founded, as the attempt to extort from tin fears of
in u nation what her sen-o
would b" vain and ridiculous
. i t
i r m u'-uv ,
II.it th i constitution
i- I
of the United States imposes on the President the J reached us, but U daily evjiected. That it maybe
duty of laying lie fore Congress the condition of the j favorable, is my sincere wish. France having now,
country, in its tbrcign and dome-tie relations, and ; through all the branches of her Government, ae
of recommending such measures as tna", m his j know dedged the validity of ur claims, and tin; ob
opiaioti, be required by its interests. From the j lig if ion of the treaty of 1 : and there really ex
pertbrnnncc of this duty he cannot be deterred by , isting no adequate canst; fir further delay, will, at
the f-ar of w ounding the sensibilities of the people ! length, it may be hoped, adopt t lie course w hich
or Government of whom it may become necessary (the interests of both nations, not less than the prin
to speak ; and the American jn-ople are incapable j ciples of justice, so imperiously require. The
of submitting to an interference, by any Govern-I treaty being once executed on her part, little w ill
meat on earth, however powerful, w ith the free per-1 remain to disturb the fiiendlv relations of the two
lonnanoe ol the domestic duties which the consti
tution has imposed on their public functionaries.
The discussions which intervene letwecn the sev
eral departments of our Government belong to our
selves; and, tor any thin;; said in them, our public
servants are only responsible to their own constitu
ents, an 1 to each other. If, in the course of their
consultations, facts are erroneously stated, or unjust
dedjetions are made, they require no other induce
ment to correct them, however inf rmed of their
error, than their love of justice, and what is due to
their own character; but they can never submit to
If: interrogated upon the subject, as a matter of right,
by a foreign Power. When our discussions tcrmia-
ate in acts, our responsibility to foreign Powers
commences, not as individuals hut as a nation.
The principle w hich calls in question the President
for the language of his message, would equally jus.
t at.
tifv a f rei"-;i Power in demanding explanation of
the language used in the report of a committee, or
by a member in debate.
This is not the first time that the Government
of France has taken exceptions to the messages of
American Presidents. President Washington, and
the first President Adams, in the performance of
their duties to the American People, fell under the
anim i Iversions of the French Director'. The ob
jection taken by the .Ministry of Charles X, and re
moved by the explanations made by our .Minister
iiixui the spot, h is already !cen adverted to. When
if was understood that the .Ministry of the present
King took exception to my message of last year,
putting a construction upon it which was disavowed
on its ficc, our late .Minister at Paris, i answer to
the note which first announced a dissatisfaction with
the language used in the message, made a commu-
nicatiou to the French Government, under date of
the 'J.'hh of January, l"io, calculated to remove all
impressions which an unreasonable susceptibility
had created. He repeated, and called the attention
of the French (Jovernment to, the disavowal con
tained in the mess age itself, or any intention to in
timidate by menace he truly declared that it con
tained, and was intended to contain, no charge of ill
laith against the King of the French, and properly
distinguished between the right to complain in un
exceptionable terms, of the omission to execute an
agreement, and an accusation of bad motives in
withholding such execution and demonstrated,
that the necessary use of that right ought not to be !
considered as tin offensive imputation. Although j
this communication was made without instructions,
and entirely on the Ministers own responsibility, ;
vet it was afterwards made the act of this Govern
iiient by my full approbation, and that approbation
"was offiei illy made known, on the '2n of April,
s:i", t; the French Government. It, however,
filled to have any eJl;ct. The law, after this friend-
ly explanation, pissed with the obnoxious anvnd- '
i.i-Mit, supported by the King's .Ministers, and was
finally approved by the King.
The People of the United States arc justly at
Inched to a pacific system in their intercourse with
foreign nations. It is proper, therefore, that they
should know w hether their (Jovernment has adher-
e I to it. In the present instance, it has been car- '
ried to the utmost extent that was consistent with
n becoming s;df-re-pect. The note of the 2!Hh of
January, to which I have liefbrc alluded, was not
the only one which our Minister took u:on himself
the responsibility of presenting, on the same subject,
and in the same spirit. Finding that it was intend
ed to make the payment of a just debt, dependent
on the performance of a condition which he knew
could never be complied with, he thought it a duty
to mike another attempt to convince the French
(Jovernment, that whilst self-resjveet, and a regard
to the dignity of other nations would always pre
vent us from using any language that ought to give
i.tPmee, yet we could never admit a right in any
foreign ( iovernment to ask explanations of, or to
interfere in any mariner in, the communications
which one branch of our public councils made with
another: that in the present case, no such language
h i I been used, and that this had in a former note
b -en f illy and voluntarily stated, before it was con
templated lo make the explanation a condition : and
that there might be no misapprehension, he stated
the terms used in that note, and he officially inform
ed them that it had been approved by the Presi
dent ; and that, therefore, every explanation which
could reasonably b" asked, or honorably given, had
been already made that the contemplated measure
had bee.i anticipated by a voluntary and friendly
declaration, and was therefore not only useless, but
in'ght hi deemed offensive, and certainly would
not le complied with, if annexed as a condition.
When this latter communication, to which I spe
cially invite the attention of Congress, was laid hc
fire me, I entertained the hope that the means it
was obviously intended to n fiord, of am honorable
a id speedy adjustment of the difficulties Ijotween
the two nations, would have been accepted, and I
therefore did not hesitate to give it my sanction
and full approbation. This was due to the Minis-
ter who had made himself responsible fr the act;!
and it was published to the people of the United
States, and is now laid before their representatives,
to show how far their Executive has gone ;n its en
deavors to re.-; tore a good un ler.stan din; between
the two countries. It wool: have been, at any
time, communicated to the Government of France,
h i I it been officially requested.
Trie French (Jovernment having received all the !
explanation which honor an 1 principle permitted, j
and which could in reason Ui asked, it was hojvrd i
it would n longer hesitate to pay the instalments!
now due. I lie agent authorized to receive tue
iuo'ie, w.i-s uis-.i uiiiu u imoriu me rjenc'i .um
ister of bis readiness to do so. In reply to this
notice, he was told that the money could not then
be paid, because the formalities required by the act
of the Chambers had not been arranged.
Not having received ony official communication
. . ! . . . 1 . . " . f- .1 ii i .
of the intentions of the French (iovernment, and j
anxious to bring, as far as practicable, this unplea
sant alFiir to a close before the meeting of Congress,
that you might have the whole subject before you,
I caused our charge d'AtTiires at Paris to be in
structed to ask for the final extermination of the
French (juverument ; and in the eveat of their rc-
j fusal to pay the insf ilmenfs now duo, w ithout further
i my- . - .
1 explanations, to n turn la L tuteij Males.
J The result of this last abdication has not vet
: i -
countries ; nothing, indeed, which will not yield
to the surest ions of a pacific and enlightened po
licy, and to the influence of that mutual good will
and of those generous recollections, which wc may
confidently expect will then be revived in all their
ancient force. In any event, however, the princi
ple involved in the new aspect which has Iweu given
to the controversy, is so vitally important to the
indejvendent administration of the (loverument, that
it can neither Ik; surrendered nor compmmiltcd,
without national degradation. I hope it is unne
cessary for me to say, that such a sacrifice will not
) be made through any agenev of mine
1 he honor
J of my country shall never be stained by an apology
j from me, for the statement of truth and the per-
fbrmance of duty ; nor can I give any explanation
of my official acts, except sucli as is duo to integ
rity and justice, and consistent with the principles
on which our institutions have been framed. This
determination will, I am confident, be approved by my
j constituents. I have, indeed, studied their charae-
iter to but little purpose, if the sum of twenty-five
millions of francs will have the w eight of a feather,
in the estimation of w hat appertains lo their nation-
al iudejKMidence ; and if, unhappily, a dillerent im
pression should at any time obtain in any quarter,
they will, I am sure, rally round the Government
of their choice with alacrity and unanimity, and
silence forever the degrading imputation.
Having thus frankly presented to you the cir
cumstances which, since the last session of Con
gress, have occurred in this interesting and inior
tant matter, with the views of the Executive in
regard to them, it is at this time only necessary to
add, that whenever the advices, now daily expected
from our Charge d'Alfiircs, shall have been roceiv-
led, they will be made the subject of a sjocial com
mumcalion.
'I lie condition of the Public Finances was n"vcr
more flattering than at the present period.
Since my last annual communication, all the re
mains of the Public Debt have been redeemed, or
money has been placed in depositc for this purpose,
whenever the creditors choose to receive it. AH
the other pecuniary engagements of the Goven.
ment have been honorably and promptly fulfilled,
and there will le a balance in the Treasury, at the
close of the present year, of alxmt nineteen mil
lions of dollars. It is Ik lieved, that after meeting
all outstanding and unexpended appropriations, there
will remain near eleven millions to he applied to
any new objects which Congress may designate, or
to the more rapid execution of the works already
m progress. In aid of these objects, and to satisfy
the current expenditures of the ensuing year, it is
estimated that there will be received, from various
sources, twenty millions more in lKi.
Should Congress make new appropriations, in
conformity with the estimates which will be sub-
mitted from the proper departments, amounting to
about twenty-four millions, still the available sur
plus at the close of the next year, .after deducting
all uncxjended appropriations, will probably be not
less than six millions. This sum can, in my judg
ment, be now usefully applied to proposed improve-
ments in our Navy Yards, and lo new national
works, which are not enumerated in the present
estimates, or to the more rapid completion of those
I already begun. I Either would be constitutional and
useful, and would render unnecessary any attempt,
in our present peculiar con lition, to divide the sur
plus revenue, or to reduce it any fi-ster than will
be effected by the existing laws. In any event, as
the annual rep rt from the Secretary of the Trea
sury will enter into details, showing the probability
of some decrease in the revenue during the next
seven years, and a very considerable deduction in
it is not recommended that Congress should
.undertake to modify the present tariff! so as to dis
turb the principles on which the compromise acf
was passed. Taxation on some of the articles of
general consumption, which arc not in competition
with our own productions, may Ik;, no doubt, so di
minished as to lessen, to some extent, the source of
this revenue; and the same object can also be as
sisted by more liberal provisions for the subjects of
public defence, which, in the present state of our
prosperity and wealth, may le cvjtected ongage
your attention. If, however, after satisfying all
the demands which can arise from these sources,
the unexpended balance in the Treasury should
still continue to increase, it would be better to bear
with the evil until the great changes contemplated
in our tariff laws have occurred, and shall enable
us to revise the system w ith that care and circum
spection which are due to so delicate ami import
ant a subject.
It is certainly our duty to diminish, as fir as we
can, the burdens of taxation, and to regard all the
restrictions which are imposed on the trade and na
vigation of our citizens as evils w hich we shall mi
tigate whenever we are not prevented by the ad
verse legislation and policy of foreign nations, or
those primary duties which the defence and inde-
pendence of our country enjoin upon us. That we
have accomplished much towards the relief ol
nphsheu much towards the react ot our
citizens, by the changes which have accompanied
the payment of the public debt, and the adoption of
the present revenue laws, is manifest from the fact,
that, compared with 13'J, there is a diminution of
near twenty-live millions in the last two years, and
that our expenditures, independently of those lor
the public debt, have been reduced near nine mil-
lions during the same period. Let us trust, that
by the continued observance of economy, an I by
h iruiouizing the great interests of agriculture,
manufactures, and commerce, much more may be
accomplished to diminish the burden of (mvern-
meat, anil to increase still further the enterprise
and the patriotic aSf:ctiori of all clascs of our citi
zens, and all the memlers of our happy Confede
racy. As the data which the Secretary of the
Treasury will lav he I ore you, in regard to our finan
cial resources, are full and extended, and will allbrd
a safe guide in your future calculations, I think it
unnecessary to otfer any further observations on
that subject here.
Among the evidences of the increasing prosper
ity of the country, not the least gratifying is that
afforded by the receipts from the sales of the pub
lic lands, which amount, in the prca-ht year to the
j unexpected sum of 811,000,000. This rircuni-
stance attests the rapidity with winch agriculture,
the first and most inijuutaiit occupation of man,
advances, and contributes to the wealth and power
of our extended territory. IJeing still of the opin
ion that it is our best olicy, as far as we can,
consistently with the obligations under w hich those
lands were ceded to the United States, to promote
their speedy settlement, I beg leave to call the at
tention of the present Congress to the suggestions
I have ollered respecting it in my former messages.
The extraordinary receipts from the sales of the
public lands invito vou to consider what improve
ments the land system, and particularly the condi
tion of the (Jeneral Laud O.fice, may require. At
the time this institution was organized, near a quar
ter of a century ago, it would prokibly have been
thought extravagant to anticipate, for this period,
such an addition to its business as has been pro
duced by the vast increase of those sales during
the past and present years. It may also Ie observ
ed that, since the year 11:2, the land offices and
surveying districts have been greatly multiplied,
and that numerous legislative enactments, from
year to year since that time, have imjosed a great
amount of new and additional duties Uon that of
fice; w hile the want of a timely application of force,
commensurate with the care ami labor required,
has caused the increasing embarrassment of accu
mutated arrears in the dillerent branches of the
establishment.
These iuqeliments to the expedition of much
duty in the (Jeneral Land (Mice, induce me to sub
mit to your jiIgment, whether some modification
of the laws relating to its organization, or an organ
ization of a nev character, be not called tor at the
present jucture, to enable the office to accomplish
all the ends of its institution with a greater degree
of facility and promptitude than experience has
proved to ho practicable, under existing regulations?
The variety of the concerns, and the magnitude
and complexity of the details occupying and divi
ding the attention of the Commissioner, appear to
render it difficult, if not impracticable, for that
ilficer, by any possible assiduity, to bestow on all
the multifarious subjects, upon which he is called
to act, the ready and careful attention due to theii
respective importance; unless the Legislature shall
assist him by a law providing, or enabling him to
provide, for a more regular and economical distri
bution of labor, with the incident responsibility,
among those employed under his direction. The
mere manual operation of affixing his signature to
the vast number of documents issuing from his of
fice, subtracts so largely from the time and atten
tion claimed by the weighty and complicated sub
jects daily accumulating in that branch of the pub
lic service, as to indicate the strong necessity of
revising the organic law of the establishment. It
will Ikj easy for Congress, hereafter, to propor
tion the expenditure on account of this branch of
the service to its real wants, by abolishing, from
titae to time, the offices which can be dispensed
with.
The extinction of the Public Debt having taken
place, there is no longer any use fjr the offices of
Commissioners of Loans and of the Sinking Fund.
I recommend, therefore, that they be abolished,
and that projnir measures be taken lor the transfer,
to the Treasury Department, of any funds, hooks,
and papers, connected with the ojerations of those
offices ; and that the proper power be given to that
Department for closing, finally, any portion of their
business which may remain to be settled.
It is also incumleut on Congress, in guarding
the pecuniary interests of the country, to discon
tinue, by such a law as was passed in 1SPJ, the
receipt of the bills of the IJank of the United Slates
in payment of the public revenue ; and to provide
for the designation of an agent, w hose duty it shall
be to take charge of the books and stock of the
United States in that institution, and to close all
connection with it, after ihe Urd of .March, l-oWi,
when its charter expires. In making provision in
regard to the disposition of this stck, it will be
essential to define, clearly and striekly, the duties
and powers of the odicer charged w ith that branch
of the public service.
It will be seen, from the correspondence which
the Secretary of the Treasury will lay before you,
that, notw ithstanding the large amount of the stock
which the United States hold in that institution, no
information has yet been communicated which will
enable the (Jovernment to anticipate when it can
receive any dividends, or derive any benefit from it.
Connected with the con lition of the finances,
and the flourishing state of the country in all its
branches of industry, it is pleasing to witness the
advantages which have been already derived from
the recent laws regulating the value of the gold
coinage. These advantages will lx; more apparent
in ihe course of the next year, when the 1 ranch
Mints authorised to be established in North Caro
lina, (Jeorgia, and Louisiana, shall have gone into
operation. Aided, as it is hocd they will be, by
further reforms in the banking systems of the States,
and by judicious regulations on the part of Con
gress, in relation to the custody of the public mo
neys, it may be confidently anticipated that the
use of gold and silver, as a circulating medium,
will become general in the ordinary transactions,
connected with the Ialxr of the country. The
great disideratum, in modern times, is an efficient
check uxn the ower of banks, preventing that ex
cessive issue of paper whence arise those fluctua
tions in the standard of value, w hich render uncer
tain the rewards of labor. It was supjwised by those
who established the Hank of the United States, that
from the credit given to it by the custody of the
public moneys, and other privileges, and the pre
cautions taken to guard against the evils w hich the
country hail suffered in the bankruptcy of many of
the State institutions of that period, wc should do
rive from that institution all the securities and ben
efits of a sound currency, and every good end that
was attainable under that provision of the Consti
tution which authorizes Congress alone to coin mo
ney and regulate the value thereof. IJut itisscarce
ly necessary now to say that these anticipations
have not been realized. After the extensive em-
btrrassrncnt and distress recently produced by the
Uankot the United States, from which the country
is now recovering, aggravated as they were by pre
tensions to power which defied the public authority,
and which, if acquiesced in by the People, would
have changed the whole character of our (iovern
ment, every candid atid intelligent indiv idual must
admit that for the great advantages of a sound cur
rency, we must look to a course of legislation radi
cally dillerent from that which created such an in
stitution. In considering the means of objjr'.ig so impor
tant an end, we must set aside all calculation of
temporary convenience, and be influenced by those
only w hich me hi harmony w ith the true character
Jand
the permanent interests of the Republic. We
. wb-it It s
that has prevented the legislation of Congress and
I -
:the States, on the subject of currency, from satis-
' ' . J T- i.
: the States, on the subject ot currency, irom satis-
fvin.r ,he public expectation, and realizing results
corresponding to those which haveattended the ac -
lion of our system when truly consistent w ith the
. -. - .. i i
real principle of eoualitv upon which it rests, and
with that spirit of forbearance and mutual conces-
sion, and generous patriotism, which was originally,
and must ever continue to be, the vital element of;
our Union
On this subject I am sure that I cannot be mis
taken, in ascribing our want of success to the un
due countenance which has been afforded to the
spirit of monopoly. All the serious dangers w hich
our svsfem has vet encountered, may be traced to
the resort to implied powers, and the use of corpo
rations, clothed w ith privileges, the effect of w hich
is to advance the interests of the few at the expense
of the many. We have felt but one class of these
dangers exhibited in the contest waged by the Iiank
of the United States against the (Jovernment for
the last four years. Happily, they have been ob
viated for the present by the indignant resistance
of the people ; but we should recollect that the prin
ciple whence they sprung is an ever active one,
which w ill not fail to renew its efforts in the same
and in other forms, so long as there is a hope of
success, founded either on the inattention of the
People, or the treachery of their representatives,
to the subtle progress of its influence. The Pank
is, in fact, but one of the fruits of a system at war
with the uenius of all our institutions a system
founded upon a political creed, the fundamental
principle of w hich is a distrust of ttie popular w ill
as a safe regulator of political power, and whose
great ultimate object, and inevitable result, should
it prevail, is the consolidation of all power in our
system in one central (Jovernment. Lavish public
disbursements, and corporations w ith exclusive pri
vileges, would le its substitutes for the original,
and, as yet, sound checks and balances of the con
stitution the means by whose silent and secret
operation a control would be exercised by the few
over the political conduct ol the manv, by first ac
quiring that control over the labor and earnings of
the great body of the People. herever this spi
rit has effected an alliance with political power, ty
ranny and despotism have lieen the fruit. If it is
ever used for the ends of Govoinmcnt, it has to be
incessantly watched, or it corrupts the sources of
the public virtue, and agitates the country with
questions unfavorable to the harmonious and steady
pursuit of its true interests.
Wc are now to see whether, in the present fivor
able condition of the country, we cannot take an
effectual stand against this spirit of monopoly, and
practically prove, in respect to the currency as well
as other important interests, that there is no neces
sity for so extensive a resort to it as that which has
been heretofore practised. The experience of an
other year has confirmed the utter fallacy of the
idea that the Dank of the United States w as neces
sary as a fiscal agent of the (Jovernment. With
out its aid, as such, indeed, in despite of all the em
barrassment it was in its power to create, the re
venue has been paid with punctuality by our citizens ;
the business of exchange, both foreign and domes
tic, has been conducted with convenience; and the
circulating medium has leen greatly improved.
Py the use of the State Hanks, w hich do not derive
their charters from the General (Jovernment, ami
are not controlled by its authority, it is ascertained
that the moneys of the United States can be collect
ed and disbursed w ithout loss or inconvenience, and
that all the wants of the community, in relation to
exchange and currency, are supplied as well as they
have ever been before. If, under circumstances
the most favorable to the steadiness of the money
market, it has been found that the considerations on
which the Hank of the United States rested its
claims to the public favor were imaginary and
groundless, it cannot be doubted that the experi
ence of the future will be more decisive against
them.
It has been seen, that, without the agency of a
great moneyed monopoly, the revenue can Ixj col
lected, and conveniently and safely applied to all
the purposes of the public expenditure It is also
ascertained, that, instead of being necessarily made
to promote the evils of an unchecked paper system,
the management of the revenue can be made aux
iliary to Ihe reform wbicb the Legislatures of se
veral of the States have already commenced in re
gard to the suppression of small bills; and which
has only to be fostered by proper regulations on
the part of Congress, to secure a practical return j public service, at the same time that greater satis
to the extent required for the security of the cur-j faction and more equal justice would be secured to
rency to the constitutional medium. Severed
from the Government as political engines, and not
susceptible of dangerous extension anil combination,
the State Hanks will not be tempted, nor will they
have the power winch we have seen exercised, to
divert the public funds from the legitimate purposes
of the Government. The collection and custody
of the revenue being, on the contrary, a source of
credit to them, will increase the security which
the Mates provides for a faithful executn -a of their
trusts, by multiplying the scrutinies to w hich their !
onerations and accounts w ill be subiected. Thus I
disiM)sed, as well from interest as the obligations of,
their charters, it cannot be doubted that such con
ditions as Congress may see tit to adopt respecting
the depositcs in these institutions, with a view to
the gradual disuse of the small bills, will be cheer
fully complied with ; and that we shall soon gain,
in place of the Hank of the United States, a practi- j
cal reform in the whole paper system of the coun
try. If, by this policy, we can ultimately witness
the suppression of all bank bills below twenty dol
lars, it is apparent that gold and silver will take
their place, and become the principal circulating
medium in the common business of the farmers and j
mechanics of the country. The attainment of such
a result will frm an era in the history of our coun- j
try which will lc dwelt upon with delight by every
true friend of its liberty and independence. It will
lighten the great lax which our paper system has
so long collected from the earnings of labor, and do
more to revive and perpetuate those habits of econ
omy and simplicity which are so congenial to the
character of republicans, than all the legislation
wdiich has yet been attempted.
To this subject I feel that I cannot too earnestly
invite the especial attention of Congress, without
the exercise of w hose authority, the opportunity to
accomplish so much public good must pass unim
proved. Deeply impressed with its vital import
ance, the Kxecutive has taken all the steps within
his constitutional ,ower, to guard the public reve
nue, ami defeat the expectation which the Hank of
the United States indulged, of renewing and perpet
uating its monopoly, on the ground of its necessity
as a lineal agent, and as allurding a sounder currcn-
cy than could be obtained without nidi an iastitu-
! Hon. In the iiertormnr.ee oi uusuuiv, mum ies-
possibility was men .red winch would have been
i i "II ' i . I y- flirt nnh hp I'w1
, giauiy avoiueu, u inu a.vu r
' . ,.,1.1 linrn lwto otherwise nrcsorv.
, giauiv " " V"'""'; -,
; in the question could have been otherwise pre
1 ed. Although clothed with the legal auth
j and supported by precedent, I was aware that
:.. k. oi ,il tle rpmmn of the OCOOSI
1U Hie IlUi-lIUii iuum nci v. ! . " - i -
. ... -I
authority,
there
was, in the act ot the removal ot the ucposues, a
liability to excite that sensimene io i.. ttume
power which it is the characteristic and the duty
of freemen to indulge : but I relied on this feehng,
also threcteu oy patriotism auu iiuuiui, io no
dicate the conduct which, in the end, would appear
to have been called for by the best interests of my
country. The apprehensions natural to this feel
ing, that there may have been a desire, through
the instrumentality of that measure, to extend the
Executive influence, or that it may have been
prompted by motives not sufficiently free from am
bition, were not overlooked. Under the operation
of our institutions, the public servant w ho is called
on to take a step of high responsibility, should feel
in the freedom which gives rise to such apprehen
sions, his highest security. When unfounded, the
attention which they arouse, and the discussions
they excite, deprive those w ho indulge them, of the
power to do harm : when j'-st, they but hasten the
certainty with w hich the great body of our citizens
never fail to repel an attempt to procure their sanc
tion to any exercise of power inconsistent with the
jealous maintenance of their rights. Under such
convictions, and entertaining no doubt that my con
stitutional obligations demanded the steps which
were taken in reference to the removal of the depo
sites, it was impossible for ine to be deterred from
the path of duty, by u fear that my motives could
be misjudged, or that political prejudices could de
feat the just consideration of the merits of my con
duct. The result has shown bow safe is this reli
ance upon the patriotic temper and enlightened dis
cernment of the People. That measure has now
been before them, and has stood the test of all the
severe analysis which its general importance, the
interests it affected, and the apprehensions it exci
ted were calculated to produce: and it now remains
for Congress to consider w hat legislation has be
come necessary in consequence.
I need only add to w hat 1 have, on former occa
sions, said on this subject generally, that in the re
gulations w hich Congress may prescribe respecting
the custody of the public moneys, it is desirable
that as little discretion as may be deemed consis
tent with their safe keeping should be given to the
Kxecutive agents. No one can be more deenlv im
pressed than I am with the soundness of the doctrine
which restrains and limits, by specific provisions,
Kxecutive discretion, as far as it can be done con
sistently with the preservation of its constitutional
character. In respect to the control over the pub
lic money, this doctrine is peculiarly applicable,
and is in harmony with the great principle which
I felt I was sustaining in the controversy with the
Hank of the United States ; w hich has resulted in
severing, to some extent, a dangerous connect i u
between a moneyed and a political power. The
duty of the legislature to define, by clear and posi
tive enactment, the nature and extent of the action
which it lelongs to the Kxecutive to superintend,
springs out of a policy atialagous to that w hich en
joins upon all the branches of the Federal Govern
ment an abstinence from the exercise of powers not
clearly granted. In such a (iovernment, possess
ing only limited and specific powers, the spirit of
its general administration cannot le wise or just,
when it opposes the reference of all doubtful points
to the great source of authority, the States and the
People ; whose number and diversified relations,
securing them against the inMuences and excite
ments w hich may mislead their agents, make them
the safest depository of power. In its application
to the Kxecutive, with reference to the Legislative
branch of tiie Government, the same rule of action
should make the President ever anxious to avoid
the exercise of any discretionary authority, which
can be regulated by Congress. The biases which
may operate upon him will not be so "ikelv to ox
tend to the representatives of the People in that
body.
In my former messages to Congress I have ic
peatedly urged the propriety of lessening the dis
cretionary authority lodged in the various dcoart-
ments; but it has produced no effect as yet, except
the discontinuance of extra allowances in the Armv
and Xavy, and the substitution of fixed salaries iu
the latter. It is believed that the same principles
could be advantageously applied, in all cases, and
would promote the efficiency and economy of the
the public officers generally.
TO 1JK COXCLrUKl) NEXT WKEK.J
From the Raleigh lit qister, of D r. lo.
On Wednesday last, Gen. Samuel F. Patterson
was re-elected Public Treasurer for the ensuin "
year, by nearly an unanimous vote.
Iuausvrafioti of (loccrwr Sitai"ht. This cere
mony took place on Thursday last, in the presence
-CI .1. II -.1 T
botn Houses of the Legislature, and u large
n"'l'hor of spectators. Gov. Spaight read an ml-
dress on the occasion, w hich we made an imsuc-
cessful effort to obtain for publication, iu to-day's
paper.
Our University. We are gratified to learn,
from the best authority, that in no period of its past
j nistorv, nas mis institution been more distin'mish-
i - . i . i . -. . . ...
ed, than during the past session, for the fx)dorder
and studiousness and regular attention to business
of the youth who compose it that it has really
seemed as if there had leen a general consent
among them to improve their valuable privileges,
and to show in their treatment of their otBcers'and
their Collegiate habits, that gentlemanly resoect
auu oecoruui w men mignt be expected of enlighten
ed academic youth. It is no more than justice to
the present administration of the College, to ive
them the credit of this happy result ; toascribe it,
in a great measu re, to the fund spmt of friendlv
counsel which has characterized its discipline as
..v.11 ,,0 m me inci casing rennement and morality
of our youth. We have every reason to believe,
that our College has peculiar "advantages for pros
perity, in the quiet and retirement of its location-,
the exemption of its youth from temptations tt
idleness and dissipation, and the general moderation
and equality of fortune among our citizens, where
by their sons are preserved from ruinous habits of
expenditure, and learn to appreciate their education
as their chief dependence for a livelihood. While
we see Virginia on one side, and South Carolina
on the other, cherishing tlteir State Institutions
with patriotic pride and maternal fondness, we can
noUut think that our character and reputation as
a Ilepubhc demand of us to do all hi our power to