Newspapers / Western Carolinian (Salisbury, N.C.) / Jan. 9, 1836, edition 1 / Page 2
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nrt yet reputation to cover thi territory. It is the policy of tr."rrss to cause ex:c:i-ive vnc-r, i made, in order that the settlement of tlie new tates may not be retarded even in uie Migm-i wri. - . But the i lea, that because vast sections of ter ritory tho frrsts of the wi!i! west, on being offered fr sile, are not immediately taken tip, therefore be sold at a mere nominal - f thev should price, is too preposterous to reqoire refutation. "Tins Com mttce also concur in the sentiment expressed in the same messag", that it is " our true policy that" the public lands shall cease as con as practicable, to be a source of revenue, arid th it they xhovld be sold to settlers, in limited parcel?, at a price barely sujjicient to reimburse the United .States the expense ot tne present system and the cost arising under our Indian compacts. J' their memorials? they have urged upon Congress repeat edly, within the last ten or twelve years, the oIiey, justice, and necessity of reducing the price ot refuse 1 and. They have" represented, arid truly repre sented, as the committee belkve, that the existing law i.i regard to the price operates materially and wrongfully to their injury. The high price of land inevitably retard the population of a country, and, taken in connexion with the want ot power to lav it, must postpone the maturity of its resources. In the o;i:ii .i of the committee, it is due to thi ;o- n!o of" the new States that the exiting Mite of lhinMs!icu!d be terminated assooti as practicable. As yet, Mr. Speaker, all tuch schemes as tuis bav been voted down in Congress by the Repre sentatives of the eld States. It is not however, to La expected, that this will be always the case. Unceasing efibrts of this kind, backed by tie pow erful namo of the President, are not lo be regarded with in JiiK renee. United as the Western States are in intercut and feeling, on these poises, and con etantlv increasing in population and in iiumticrs, it may be in their power to attach to them a portion of the Atlantic States. I jet us suppose tor a mo meat that a reckless politician, one who regarded the best intercuts of the country as nothing coin- mrn l with bis own elevation, who was ready to ue any means placed within bis reach, to attain office, to be placed befre the jHiblic in the attitude of a candidate f r the Presidency, lrom one ot tlie old States. What is more natural, than that he and his partisans sh u! 1 Ie willing to sacrifice the Na ti nal Domain to purchase t.'ic Electoral votes o th; V est f Arid have we not, even n-.ov, reason to apprehend this? Let any one who doubts this, lo-Sx to the votes juthe last Congress. Sir, I have on irnnres- i that the great interests of the coun try will be thrown into the approaching Presiden ti.d stru - A . in a mm.'ior which has not hitherto b:en seen. 1 am therefore anxious that this ques. lion should if ps-ih!e. be immediately scaled. Tiie President himself assigns as a reason f r veto- i i" the land bill of lS3d, that it settled the ques tion only fir five years, whereas, he was desirous tf seeing it quisled forever. And rest assured sir, this question will shortly be settled i:i some way cr other. We may bo indifferent, we may fM our arms and lo!c on in silence, but when Michigan and Arkansas and Florida are admitted ir.to the Uui'ju when the new States are all united on this point, and a President sliall have been elected who sh ill feel bound by bis bargain, or out of gratitul f r the support given him, to second their wishes thev will then settle this question to their own wishes. Mr. Speaker, as far as I am informed, there are but two modes proposed, by which this question can be settled. Tiio first is to surrender the lands to the States in which they lie ; the second is the manner proposed in the resolutions on your table. I sliall brietly consider the propriety of each. As far us the claims of the new States rest on the ground that they, as sovereigns, are the rightful owners of all the territory within their boundaries, they seem to me utterly unfounded. It has never been pretended that they, while in the corit'jtion of a territory under the government of Congress, had any claim to the waste lands. And, at the time when their. Constitutions were formed, and as a step indispensable to their admission into the Union, and to the enjoyment of the rights of a sovereign State, they liavo uniformly been required by Con gress 44 to provids by an ordinance, irrevocably without the consent of the United States, that the people inhabiting said territory, do agree and de clare that they forever disclaim all right and title to the waste and unappropriated! lands lying; within sai 1 territory ; and that the same shall be, and re main at the sole and entire disposition of the United States ; ami moreover, that each and every tract of Jand sold by the United States after the formation of a Constitution by the particular State, thall lc and remain exempt from any tax, laid by the order or under the authority of the State, whether for State, county, township, parish, or any other pur pose whatever, for the term of five years from and after the respective clays of the sales thereof," .Vc. 44 And that no tax sliall be imposed on lands the pro;erty of the United Stales," &c. Now, unless it shall le asserted, that a sovereign State is incapable of binding itself by contract, these States are stopped fronj putting up a claim to the lands of the United States. Nor can Con gress surrender this property to the new States without a violation of good faith. For, if the lands are to be regarded as a common fund for the U-ne-fit of all, then, any act, by which they are given to a part only, is unjust and directly at variance with the terms of the cession acts. As reference has already been made to the opinions of the President, it is proper that I should call the. attention of the House to another expression of bis views in which he takes a ground entirely different from the form er. Towards the close of the session of Congress of '3.1, to which the Message above minted had b?en sent, a bill was passed, commonly known na "t 'hv'a 1tm,I Kill K 1 .1: . :i r Clay s land bill" which made a distribution r.f the proceeds of the public landj among all the States, in proportion to their federal population, but allowing an excels of 12 per cent to th.- r-w States. This bill did not meet the approbation of the President, and in the message returning it to ths subsequent Congress with his objections he went at some length into the history of the acqui sition of the National Domain. His conclusions are thus stated. 44 That one of the fundamental principles which the confederation of the United Stales w on originally base 1, was that the waste land was of the west witnm itieir limits, should be the property of the United States. common 44 That those hnd? were ceded to the United States by the States which claim them, and the cessions were accepted, on the express condition that they should bo disposed of lor the common benefit of the States according to their respective propositions in the general charge and expenditure and for no other purpose whatsoever. ' " That in execution of these solemn compacts, the Congress of the United States did, under the confederation, proceed to sell those lands and put the avails in the common treasury ; and, under the new Constitution, did repeateoly pledge them lor the payment of the public debt of the United Stales, by which each St ite was expected to pro hi in pro portion to the general charge to be made upon it lor that obiect. 44 These are the first principles ot ttus wnoie ubj-ct, which I think, cannot !. contested by any f 1 '. . . C rill . Y I onowtioc-xamir.es too irwtTun n i " tionary Congress, the cessions of the several States and the acts of Congress under the new Constitu tion." From thee general propositions, the President argues that, as the lands arc the property of all the States in proportion to thir share in the gene ral charge and expenditure, that any act allowing them an excess above this proportion is a violation of the deeds of cession. And if, as it is thus con tended, it Imu wrong to give to the new States a por tion, however small, more than their proper share, then is it not a much greater violation of the rights of the old States fbr Congress to give away the irh'Jc of the land to the State in which it lies ? I am aware, sir, however, that in this same Veto Message, which we are now considering, towards the end of the document, the President reiterates his former opinion that the lands ought to le sur rendered to the States in which they lie ; but it seems to me that bis iews are deceptive, and bis argument utterly fillacious. Hear bis language : 44 O.i the whole, I adhere to the opinion express ed by me in my annual message of that it is our true policy that the public lands shall cease as soon as practicable to Ic a source ot revenue ex cept for the payment of those general charges which trow out of the acquisition of the lands, their sur vey and sale. Although these expenses have not lieen met by the proceeds of sales heretofore, it is quite certain th.v will hereafter, even alter a con riderabie reduction in the price. Iv meeting in the treasury so mucin. f the general charge as arises from that source, thev will hereafter, ns thev have been heretofore, lie disposed of for the common benefit of the United States, according to the com pacts of cession. I do not doubt that it is the real interest of each and all the States in the Union, and particularly of the now States, that the price of those lands shall hs reduced and graduated, and that after they have lieen offered for a number of ears, thn refused remaining unsold sliall be aban doned to the States, and the machinery of our land systGiii entirely withdrawn. It cannot be sonposed that the compacts intended that the United States should retain forever a title to land withir. the States which are of no value, and no doubt is entertained that the general interest would be lest promoted by surrendering such lands to the States. 44 This ! v for disposing of the public land im pairs no principle, violates no compact, and endan gers no system." As fir as I am able to understand the view of the President, it seems to le this : Congress has the power to fix at will the price of the public land. It may then be sold at so low a rate (say twenty five cents per acre, as recommended in the bill which has been read,) as barely to defray the ex pense of surveying and selling it. Should this be done, he thinks that as the old States would at once cease to receive any benefit from the land, thev would propably consent to inn absolute surrender of the property ; or at any rate, that no injustice would be done to them bv such a disitosition. ThcjsO are propositions which will not proUibly le disputed by any body. hen the old "Nates ot the Union see that nothing more remains to tlicrn than to be at the trouble of surveying and selling this land, for the exclusive benefit of the citizens of the western States, they will probably not hesitate to allow Con gress to mane ;m absolute cession of all the Nation al domain, to the States in which it may happen to ltd located. In this way, the President thinks that the public lands mav lo disposed of fbr the leneht of tho new States, without violating any cqmpact or right whatever. 1 have said that this reasoning seems to mo to lie entirely erroneous, i ho mi- take of the President consists in not taking u dis tinction Ijetween tertitory and property, in which latter oint of view alone, it is valuable. If the national domain Ixi regarded as the property of the li luted states, it catui'-t lo soM lor less than its value without injustice. If laud worth one dollar, and a quarter er acre, le sold for twenty. five cents, it is in lact as great a Iraud as it tour-lilths of the territory itself were given away. And especially, if it be so disposed of, that it shall bring nothing into the common Treasury, such dispositions is as much a violation of the deeds of cession, as if it were directly surrendered to the States in which it lies. The President however, is a western man. Government, that a distribution of the proceed . . i - ..I. ..... anil it is nothing more than human nature, that his feelings should have blasted bis judgment ; more especially as this was the only plan that he could devise by which the new States could get the whole of the land. As this is the mode bv which the National Domain is most likely to le lost to us, it is our duty, as Hoprcsentalivos of North Carolina, to protest against it, and it is mainly against this scheme, that the declaration in the second clause of the first Resolution is intended to oieratc. I do not place this measure on the ground of interests. I o not inquire whether we would le willing to lose our right to a portion of this thousand million of acres. Is it sufficient to show, that Coneress can not, without violating tho Constitution, make such a surrender. The expediency of the measure I do not stop to consider. It does not seem to me desirable, that any rcduc tion whatever in the price of thu western land: should at this time be made. It is not a well known fact, tfiat owing to the vast amount of fresh and fer. tile land which has been thrown into the market at so cheap h nto, improved lands in the old States pre worth comparatively little ? A further reduction in the price of the'public lands, would afiVct the value of every acre in the Union. Is net tho cur rent of emigration already si?!hcienty rapid ? And is it our interest to endeavor to swell its tide? Are not our best and most enterprising citizens moving eit in one commm-d tram to the wcstard ? Sir. I do not complain of these things, but I do hold that it jerfectly demonstrates the lact, that the price at which me puoiic rind is ollered tor ale is not ten) ll" . . . I 2 :Nor ' lt ssenlial to the prosperity of the new ctates themselves, that such reduction should be made. 1 heir growth hrw already been more rapid than that of any nation recorded in history. f-vi , - m i v-uin iiiui legislation on missuniect Ohm has been often referred to as furnishing the is turned back and we might as well expect a ri most astonishing instance in the world of a irreat ver to return .. . .i i: A o. i . . ri -i State suddenly springing into existence. Yet it is remarkable, that mot of the land in that State be- mg entered before tho last reduction, was sold nt n much ,:ih-r .i.,.. .. I ". - ..I V itu.. ,MV jmcovui muiunum price t most of the lands termed refuse , now in market, will in time be taken up at the present price. In bept. lbdl, of the ands or ?n:a v Ivmg m uuo emu-, moi ;...i ... ii ....i.i mIv t"t in r millions and a halt of; It may well be doubted, whether a reduction of; would the minimi: tit- price, even if it were maue, rcillv traicfit ll.c S ales thiinselics, or ciial.1.- Oir- ! of excessive speculation has been a subject of much j complaint. I will beg leave to mention an anecuoie. which will serve, as well as any tiling mat i imgui snv, to illustrate its operation. A citizen of our State, as he informed me himself, attended a land sale with a view of purchasing. Previous to me sale, ho had examined a piece of land for winch he was willing to give 815 per acre. He was in formed however, by the agents of a speculating company, that if he attempted to bid off that land, it should be run up to SoO per acre. This mode it seems was resorted to to deter competition. He was informed however, that if he would permit the company to purchase it, at the minimum price, it should be sold to him at the sum which he was wil ling give. From this transaction, it appears that thovcm merit received 81 2" per acre the pur chaser gave $15, the full value, and the ditlercnce was the gain of private individuals. So fertile is the wit of man in expedients to enable him to evade laws, intended to oerate against his interest, that it may not bo possible entirely to remedy this evil. As it" arises however from the circumstance that the lands may frequently be purchased for less than their actual value, a further reduction would proba bly greatly magnify. If the price were twenty-five cents per acre, companies might be formed by cap italists in the cities, that would take up large sec tions of territory ; and sell them out to settlers on terms much more unfavorable ihan the present. 1 should like here to say something on the subject of theenormous frauds committed by the Land Agents of the (iovcrnment, as going to show the necessity of legislation. Sir, recent investigations have de veloped a system of fraud and corruption, the like of which has not been seen in any free government of modern times, unless it may lie supposed that the Post Office Department furnishes a paiallel. Iiut I liavo resolved to confine myself strictly to the detail of the subject itseir, and" I must umii tl f r the present. The second mode of settling this question is that proposed in the Resolutions. We are next to in quire whether this disposition is within the power of Congress. To determine the point, it is neces sary to look to the terms on which the lands were acquired. They, as has already been shown, are to be considered as a common fund for the use and benefit of all of the United States, in proportion to the usual share of each in the general charge and exj)cnditure. This seems to be the principle, if not the only limitation of the power of Congress, and any disposition which answers this description, that Uj which gives to each State a lenefit in the pro portion thus prescribed, is a complete discharge of the trust, and in strict accordance with the spirit and letter of the deeds of cession. As most of these cessions were under the old Articles of Cot ift-.de mo tion, let us endeavor to throw ourselves back to that time, and see what would have lcen the result, if the Federal Constitution had never been adopted. A direct charge was then made upon each of the State. The proportion that each paid, depended on their wealtii and population, and was detcrmin- ed iy l,ongress. j hat ot rsorth Carolina was a tenth of the whole contributed by the old thirteen States. Hut the lands were a common fund to meet these general charges. Let it then be sup Ksed that the public debt bad been paid, ami that the proceeds arising from the land sales bad lcen more than snilicient to satisfy the wants of that economical (lovernmont. There Iieiug then no common object to which such monies could le appropriated, it seems to me, to be perfectly clear, that in order to carry out the trust, it would have been the right and duty of the then Congress, to return the surplus to the individ ual States, in tho projxirtion nliove stated. Ibit the Federal Constitution has left the whole question open ns it was before. The only clause relating to the subject, is that already quoted. It gives to Con gress power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations with respect to the territory or oth er property of the United States, and declares tjiat I el'Mn. . .C ...... ..C . I. IT.- I ... I"- I'tiiii- wi .-i.ihtoi tioy oi iu; oiiiii.'ti oiaies. shall not te prejudiced by the adoption of this Con stitution. In a word, it affirms the existing com pacts, and gives Congress power to carry out their stipulations. I am, therefore, of opinion, that as thero is at this time in the National Treasury an a mount of revenue much beyond the wants of the s o the public lands might now be made. The second Resolution, however, leaves the Constitutional ones tion open. It simply declares that such dispositon ougnt to bo made, leaving it to tho discretion o Congress either to make it immediately, or to pro l . . -t ... T. .... euio an amendment to ttic constitution it it is deemed necessary. Regarding the right to raise revenue as a trust power, to be used for Const itu tional purjwses, and so ought to be construed most ot tho jrowcrs of the Federal Government. I do not admit the right of Congress to raise a revenue for the purjoses of distribution among the States. Uut this is a question which does not now arise. There is now, and prolwbly will be for some years to come, a large surplus in the Treasury. The se lect committee of the Senate, last Spring, reported that thero was an excess of nine' millions, and if anv confidence is to be placed in newspaper statements, it win tins year amount to a surplus of hlteen mil- lions. ir, it seems to me, that it may well be questioned, whether a Government like ours, which has a sum of money that it ought, and is bound to use for the benefit of the United States, but which. neverineiess, it cannot apply to any common object; It may be questioned, I think, whether the "eneral powers conferred on Congress, would not enable it to give it back to the several States. Certainly sucn a oisposition is, in practise, liable to much lees l . . . otjection than others which have been and probably iii oe again made. rromthe foundation of. the Government. Con. irress has actm! n thmioli ir h.irt tl trol over the National Domain. It ha Un -wiv, ui iiUltJ tJCMl- of its settled policy, to give portions of the nuhlie i . - i w lanas to the Mates in which thev are situated, fl.r iuo purposes already mentioned. Unless, there fbrr iho u1iIq . . r I ... ... llo o'ini tuc 1 1 is uosiiion recom. mended in the Resolutions o,orbt t L mn.,J not r.nlv do nil .us,..M J7i: .uT" . Vr to C,n : .u, kJlll "" .1 .1 I II I III I MM Wl m.i tAlnl ir. "."' 1,1 ' nut tne terms of me cession Acts themselves renu re that th f K , r.r ctrited. tO shoW th -r , T ! i i-i 1 1 . 1 rrrt fit arising from the rsationai yonu m fa- equally to all. In order, therefore, inai o.. ,nav continue the donations to the new states, equal ity and equity requirethat similar advantages s.iou.d be atioroec 1 to the old. And sir, u u.ttt. j lor our citizen to believe that Congress may, wun perfect propriety, ive to the Western fctates a six- teenth section to support free schools, or hvc per cent, on all Hie land sales, lor me pur - ;i nw miv narticmaiiou m im. old Thirteen States, by whose blood and treasure tho lands were orisr'maUy acquired. There is another light in which the claims ot the States mav bo viewed. The waste lands were pledged for the payment of the National debt ; and i, T. i. i. mo ivn on id but how? Mainly by lie- cnues raised from the customs. Tho portion ot the original debt paid from the land Sides is com paratively small. ' Much the larger part of the mo ney expended for that purpose, was raised by indi rect taxation on the jeople of all the States. As the proceeds of the public lands are not now want ed for the legitimate purposes of the Government, is it not proper that they should be returned to the States, to remunerate tliem in some extent for what they have been obliged to pay ? If the National Domain was pledged for the payment of the pub lic debt, then the States that have come forward and dischargad it, have an equitable claim on the fund to the extent of their advances. Mr. Speaker, I am aware that objections have Ieen made to a distribution on the proposed plan 1 1 l.n! Iunn ctiorwwd liv some that it will have a tendency to subject the States to the Federal Gov ernment. It will, however, be recollected by the House, that at the last session of Congress, a pro position was brought forward by the leader of the States Rights party, to distribute the whole sur plus in the Treasury among the States, as a means of arresting the rapid progress of our Government to despotism. This plan does not seem to me to be attended with any decided objections. Why is it that patronage has lccn found so dangerous ? It is because the Prerident has the power of appoint ment to and removal from office. It is because it is for him to nominate one individual out of many, to receive a salary. The person once in office dare not offend, lest he should be displaced. Those de oirwid of office seek to acquire it by subserviency to the appointing power. It is this, sir, which is converting the whole body of office holders into a band of mercenaries, and going so far to corrupt the country. I am ready to admit that if Congress at will were to distribute a large sum among twelve of the twenty-four States, it might be attended with all the apprehended evils. The favored States might tremble at the frown of that power which could at will deprive them of their supply. The less fortunate might seek to win its smiles by ab ject servility. Nothing of this, however, can lie apprehended from the proposed distribution. Her share would go to each State as a thing of course, and it would matter nothing whether she were a favorite of Congress or not. On the contrary, -sir, it appears to me that it would have at this time a most salutary influence. It would have a direct and powerful tendency to array the States against extravngart expenditures on the part ot the Feder al Government. Let it be distinctly understood that this distribution is to continue while the pro ceeds of the public lands arc not wanted by the Go vernment, and the people of the different States wili find an additional inducement to resist every species of extravagance. Without some means of this kind, it is a vain hope for us to expect econo my and retrenchment at Washington. We might as well expect to sec a man whose purse was al ways overflowing set an example of frugality and economy. Wealth creates a thousand fancied wants. As long as Congress has the control of more money than is necessary to supply the legitimate wants of Government, various ways of spending it, either Constitutional or not, will le presented; expendi tures w ill be enlarged ; the patronage of the Ex ecutive will be increased, and political corruption will Ikj found every where. And this, of all evils. is w hat I most dread. Sir, I do not fear the entire loss of liberty by a sudden convulsion. No free Go vernment was ever destroyed in this v.ny. Tho' a military despot should, like Pisistratus or Crom well, seize the citadel of liberty, if the people were worthy of freedom, they never failed, sooner or la ter, to find an opportunity of asserting their rights una re-esiauiisnmg tneir macpenuence. And even though our present Constitution were destroyed, or the Union dissolved, yet, if the spirit of liberty survived, tho elements of free government would be remoulded and re-appear in a difierent form. Hut make a people thoroughly corrupt, and they are fit only for despotism. I declare, sir, that I would rather that this fund, vast as it is, were sunk into the ocean, than placed where it now is entirely beyond the control of Con gress, tho constitution guardian of the Treasury, I would rather that it should become utterly useless, than be used against the people. It is better that a weapon should be broken, than remain in the hands of an enemy. The resolutions propose that the proceeds of the public lands should be devided amoi)" the States in proportion to their I cdenil population. Under the old Confederation it was easy to ascertain what each htato paid into the common Treasury, be cause charges were made not upon the people, but upon the States directly. Hut as the revenue is now raised principally by the duties on imports, it would perhaps be impossible to ascertain what each State pajs, and the basis of Federal numbers has lieen assumed, because it probably approaches more nearly to that of charge and expenditure, than any other which could be diviscd. It is a great principle of free Government that representation and taxation go hand in hand. Besides, the Con stitution itself provides that if direct taxes should Ikj laid, they shall be imposed according to Feder al population. Tho proceeds arising from the land sales are constantly increasing. Bv an examination of tn. bles containing official statements of the amount of sales in each year, it appears that this increase is on an average of twenty-three per cent annuallv. and doubling the whole amount every four years. In lb33, this sum was five millions. Last vear it was considerably more, and during the present year, owing to the immense emigration to the West i ue increase greauy surpasses that in any former period of the same length. I have seen a para-! raph in a Washington City paper, which assort! . U. .1 . r ' wiai mo entire amount oi sales exceeds 11 n-.m;ne Taking; five millions as the average, and there is no r.-ooaoiiity ot its ever luilmir short of this nmnn division according tq the Federal population would give Aorth Carolina two hundred and seventy thousand dollars a year. A sum nearly four times as rrreat as our entire present revenue. The ad vantages of such a measure it is scarcely necessa. rv to enumerate. The citizens of the new States have benefits of general education extended to them from this fund ; why should not the same facilities be ollered to the old States, the original owners or 'purchasers of the national domain ? The resources j of the West, are developed by means arising out of tlus source, and docs any State teel the want ot a system of Internal Improvement more than North Carolina? In whatever aspect then, this measure is viewed, it is one of the most important ever con sidered in this country ; whether we regard it as a means, at the present juncture, of preventing the entire surrender of the National domain to tire States in which it lies ; as an expedient to dimin ish Executive power and patronage, and arrest the dow nward tendency of our Government to despo tism; or simply consider it as a measure calcula ted to advance "the prosperity and happiness of our citizens, it presents the highest claims to our at- tention. The principles ot the plan proposed are plain and obvious ; its details are simple and well understood, and I shall not trouble the House with any further observations, unless it should become necessary for me to reply. ' . From the London Quarterly Revieic. Mr. Abdy, and five hundred more of his class-, may talk as long as they please about the equality of all the children of Adam, and condemn, as alike silly and sinful, the American repugnance to the notion of what they call amalgamation " but we take the liberty of doubting whether Mr. Abdy would willingly bestcw on his own siter in mar riage upon the most polished specimen of the ne ro race that ever strutted as Comte Marmalade, or Marquis de Molasseville at the court of Ilayti; and we also remain excessively sceptical as to the possibility of bringing any negro population to any think like the Anglo-American standard of intellect or civilization for generations to come. Certain feelings which these gentlemen so brcadly denounce in tho Americans are feelings which, right or wrong have been partaken by all the civilized nations that ever came into contact with African negroes, from the dawn of history down to the present day ; and they will not yield to argument least of all to abuse. The difficulty in which this vast and rapidly-increasing population of alien blood involves the government and legislature of America is great and real ; and it little becomes Englishmen, aware, as we all are, by whose act a slave peasantry was first introduced into her territory, to assume a high and disdainful tone of language as to this subject. Least of all is it either wise and decorous in us to assume such a tone at this particular time. Some obviously and absurdly -cruel particulars may be criticised calmly to good purpose but let us not be too broad and rash in our censures. We have but yesterday emancipated our own West Indian slaves at an enormous cost, and the results of that experiment are still (to speak gently) extremely doubtful. Let us beware of incurring the suspicion that we are willing to urge our own example on tho United States from motives not of philanthropy merely, but in part, at least of mercantile caleuki (jonf We find the following caustic article in the Lynch burg Virginia : " Somebody has had the cruelty to send us a pamphlet printed several years ago, entitled Bates rs. Benton. As there is a distinguished Senator bearing the name of the person last picntioned, and as this pamphlet is a real knock him-down-flat-on his-back production as regrads this person, we are very sorry to see it circulated ; for many honest well meaning people may make mistakes, and think the worth- Senator and the man proved to be guilty of divers bad acts are one and the same individual. The liability to this error is more apparent, when it is recollected that their names, christian and sir name, are exactly alike, and that they both hail from the State of Missouri. (Alexandria Gazette.) OCT" We have likewise been favoured with a copy of the pamphlet referred to in the above paragraph and if the half of it Ikj true, Senator Benton should spend the balance of his days in the work of expunging. The recorded crimes connected with his name would long since hav e burnt to a crisp the cheek of any man less brazen than himself. We do not wonder that he clings so pertinaciously to the word expunc. It should always be the subject of his thoughts. TIMES ARE CHANGED. " What kind of President would this great civil ian (President Jackson) make ? A gentleman trlto cannot interpret the plain expressions of our late' and yet woujd be called upon to administer all the laws of the land ! One whose ideas are so jmrely military ; that he would transmute a traitor into a spy, or would punish treason, not by the civil courts, but by a court martial ! One ?rAo, in any great crisis, tcould convert the irhole country into one great camp, and would reduce almost every thing under martial law P "If this individual be a Republic ax, then, in deed, as he himself says, 4 names are bubbles.' What respect would such a great civilian enter tain for the Laws and Constitution of his country) Is such a one qualified for our chief magistrate?" The IZ. Enquirer in 1824. The S. C. Herald speaks of the Rev. Mr. Elli ott, recently elected professor i;: the S. C. College as follows: "Mr. Elliott for some time after hU father's death conducted the Southern Review, isf said to be a good scholar and quite a literary man. Besides, those who know him, have every confi dence in him as a man of piety. We must do the Trustees the justice to say that in their late elec tions, they have endeavored to fufil the pledge giv--en by those who made the " Appeal." Wilmington and llaleigh Rail Road Wo learn from the IVilmington Press of the 1st ir.st., that Stock to the amount of $200,000 m this road, had been taken in that town alone, within a- few days. This is highly creditable fo the public; spirited citizens of that place, and augurs well for the success of the enterprize. Raleigh Register Indiana. 'At a State Convention, which assem- bled at the Seat of Government of Indiana on the 14th inst., for the purpose of nominating a candi date for President of tho United States, Wm. II. Harrison was unanimous!'." nominated. lb. 4 N extensive stock of BLANKS of every kind -il neatly printed, on fine paper, kept constantly on and and for sale, at ' TIIISO ITICE.
Western Carolinian (Salisbury, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Jan. 9, 1836, edition 1
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