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PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY MORNING A332IBI2IL 3211131 ASJID Wo 02 EDITORS AND PROPRIETORS.
JVumhcr 28, of Volume 1G :
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CAROLINIAN.
SALISBURY, NORTH-CAROLINA, DECEMBER 12, 1835.
O
The AVctcrii Carolinian.
BY ASIIBEL SMITH &. JOSEPH W. HAMPTON
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DEFERRED ARTICLES.
THE SOUTHERN CHARACTER.
The following tribute to the character of the
South is copied from an essay in the Portland Cou
rier :
-v "The writer has travelled thousands of miles in
the Southern country, and for several years he has
been an attentive observer of character as it ii de
veloped beneath a Southern sun. lie has mingled
in the various grades of society. He has met her
citizens under all circumstances, favorable and un
favorable. With these opportunities of judging he
would certainly come to a very favorable or different
conclusion. Wherever he has wandered the hand
of hospitality has been extended towards him.
How sweetly has the cheering voice of welcome
fallen upon his ear. Many are the offices of kind
ness lie has experienced, and not unfrequently from
the hands of entire strangers. Grateful is the re
collection he will ever cherish of scenes that arc
past, but which haw obtained the moat hallowed
place in his memory. He is aware that his .en is
incapable of doing justice to this subject, but he would
do violence to his feelings were he to sutler this op
portunity to pass without recording his testimony
rvrtf.f tbft citizens amonir whom he resides.
After wandering through the distant parts of our
wide extended land, he feels authorized to say that,
go where you will, you cannot find a more geae
rous and patriotic, a more enlightened and high
minded people than those who have received such
a liberal share of abuse from the northern abolition
ists. Does any one doubt this assertion? Let him
come and examine for himself, and he will find this
to be the language of truth and soberness!
A " Little Monster." Oae of the State Hanks,
in Vermont, having been suspected of a violation
of its charter, a committee was appointed, by the
Legislature, to overhaul its affairs and report there
tfi.it Jxxlv. In their report, the committee,
anion t other devclopcments of the mysteries of
... ..i i - :
banking, states that I ho " namung room oi mis in
stitution is in a wooden building occupied as a store
ib-.t the nlac.e of deposit for notes, bills, t apers,
and specie of the Hank is a icootlen desk and that
the books of the Hank consisted of one or tiro
sheets of Htper jnnnert or stitched together
This no doubt, is one of these well managed insti
tutions which is to tako the place of the United
States Hank, and is to supply the country with a
currency superior to the rags of Nick Hiddle ! !
Iilaele-legs. It is stated in the Wilmington
Pns-(. th;it a Faro table was recently set up in that
town r and that a meeting of voting men took place,
at which Lynching was proposed, for ridding the
place of the nuisance; but that alter mature reflec
tion, thev came to the conclusion that it would bo
a more peaceful remedy" for them to refrain
from visiting the Faro. They were right; while
the nuisanco is legalized, ii '3 better quietly to
render it innoxious, by shunning it as though it
u-rm .in infectious disease, than by violence and tu
ttiult to attempt to eradicate it by physical power.
Aianaara.
Superior Court. Thursday, Friday, and Satur
1av last, w ere fully occupied with the trial of a case,
than which none has excited as much interest in
this community fr manv years. It was the State
rs. John Waddill, Jr., Joshua W. Cochran, and
Jas. II. Mv rover, on an Indictment for killing Jo
seph Hubbard, on the 19th of Sept. last. Without
entering fully into the testimony, it is sufficient to
state, that the deceased came to his death by a gun
shot wound, whilst attempting to make his escape
from an officer and his poss;, who had arrested him,
or were endeavoring to arrest mm, under a warraut
for a hih misdemeanor. The first day waa en
tirely taken un in forming a Jury, the second with
the examination of testimony, and the third with
the arguments of counsel, lho Judges charge
was delivered to the Jury aftar dark on Saturday
cveninir. when the Jury retired, and in a?xut ten
C5
minutes returned with a verdict of Ao Guilty.
The annunciation of this verdtct produced, as we
understand, a very audible expression of the appro
bation of the large crowd which had thronged the
Courthouse from the commencement to the close o
the trial. Faycitccillc Observer of Vor. JG.
POLITICAL.
EXTRACT
From the Message of Uovernm M"D UFFIE, to the
legislature of South Curulina.
Since your last adjournment, the public mind,
throughout the slave holding States, has been in
tensely, indignantly, and justly excited, by the wan
ton, officious, and incendiary proceedings of certain
societies and persons in some of the non-slave-hold-ing
States who have been actively employed in at
tempting to circulate among us, pamphlets, papers,
and pictorial representations of the most offensive
and inflammatory character, and calculated to se
duce our slaves from their fidelity and excite them
to insurrection and massacre. These wicked mon
sters and deluded fanatics, overlooking the numer
ous objects in their own vicinity, who have a mo
ral, if not a legal claim ujoii their charitable re
gard, run abroad, in the expansion of their hypo
critical benevolence, muffled up in the saintly man
tle of Christian meekness, to fulfil the fiend-like er
rand of mingling the blood of the master and the
slave, to whose fate they arc equally iiidiilercnt,
with the smouldering ruins of our peaceful duellings.
No principle of human action so utterly bathes all
human calculation, as that species of fanatical en-
husiasm, which is made of envy and anibiton, as
suming the guise of religious zeal, and acting upon
the known prejudices, religious or political, ot an
ignorant multitude. Under the influence ot tins
species of voluntary madness, nothing is sacred
that stands in the way of its purposes. .Like all
other religious impostures, it has ower to conse
crate every act, however atrocious, and every per
son, however covered over with " multiplying villa-
nies," that may promote its diabolical ends, or wor
ship at its infernal altars. Hv its unholy creed.
murder itself becomes a labor of love and charity,
and the felon rencgado, who Hies from the justice
of his country, finds not only a refuge, but becomes
a sainted minister in the sanctuary of its temple.
No error can be more mischievous, than to under
rate the dander of such a principle, and no policy
can le more fatal than to neglect it, from a con
tempt for the supposed insignificance of its agents.
The experience of both Franco and Croat Hritain
fearfully instruct us, trom what small and contempt
ible leginnmgs, tins ami des noirs philanthropy
may rise to a gigantic ixwer too mighty to bo re
sisted by all the influence and energy of the gov
ernment ; in the one case, shrouding a wealthy and
flourishing island in the blood of its white inhabi
tants ; in the other, literally driving the ministry,
by means of an instructed parliament, to pcrjKjtrate
that act of suicidal legislation, and colonial oppres
sion, the emmcipaticu f slaves in tl.- Hritish West
Indies. It may be not unaptly compared to the
element of fire, of which a neglected spark, amongst
combustible materials, which a timely stamp of the
foot might have extinguished forever speedily,
swells into a sweeping torrent of fiery desolation,
which no human power can arrest or control. In
the opinion of intelligent West India planters, it is
because the local authorities, from a sense of false
security, neglected to hang up the first of these po
litical missionaries that made their appearance on
the British Islands, that they are doomed to bar
renness and desertion, and to be the wretched
abodes of indolent and prollignte blacks, exhibiting
in their squalid ioverty gross immorality and sla
vish subjection to an iron dosiotism of Hritish bay
onets, the fatal mockery of all the promissed bless
ings of emancipation.
Under these circumstances, and in this critical
conjuncture of our aflairs, the solemn and rcsjonsi-
blo duty devolves on tfie legislature, ot " taking
care that the republic receive no detriment."
The crime which these foreign incendiaries have
committed against the peace of the State, is one of
the very highest grade known to human laws, it
not only strikes at the very existence ot society,
but seeks to accomplish the catastrophe, by the
most horrible means, celebrating the obsequies of
the state in a saturnial carnival of blood and mur
der, and while brutally violating all the charities of
life, and desecrating the very altars of religion, im
piously calling upon Heaven to sanction these abo
minations. It is my deliberate opinion, that the
laws of every community should punish this SK?cics
of interference by death without benefit of clergy,
regarding the authors of it as "enemies of the hu
man race." Nothing could be more appropriate
than for South Carolina to set this example in the
present crisis, and I trust the Legislature will not
abjourn till it discharges this high duty of patriot
ism. It cannot be distinguished, however, that any
laws which may be enacted by the authority of
this State, however adequate to punish and repress
olll-nccs committed within its limits, will be wholly
insufficient to meet the exigencies of the present
conjuncture. If we go no farther than this we had
as well do nothing.
These outrages against the peace and safety of
the State arc peqctrated in other communities,
which hold and exercise sovereign and exclusive
jurisdiction overall persons and things within their
territorial limits. It is within these limits, protected
from the responsibility of our laws by the soverign
ty of the States within which they reside, that the
authors of all this mischief securely concoct their
schemes, plant their batteries, and hurl their liery
missiles among us, aimed at that mighty magazine
of combustible matter, the explosion of which would
lay the States in ruins.
It will, therefore, Income our imperious duty, re
curring to those great principles of international
law, which still exist in all their primitive force
amongst the sovereign States of this confederacy,
to demand of our sovereign associates the condign
punishment of those enemies of our peace, who
avail themselves ot the sanctuaries ot tneir respec
tive jurisdictions, to carry on schemes of incendiary
hostility against the institutions, the safety, and tho
existence of the State. In performing this high
duty, to which we are constrained by the great
law of self-preservation, let us approach our co-
States with all the fraternal milduesd whitih becomes
us as members of the same family of confederated
republics, and at the same time with that firmness
and decision, which becomes a sovereign State,
while maintaining her dearest interests and most
sacred rights.
For the institution of domestic slavery, we hold
ourselves responsible only to God, and it is utterly
incompatible with the dignity and safety of the
State, to permit any foreign authority to question
our right to maintain it. It may, nevertheless, be
appropriate, as a voluntary token of our respect
for the opinions of our confederate brethren, to
present some views to their consideration on this
subject, calculated to disabuse their minds of false
opinions and pernicious prejudices.
No human institution, in my opinion, is more
manifestly consistent with the will of Hod, than do
mestic slavcrj', and no one of his ordinances is writ
ten in more legible characters than that which con
signs the African race to this condition, as more
conducive to their own happiness than any other
of which they are susceptible. Whether we con
sult the sacred Scriptures, or the lights of nature
and reason, we shall find these truths as abundant
ly apparent, as if written with a sunbeam in the
Heavens. Under both the Jewish and Christian
dispensations of our religion, domestic slavery ex
isted with the unequivocal sanction of its prophets,
its apostles, and finally its great author. The pa
triarchs themselves, those chosen instruments of
God, were slave-holders. In fact the divine sanc
tion of this institution is so plainly written that he
who runs may read' it, and those overrighteous
pretenders and Pharasecs, who e flee I to be scandali
zed by its existence among us, would do well to in
quire how much more nearly they walk in the ways
of Godliness, than did Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.
That the African negro is destined by Providence
to occupy this condition of servile dependence, is
not less manifest. It is marked on the face, stamp
ed on the skin, and evinced by the intellectual in
feriority and natural improvidence of this race.
They have all the qualities thottit them for slaves,
and not one of those that would fit them to he free
men. They are utterly unqualified not only for
rational freedom, but for self government of any
kind. They are in all resects, physical, moral,
and political, inferior to millions of the human race,
who have for consecutive ages, dragged out a
wretched existence under a grinding political des
potism, and who are doomed to this hocless con
dition by the very qualities which unfit them for a
better. It is utterly astonishing that any enlight
ened American, after contemplating all the mani
fold forms in which even the white race of man
kind are doomed to slavery and oppression, should
suppose it tMjssible to reclaim tne Alncan race from
their destiny. The capacity to enjoy freedom is
an attribute not to bo communicated by human
iMjwer. It is an endowment of trod, and one of the
rarest which it has pleased his inscrutable wisdom
to bestow upon the nations of the earth. It is con
ferred as the reward of merit, and only upon those
who arc qualified to it. Until the Ethiopian can
change his skin, it will le vain to attempt, by any
human power, to make freemen of those whom God
has doomed to be slaves by all their attributes
Let not, therefore, the misguided and designing
J intermeddlors, who seek to destroy our peace, ima
gine that they arc serving the causo of God by
practically arraigning the decrees of his Providence.
Indeed it would scarcely excite surprise, if, with tho
impious audacity of those who projected the tower
of Babel, they should attempt to scale the battle
ments of Heaven, and remonstrate with the God of
wisdom for having put the mark of Cain and the
curse of Hani upon the African race, instead of the
European.
If the benevolent friends of the black race would
compare the condition of that ortion of them which
we hold in servitude, with that which scill remains
in Africa, totally unblessed by the lights of civili
zation or Christianity, and groaning under a savage
despotism, as utterly destitute of hope as of happi
ness, they would be able to form some tolerable es
timate ot what our blacks have lost by slavery in
merica, and vvliat they would gam by freedom in
frica. Greatly as their condition has been im
proved, by their subjection to an enlightened and
christian people, (the only mode under heaven by
which it could have been accomplished,) they are
yet wholly unprepared for any thing like a ration
al system of self government. Emancipation would
bo a positive curse, depriving them ot a guardian
ship essential to their happiness, and they may
well say, in the language of the Spanish proverb,
" save us from our friends and we will take care of
If emancipated, where would they
live and what would be their condition ? The idea
of their remaining among us is utterly visionary.
Amalgamation is abhorrent to every sentiment of
nature ; and if they remain as a scperate caste,
whether endowed with equal privileges or not, they
will become our masters or we must resume the
mastery over them. This state of political amal
gamation and conflict, which the Abolitionists evi
dently aim to produce, would l the most horrible
condition imaginable, and would furnish Dante or
Milton with the te for another chapter illustra
ting the horrors of the infernal regions. The only
disposition, therefore, that could be made of our
emancipated slaves would bo their transportation to
Africa, to exterminate the natives or bo extermin
ated by them ; contingencies, cither of w hich may
well serve to illustrate the wisdom, if not the phi
lanthropy of these superserviceable madmen, who
in the name of humanity would desolate the fairest
region of the earth and destroy the most perfect
system of social and political happiness that ever
has existed.
" It is jierfectly evident that the destiny of the
Negro race is either the worst possible form of jk
litical slavery, or domestic servitude as it exists
in the slave holding States. The advantage of do
mestic slavery over the most favorable condition of
political slavery does not admit of a question. It
is the obvious interest of the master, not less than
his duty, to provide comfortable food and clothing
for his slaves ; and whatever false and exaggerated
stories may Le propagated by mercenary travellers,
who make a trade of exchanging calumny for hos
pitality, the peasantry and operatives of no country
in the world are better provided for, in these re
spects, than the slaves of our country. In the sin
gle empire of Great Hritain, the most free and en
lightened nation in Kurope, there are more wretch
ed paupers and half starving operatives, than there
arc negro slaves in the United States. la all res
spects, the comforts of our slaves are greatly su
perior to those of the English operatives or the
Irish and continental peasantry, to say nothing of
the millions of paupers crowded together in those
loathsome receptacles of staiving humanity, the
public poor houses. Besides the hardships of in
cessant toil too much almost for human nature to
endure, and the sufferings of actual want driving
them almost to despair, these miserable creatures
are perpetually annoyed by the most distressing
cares for the future condition of themselves and
their children.
From the excess of labor, this actual want and
these distressing cares, our slaves are entirely ex
empted. They habitually labor from two to four
hours a day less than the ojerativcs in other coun
tries, and it has been truly remarked by some wri
ter, that a negro cannot be made to injure himself
by excessive labor. It may be safely affirmed that
they usually eat as much wholesome and substan-
tial food in one day, as English operatives or Irish
peasants cat in two. And as regards concern for
the future, their condition may well be envied even
by their masters. There is not upon the face of
the earth any class of people, high or low, so per
fectly free from care and anxiety. They know
that their masters will provide for them, under all
circumstances, and that in the extremity of old age,
instead ot being driven to beggary, or to seek pub
lic charity in a poor-house, they will be comforta
bly accommodated and kindly treated among their
relatives and associates. Cato, the elder has been
regarded as a model of Roman virtue, and yet he
is said to have sold his superannuated slaves to
avoid the expense of maintaining them. The citi
zens of this State may not aspire to rival the virtue
of the Romans, but it may be safely affirmed that
they woe! 1 doom to execration the master who
should imitate the inhuman example of the Roman
paragon. The government of our slaves is strictly
patriarchal, and produces those mutual feelings of
kindness which result from an interchange of good
offices, and which can only exist in a system of do
mestic or patriarchal slavery. They are entirely
unknown cither in a state of political slavery or in
that form of domestic servitude which exists in all
other communities.
In a word, our slaves arc cheerful contented and
happy, much beyond the general condition of the
human race, except where those foreign intruders
and fatal ministers of mischief, the emancipators,
like their arch-prototype in the Garden of Eden,
and actuated by no less envy, have tempted them
to aspire above the condition to which they have
been assigned in the order of Providence.
Nor can it be admitted, as some of our own
statesmen have affirmed, in a mischievous and mis
guided spirit of sickly sentimentality, that our sys
tem of domestic slavery is a curse to the white pop
ulation a moral and political evil, much to be de
plored, but incapable of being eradicated. Let the
tree be judged bv its fruit. More than half a cen
tury ago, one of the most enlightened statesmen
' who ever illustrated the parliamentary annals of
Great Britain, looking into political causes with
an eye of profound philosophy, ascribed the high
and indomitable spirit of lilierty which distinguish
ed the Southern Colonies, to the existence of do
mestic slavery; referring to the example of the
free states of antiquity as a confirmation of his
theory. Since these colonics have become icde
pendent States, they have amply sustained the glory
of their primitive character. There is no coloring
of national vanity in the assertion, which impar
tial history will ratify, that the princplcs of ration
al liberty are no less thoroughly understood, and
have leen more vigilantly, resolutely, and etlectual
ly defended against all the encroachments of power,
by the slave-holding States than by any other
members of the confederacy. In which of our
great political conflicts is it, that they have not
been found arrayed against every form of usurpa
tion, and fighting under the flag of liberty 1 Indeed,
it is a fact of historical notoriety, that those great
Whig principles of liberty, by which government
is restrained within constitutional limits, have had
their origin, and for a long time had their only
abiding place, in the slave-holding States.
Reason and philosophy can easily explain what
experience so clearly testifies. If we look into the
elements of which all political communities are
composed, it will be found that servitude in some
form, is one of the essential constituents. No com
munity ever has existed without it and we may
confidently assert, none ever will. In the very na
ture of things there must be classes of persons to
discharge all the different offices of society from
the highest to the lowest. Some of those offices
are regarded as degrading, though they must and
will Ikj performed. Hence those manifold forms of
dependent servitude which produce a sense of su
periority in the masters or employers, and of in
feriority on the part of the servants. Where these
offices are performed by members of the political
community, a dangerous element is obviously in
troduced into the body politic. Hence the alarm
ing tendency to violate the rights of property by
agrarian legislation, which is beginning to be mani
fest in the older States where universal sullrage pre
vails without domestic slavery, a tendency that will
increase in the progress of society with the increas
ing inequality of wealth. No government is wor
thy of the name that does not protect the rights of
property, and no enlightened people will long sub
mit to such a mockery. Hence it is that in older
countries, different political orders are established
to effect this indispensable object, and it will be
fortunate for the non-slavc-holding States, if they
are not in less than a quarter of a century driven
to the adoption of a similar institution, or to lake
refuge from robbery and anarchy under a military
despotism. Hut where the menial offices and de
pendent employments of society are performed by
domestic slaves, a class well defined by their color
and entirely separated from the political body, the
rights of property are perfectly secure, without
the establishment of artificial barriers.. In a word,
the institution of domestic slavery supercedes the
necessity of an order of nobility, and ail the other
appendages of a hereditary system of government.
If our slaves were emancipated, and admitted,
bleached or unbleached, to an equal participation in
our political privileges, what a commentary should
we furnish upon the doctrines of the emancipation
ists, and what a revolting spectacle of republican
equality should we exhibit to the mockery of the
world ! No rational man would consent to live in
such a state of society, if he could find a refuge in
any other.
Domestic slavery, therefore, instead of being a
political evil, is the corner stone of our republican
edifice. No patriot who justly estimates our privi
leges will tolerate the idea of emancipation, at any
period however remote, or on any conditions of
ecuniarv advantage, however favorable. I would
as soon think of opening a negociation for selling
the liberty of the State at once, as for making any
stipulations for the ultimate emancipation of our
slaves. So deep is my conviction on this subject,
that if I were doomed to die immediately after re
cording these sentiments, I could say in all sinceri
ty and under all the sanctions of Christianity, and
patriotism, " God forbid that my descendants, in
the remotest generations, should live in any other
than a community having the institution of domes
tic slavery, as it existed among the patriarchs of
the primitive Church, and in all the free states of
antiquity."
If the Legislature should concur in these rreneral
views ot this important element of our political and
social system, our confederates should be distinctly
informed, in any communications we may have oc
casion to make to them, that in claiming to be ex
empted from all foreign interference, we can re
cognise no distinction between ultimate and imme
diate emancipation.
It becomes necessary, in order to ascertain the
extent of our danger, and the measures of precau
tion necessary to guard against it, that we examine
into the real motives and ultimate purposes of the
Abolition Societies and their prominent agents.
To justify their efficious and gratuitous interference
in our domestic aflairs the most insulting and in
solent outrage which can be offered to a communi
ty they profess to hold themselves responsible for
the pretended tin of our domestic slwry, because
forsooth, they tolerate its existence among vs. If
they are at all responsible for the sin of slavery,
whatever that may be, it is not because they tole
rate it now, but because their ancestors were the
agents and authors of its original introduction.
These ancestors sold ours the slaves and warranted
the title, and it would be a much more becoming
labor of filial piety for their descendants to pray
for their souls, if they are Protestants, and buy
masses to redeem them from purgatory, if they are
Catholics, than to assail their warranty and slander
their memory by denouncing them as " man-steal-ers
and murderers," Hut this voluntary and gra
tuitous assumption of responsibility, in imitation of
a recent and high example in our history, but im
perfectly conceals a lurking principle of danger,
which deserves to be examined and exposed. What
is there to make the people of New York or Mas
sachusetts responsible for slavery in South Carolina,
any more than the people of Great Britain ? To
assume that the people of those States are respon
sible for the continuance of this institution, is dis
tinctly to assume that they have a right to abolish
it. And whatever enforced disclaimers they may
make, their efforts would be worse than unprofita
ble on any other hypothesis. The folly of attempt
ing to convert the slave-holders to voluntary eman
cipation by a course of slander and denunciation,
is too great to be ascribed even to fanaticism itself.
They do not, indeed, disguse the fact that their
principal object is to 0erate on public opinion in
the non-slave-holding States. And to what pur
pose ? They cannot suppose that the opinion of
those States, however unanimous, can break the
chains of slavery by some moral magic. The
whole tenor of their conduct and temper of their
discussions, clearly demonstrate that their object is
to bring the slave-holding States into universal
odium and the public opinion of the non-slave-holding
States to the point of emancipating our slaves
by federal legislation, without the consent of their
owners. Disguise it as they may, " to this com
plexion it must come at last."
It is in this aspect of the subject that it challen
ges our grave and solemn consideration. It be
hooves us then in my opinion, to demand, respect
fully, of each and every one of the slave-holding
States
1. A formal and solemn disclaimer, by its Legis
lature, of the existence of any rightful power,
either in such State or the United States, in Con
gress assembled to interfere in any manner, what
ever, with the institution of domestic slavery in
South Carolina.
ti. The immediate passage of penal laws by such
Legislature, denouncing against the incendiaries of
whom we complain, such punishments as will speedi
ly, and forever suppress their machinations against
our peace and safety. Though the right to eman
cipate our slaves, by coerceive Legislation, has
been very generally disclaimed by popular assem
blages in the non-slave-holding States, it is never
theless, important that each of those States should
give this disclaimer the authentic and authoritative
form of a Legislative declaration, to be preserved
as a permanent record for our future security. Our
right to demand of those States the enactment of
laws for the punishment of those enemies of our
peace, who avail themselves of the sanctuary of
their sovereign jurisdiction to wage a war of ex
termination against us, is founded on one of the
most salutary and conservative principles of inter
national law. Every State is under the most ka-
c