction ojon a door to serious dis tentions, and in the end perhaps, defeat the great object which we should all have in view. NV'c now have it in our power to act on a vitally important subject, in which the whole community have a deep, overwhelming, and common interest, with an una. TiiMiTY which will insure success. It would be little wors r th in madness, therefore, to throw away this advantage, by adopting any course which may, oven bv possibility, introduce division among our selves There never was a case, to which the maxim that "United we stand Divided wo fall' had a more direct application. the Sohth united, on this great question, will stand upon a Rock, ne ver to le shaken the South dirided, either in scn linierit or in action, will present but a feeble, oppo sition to that mighty host which are gathering to gether from all quarters of the worl 1 for our de struction. It is in the belief, that by wise counsels and judicious measures at this lime, such a desira ble union may be brought ahuit that we propose very bri-fly to lay before our fellow-citizens some thoughts and suggest ions connected with this topic, which we trust will not be unworthy of their con sideration. We are not of the nu:uler of those, who would create a false security, by crying "peace! pea e!! when there is no peace." Neither do we belong to the class of alarmists, who, hearing the sound ff imaginary dinger in every passing breeze, have related their warning until no one regards them. We are among those, who believe that the .,.,thrrn Slates hare the ri?ht. possess the power. and are in duty bound, to protect tin mu lct s. We j l I ! 1 . 1 utterly condemn all winning appeals u, i w leuuer t,,prri'(j nf our Northern brethren. Wo are fori standing upon oik RIGHTS ; and adopting a firm, ma it v, and en'ightcned course of action, found d upon no sudden ebullition, or excited feeling, but rcstiri"' on the fiv d and settled principle that Tin: Soith will sitter NO INTE'UT.RENCF: FROM A- J?KOD IN HETi DOMESTIC CONCERNS. On this vi tal, and at this moment, all absorbing topic, we pro pose to offer a few remarks, free from the slightest tincture of party spirit to which we would res pectfully invite the earnest atteuti n of every true friend of the South, and of her institutions. It is not to bo denied, that the general tone and tcinoer f the public meetings at the North, have lecu gratifying to the Smth. If wo can rely on these proceedings as a faithful index of public sen timent, it is clear, that m the large com o.ercial ci ties, the opinion of the intelligent -ortion of the people is against the Alxlitionis's ; and if this is sufficient for the safety of the South, wc may, for the present at least, repose in security. Hut will the proceedings of these meetings, and the simple expression of such opinions, put doirnthe fanatics And if ut are t,,rre !in-v mo:lsurcs xn progress at the North, or is it probable that any will bo devi. ted, and carried through, of siff.cient energy to ar rest the eril? We may be grateful lor the expres sion of fraternal feelings on the part of our North .rn brethren we may bo grateful to finJ, that the intelligence and virtue of the North are with us put it is not t- be concealed, that these will have no titfrct in suppressing the Anti-Slavery Societies, or "arresting the progress of Tappau and his associates. Until the public sentiment at the North shall be ousod to such a pitch, as shall lead to dtcided and energetic action against these men there can be no security fr us, except such as we miy be able to provide fr ourselves. The m -st decisive, evidence of the insufficiency of the declared pulic opinion of the North, to put down the Incendiaries, is to be fun l in the recent addresses issued in behalf of their association, announcing their fixed determi nation to persevere; and especially in tiie insolent letter of L? vis Tappan to the Committee of Vigi lance of Prince Wilhan's Parish, b asting of their "bavin" issued 17o,hK c;.ics of tho Incendiary papers, "c-f which about 1,0J0 were destroyed in Charleston, and th it tho rest were even now " i iu .r,,r,n f.Frirr." and declaring their unalterable re- i II -- V j solution to "c.o on cordi: Lin: come oevth !"J v-v we will hrtro pause, merely to inquire wheth er, if the public sentiment against the Fanatics, even in the citv of New York, was sudic-cntly excited and universal and, ah ve all. siiilicb-nily strong, to promise any practical result Tappnu, acd his associates would have dared thus to stand out in open defiance of the popular will? We arc no advocates of mob-law or unlawful vi olence but we know, that throughout the North em Cities, and esjecially in New York, popular vengeance is invariably visited upon tho heads of those who grossly violate the public feeling. The poor blacks, whenever any circumstance occurs to outrage public sentiment, are mobbed without mer cy an English Actor, merely accused of having spoken disrespectfully of Americans, is driven with ignominy from the city; but now, when Tappan and his followers openly defy public opinion, boast of their doings, and declare that they will proceed at all hazards, there is no indication of any pil lar excitement, and every thing goes on as quietly as if nothing had hapjKMicd. The impunity of tho Foreigner, Thompson, the hired agent of British Abolitionists, who has lcen traversing the northern States, abusing the -woplc of the South as 44 thieves and murderers," is a circumstance too striking to escape notice. Suppose he had been equally open and decided in condemnation of our Republican (lovcrnment, or-equally abusive of Gen. Jackson, how long would he have remained unmolested ? We refer to these things merely as indications, but they are conclusive to show that public opinion at the North has not, and assuredly trill not, put a stop to the proceedings of the Abolitionists. The only remedy is to put them dovirrv legislation, by declaring it to be highly penal for any man re siding in the Northern States, to print or publish any paper calculated or intended to excite insurrec tion at the South. Now, is public opinion at the North prep i red for this? H'k think not. In the cities of Philadelphia, New-Haven, and Ports mouth and it may le in one or two other places State Legislation has been hinted at, as the ap propriate remedy ; but, judging from the Resolu tions adopted at most of the public meetings, and especially from the tone of the Northern Press, wo are forced to conclude that public sentiment is not ripe for such a measure. If the citizens of Phila? delphia were unanimous in favor of such a meas ure, they would have very little influence with the Pennsylvania Legislature. In political views the cities are in general in opposition to the prevailing views of their respective States, and one must be ignorant of the materials of which the Legislatures of Pennsylvania and New York arc composed, to imagine that the voice of the commercial capitols of those States will have much influence on these assemblies. In the interior of Pennsylvania, the great body of the nconle hue been silent on this subject, .and we have seen no indication of a dispo sition to carry out the recommendations of Phila delphia. The naked truth is, thai there is not the remotest prospect, in the present condition of things of any efT'Ctual Iegi-d it ion by the North to put down the Abolitionists. We already hear of reactions in certain quarters, and we are as sure as we are of our exitenc, that tho attempt to pass penal laws on this subject in any State North of the Po tomac will signally fiil. That there is a disposi tion on the part of liberal and intelligent men of tho North to conciliate the South on this subject, is manifest ; but we will deceive ourselves if we sup pose that they are prepared to do this, hy any oth er means than kind trords. In the grea mass of the northern population, there lurks a spirit of hos tility to Slavery, of which advantage can always be taken by the designing, and of which their politi cians arc afraid. It is worthy of notice, that hardly a single pro ninent politician, who is broking out for popular favor at the North, hris- taken any promi nent part in the l ite proceedings. Webster, Ser geant, and all the great party leaders, were absent and we will venture to predict, that none of them will come out openlv in favor of putting down the Fanatics by law. They are afraid of public opin ion on this question, an I knowing how easy it wi'l be to excite and give it a direction against the Soith, they never will commit themselves in favor of pe nal laws against the Abolitionists. We must look at this question fearlessly. The truth is, that the very nature of the question itself the state of pub lic opinion abroad the spirit of fanaticism, which has been brought into action all over the world ? present difficulties which will demand all the wis dom and all the firmness of tho South to meet. To overcome them, will require as wise councils, as high resolves, and we will add, as much noble da ring and heroic courage, as ever were displayed by any people, to establish or maintain their freedom. It has been very strenuously urged, that we hare the poirer to put down Tappan anil his associates, by making them amenable to our criminal laws. The arguments on this subject have been ingeni ous and plausible, and wc are not prepared to say, but that laws might be so framed, as to render these men liable to punishment, if they could be brought within the jurisdiction of our Courts. Rut thero are difficulties in the way of such a proceed ing, which seem to have been entirely overlooked. It must le admitted, that the right to demand Tp pau, either under the Law of Nations, or the Con stitution of the United States, is very doubtful. Fven among ourselves, we have now before us a letter from one of tfie ablest Lawyers and States men of the Southern States, in which, speaking of this proposition, he says, 44 I he plan of indicting the Incendiaries will not do. A man, while under the jurisdiction of another Sovereignty, cannot le made amenable to this, by any existing law, and I have strong doubts, whether, according to the prin ciples of international law, it could le done at all, without committing an aggression upon the other Sovereignty. What would South Carolina sav, if the Government of any other State should pro nounce our doctrines treason, and attempt to punish our citizens for promulgating them ? It would be the verv worst form of Consolidation." Now, if such doubts exist among ourselves, what prospect is there of the surrender of Tappan by the Stale of New York, should he he demanded by the Fxecu tive of South Carolina 1 The question would have to be decided not bv our Judges, but bv those of Xew York, influenced, not by the public opinio and policy of the South, but by Northern feelings and sympathies. The argument that a citizen of Aew I'orA-, who had never gone out of tho jurisdic tion of that sovereignty, was to be dragged before the tribunals of another State, to be tried and pun ished there, and perhaps sacrificed for an otRmce committed in New-York, we have no hesitation in saying would arouse a State pride, and produce a popular excitement, against which it would be vain to contend. All nations are exceedingly jealous of suffering persons of any description to fe taken out of their jurisdiction for trial and punishment else where. Lven notorious criminals and deserters, are given up reluctantly. The surrender of Jona than Robbins, under a treaty, and by order of our own Courts, created a ferment which shook the Government almost to its foundations, and let the experiment be tried when it may, we will venture to predict, that the cry of the accused, " I am a ci tizen of New-York," will prove irresistible, and t hat no civil Magistrate will lie found bold enough to deliver him up to the oilier of another State. If th : Executive of New York should agree to do so, his proceedings would probably be arrested by the Judges, and should they refuse to intcrt -re, tho criminal would bo rescued by tho Mob. And even if all these didiculties were overcome, and Tappan was delivered to our Sheriil, ami brought to Charleston, it is hardly to be doubted that a state of things would then arise not at all calcula ted to produce any beneficial result. That the sympathies of the North would bo strongly excited in lehalf of the accused, in whose jwrson it would be believed the Liws and Constitution bad been grossly violated, cannot admit of a doubt. 7ir of fence would be forgotten, a id Tappau, now execra ted or condemned by a large portion of the North ern people, wot lb be field up as a victim of oppres sion, and would at once lecomo a martyr, whose blood, if it wore shed, wotil I le the seed of the Abo lition Church. Suf-h would be eii'-ct. ii T. pan were surreu l red at the demand of -nr Execu tive. The eliect w.iuM !o even more deplorable, should he !- seized unlawfully, and brought by force within our Ii nits. Every t an in the State of New York would then consider the case as his m n. The op"n violation of the Sovereignty of New York and the rights of her citizens, would kindle a flame that must de-troy at once all svmptly with th South. The whole North would be roused ; an 1 it is much to be feared that the great body of tho people would soon be enlisted i:i th cause of Aho liton. A very little reflection would, wc should think, convince every one of the fatal tendency of such a measure. The forcible seizure arid addic tion of one individual, would make every man feel that he'himself was insecure, t.nd what is liberty, without security ? Resides, would not suc h mea sures lead to retaliation ? Tappau is rich. Would not his sons lc prompted to employ that wealth in the abduction of some of our citizens, to be held as hostages for their father's safety ? And where is all this to end, except in the total alienation of the North from the South, attended bv the bitterest animosities, leading to outrage, bloodshed, and mur der. Hut suppose that Tappan were brought to Charleston to-morrow, ond committed to prison to await his trial, would the cast? be then fret from difficulty ? Under what law could In Ik tried ? Could he be charged under the Act of l.g, with havi ig "conns-sled, aided, or hired any s'ure or person of color to rise in rebellion": We appre hend not, since it could not be prored that he had sny communication wh itever with any such perso.i. If charged tinder the Act of with having 'circulated or brought into this State, any written or printed paper with intent to disturb the peace and security of fhe si;nrt, i i relation t tho slaves of the people of this State," he might plead not guilty, and defy tho pr-iduett i of a tille of proof in supjKirt of th ? allegaii u. If is more than pro bable that it coul 1 not be proved, that he h id ever even put one of the Incendiary p ipers int. the 1 st Odi'-e. lie must then be con lem.ied without proof and fined and imprisoned, t le acquitted. Hut what then? Would he le fi iilly discharged, and su fl" red to return to New York in triumph ? Or would not his release fro prison Ik im nediatidy fallowed by his lioiug hanged up to a Lamp Post, in violation of all law, and in open dcfimcii of the authority of our Courts of Justice. What, then, would become of the good faith and honor of the State, and the obligation of international law le tweeu the States ? and, aliove all, of the harmony and good understanding which should exist anion" the people of these States i Vc think we have said enough to shew, that there are great, if not insuperable, difficulties in the way of bringing Tappan and his associates in New York, to trial and punishment in this State, and wo greatly fear, that, should tho experiment bo made, it will prove an entire fiilure. We see that the Attorney General is strongly urged to give out Hills of Indictment agaist these individuals forthwith. We trust, however, that that Odicer will duly consider the subject, in all its bearings, liefore he takes such a step. Let him be sure that his proofs will establish the offence charged that the law embraces the case; and above all, that our Executive may lawfully demand, and that the Exe cutive of New York will be bound to deliver up, Tappan and his associates, should Rills be found against them, It would be better not to take a single step in this business, to be foiled in its pro gress, or defeated in its termination. The next remedy proposed for putting down the Fanatics, is Legislation bv Concress. So far as such legislation may be directed to the regula tion of the Post Office, we have no doubt of the right and duty of Congress to interpose, so as to prevent the abuse of that establishment to the pur pose of the Incendiaries. To accomplish this, no thing more is necessary than to provi le that it shall not be lawful to convey by the public mail and bring within the limits of any State, any printed paper, which is forbidden by the laws of such State, to lc introduced therein, as being calculated to xcite domestic insurrection : and to authorise the Postmaster-General to make the necessary regula- 1 tiens fur carrying, this provision into eflcct. We can see no substantial objection to such a law, nor can we perceive that it would be liable to greater abuse than many of the existing laws for the regu lation of the Post-Odicc. We confess, however, that as ma'ters noir stand, there seems to be no pressing necessity f-r such a provision. The Southern Postmasters having taken upon themselves the responsibility of arresting the circulation of these papers, and the head of the department hav ing not onlv refused to interfere, but having express ly declared that the Postmasters are, in this respect, bound by the laws of the States in which they re side, it is clear that the Southern States have the means of redrtss in their own hands. If it is onlv necessary for the State to impose suitable penalties Uoii Postmasters and others, concerned in the transportation and delivery of Incendiary docu ments, and the evil will be suppressed. We do not think, therefore, it is a matter of any concern to us, whether Congress shall legislate on this sub ject or not. Wk have tiik power in our ovvx ii an ns. Rut after all, the Post-Odice is only one of the many channels through which such pipers can be introduced, and do what we may, we shall find it impracticable to close all the avenues through which the Abolitionists may assail our peace, and gradually undermine our Institutions. So long as tiiese Scieties are encouraged and supported at the North nay, so long as they are suffered toex ivt, will the Southern States be subjected to perpe tual agitation, an evil hardly less grievous than open insurrection, and certainly not to he en iH Ri:i iokevkr. We cannot live at eace with those, who shall lie fund constantly tampering with our tranquility an I safety daily and hourly em ployed, in devising schemes tor our destruction. There are some persons who seem to think tnat Congress may p t down the Abolition Societies. We have been greatly surprised to see the 4th Sec. of the 1th Art. of the Constitution of the United States relied on, as giving po.ver to Congress to legislate directly against the Abolitionists, making it a high crime and misdemeanor, cognizable in the Federal Courts to form such associations, or to issue tr icts calculated to excite d imestic insurrec tion. If Congress really had the power to pass i-uch laws, and the South could be induced in this mutter, to look up to the Federal Government for protection, we should fear that the days of our liberty were numlorcd. In relation to the whole operation of the Federal Government ; and of ev ery branch and department thereof, the Southern Slates are in a fixed and hopeless minority. With many conflicting interests and sectional jealousies, by which federal legislation will always be habte to be influenced, our only safety is to be found in a strict limitation of the powers of the Federal Go vernment. Observation and experience have tho roughly convinced us, that the safety of the slave holding States, as such, entirely depends on our keeping this matter in our hands, and suflering no interference whatever on the part of Congress, either for good or tor evil. The South must as sume tfie ground, and maintain it at all hazards, that " slavery is, in all its bearings, a domestic question" or they are lo-t forever. If Congress may legislate to day against t ho Abolition Society, they may to-morrow take the Colonization Societies un ler their protection, and apply our own money to the purchase and manumission of our own slaves. That latitude of construction which would warrant th ? bringing the publishers of Incendiary Tracts lor punishment bf ro the Federal Courts, would very soon be found to authorize any legislation whatever which a majority of Congress might con ceive caleul ited to prevent " domestic violence." Very fortunately, howover, the article of the Con stitution here referred to, merely authorizes the Federal G vernment, " to protect each of the States against invasion, and on application of the Legisla ture, or the Executive, (when the Legislature can not be convened) against domestic riolence," a pro visi n which clearly extends no further than to se cure the aid of the United States, when called fr in a case of actual insurrection. To suppose that this would authorize Congress to pass all laws, which in the opinion of tho majority, might be ne cessary and proper to prevent Insurrections, by removing all incitements or inducements to insur rection would warrant the appropriation of the public money to a system of gr .dual emancipation, and put the Southern States as completely at the mercy of the Federal Government, as the West India colonies have been at tiie mercy of the Rrit ish Government, and with every prospect of the same result. The .Missouri question tho propo sition of Rufus King, tor the appropriation of the public lands to abolition the Tariff and manv other questions (all of which have manifested a deep political jealousy of the South, and a fearful conflict of interests) should admonish every re flecting man, of the fatal consequences that must inevitably result from allowing Congress, directly or indirectly, to tovch this subject. As a Slave holder, I should consider my property utterly value less, the moment the Southern States, shall be brought to submit to the constant agitation of this question in Congress, much less to look tp to them for protection. It is no answer to these objections, to say that Congress could only legislate to prevent "domestic violence," at the request of the Legis lature or Governor of some particular State. May not some supple tool of power be found in the Executive chair of some one State of this Union ? Nav, may not the Legislature of one of the States be seduced into such an application ? Resides, if measures of precaution an i prevention may law fully be adopted, might not this be done in antici pation of an actuaf call from some particular i?tate Rut, if a call from one State may justify federal legislation, by pertal laics, tpon all the rest, pro fessing to remove all incitements to domestic vio lence, what is to prevent the State of Maryland or Kentucky, (which are preparing for emancipation,) or even the State of New York, from claiming the interposition of Congress to prevent 44 domestic violence, by putting an end to slaaery, which they may consider the fruitful source of domestic dis cord ? No cue can be so blind as not to see, that consoldiation, in its worst form, must grow out of the assumption by Congress, of an unlimited pow er to prevent "domestic violence," by any means which a majority of that body may deem appro priate to that end. Tiie d.jctriues of Ni'lliuca tion would soon be put down at the instance of trie Executive of New York ; State Rights, at the request of the Legislature of Missouri ; F.iEi: Trade, by the Legislature of Rn de Island ; and to say one word in defence of Slure lobar, would ere long subject us to fine and imprisonment in a Federal Court. Wo trust that enougii has been said, to satisfy every candid enquirer after truth, that we cannot put down the Abolitionists by Federal Legislation, and that for si tcoru and safety in the present emergency, the PEorm of tiie South .hi st look to themselves. V e have shewn, that under existing circumstan ces, the Abolitionists will not be put down by the force of public opinion at the North that there is no prospect of their being subjected to penal laws there that Tappan and his associates cannot be brought to trial and punishment in the Southern States, (while they keep themselves beyond our jurisdiction) and that Congress can do notni ag effectual for the suppression of the intolerable evil of which we complain. It follows of necessity, that the remedy, if there be one, must be applied by the S!ave-h.! Img States themselves, acting either sepamtely or couj. tatty. That tiie existence in any of the Northern States of Ant (-Slavery So cieties, intended to opt rate upon the Southern States by subverting our iustituti i.i, and depriving us of our property, is a gross an ! palpable violation of our rights, is u questionable. Tiie formation of political associations in France, to be openly and avowedly engaged in tho work of overthrowing tho hereditary peerage in Great Britain, or the forma tion of Carlist societies in England, would not bo a greater violation of international law than these Abolition S.cieties are, of the constitutional rela tion which exists between the several States of this Union. Among nations wholly independent of each other, all such proceedings unless promptly sup pressed, lead inevitably to ll'ir. Among sovereign States, b uind together in a constitutional Umon,it is a violation of the spirit of the compact, and one of such a character, as must lead eventually to a dissolution of tho Confederacy, unless redress can by some means or other be obtained. It is thrj clear and unquestionable right of each slave-holding State, to adopt whatever measures she mav d-em proper on this subject, and it is equally clear that ad the States, having a common interest ia this matter, may combine, either for mutual supp ;rt mi protection, or to act upon the often: ling State?, in any way short of trar, to induce them to sup press the evil. If these rights were less clear on soun 1 consti tutional principles, as well as from the rut s ,f jji. ternational law, (which we think to souse exte at least, applicable to the several States of our Con federacy,) still there is a higher rule of cond-iot and of right, above all Constitutions ail all laws. which would tnily justify such measures we mean the law of necessity the paramount obligation. of self-preservation. Revolution itself would bo justified, if there are no other means of redress for our grievances. We trust, however, that the in tolerable evil of which we complain, may be re moved bv less extreme measures. There are two ways by which tho Southern States mav si'-t, cod we think may act effectually on thU s.i'el. the first separately, and the second conjoint!- , with the other States. It is only from a judicious combina tion of these two modes of action, that we have any hope of saving the South, and at the same time sav ing the Union. We are not cf the number of those who regard the Union as of no value to the South. If we could blot out the history of com mon struggles for rights and liberties, common to us all- if we could erase the sympathies which make the common name of American dear to every patriot heart still there are considerations of na tional honor and welfare, and calculations of inte rest and safety, which should make the people of all the States cherish the Union as one of the greatest of blessings. Rut this blessing would be converted into a curse, if each State is not to be permitted to regulate her own domestic concerns, and maintain her Institutions, without any inter ference on tho part either of the Federal Govern meat, or of her sister States. That each State, acting for herself in this mat ter, may do much to preserve, protect, and defend her Institutions, seems to us to admit of no doubt ; and that a crisis has arrived which calls for Siafe action is equally mamfest. Each State 44 it seems to us" is bound to pass laws making it a capital oflcnce, for any person knowingly to print, publish or in any manner, circulate any letter or paper is sued by any Anti-Slavery or other Society, calcu lated to subvert our Institutions, or lead to Insur rection, Any attempt by personal intercourse, dis cussion or otherwise to produce insurrection, or to excite disaffection on the part of our slaves, should also bo made a capital offence ; a rigid system of police should bo adopted, calculated to ferret out, arrest, and bring to punishment, everv incendiary who may put his fiot on our soil. These, with other measures of a like character, accompanied, by such a civil and military organization as may ensure the safety of the State, in every possible emergency, are measures imperiously called for by the crisis, and which will doubtless be adopted. Should the public authorities do thefr du'y in, these respects, there will he no occasion for a re sort to those measures beyond the law, which have of late Itocome so common, and w hich we regard, as one of the greatest evils brought upon us bv tho Alditioniss. Tiie su -pension of the laws the infliction of summary punishments without trial and the innumerable evils, which must mevitably flnvv from such m-asures, are calculated to fill eve ry patriot bosom with anxious concern fr the fu ture destinies of our. l" .ve l country. The vtisnen sion of habeas corp;-s, and the right of trial bv ju ry, and the inflicting even of capital punishment without the forms of the law, if rendered4 necessary f o
