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0 / 75
VOL , XL THIRD SERIES
SALISBURY. II. j C, AUGUST 5, 1880
- ' " - ' i
jbe Carolina Watchman,1
' ESTABLISHED IN THE YEAR 1832.
1 1 PRICE, $1.50 IN ADVANCE.
rOJTTR ACT ADVERTISING RATES.
1 montn 2 m's 3 in '3 c m's 12 ms
n for i
r do. l-40-
I ?IU1E GUKAX . hOUTllEHN
IX REMEDY for the- core of feerol.
I. Ki pallia, hcrofoknu Taut, Kbca--Tilim.
White Swellinr.Goat. Goitre.
IconMBptloa. BronekltlM erro De
bility, Jlalaria, ana au aueaaea 11181118
from u impure conditio of Ute blood.
Cures S jvhUli.7-:
; Cures Malaria. "".
urn m 1 fJUK'W
Cures kervous Debility.
has Its Ingredients imblfclnsd on evei r
packs 75. baow U to your 1 ny r,ician. ana
ihe will' tell you It la comnored ct thd
latronfiet alteratives that exist, and la aa
teicellwnt llood Purlier.
E0S1DALI3 Is sold fcy all Drnglsts.
- -in 1 "" j
: !For 21 AIT and BEAST.
f t I External and Internal.
CO CEEATSSt V AE7 KXTCVm CT? THU ACS.
- TE4 GEEA.T VEQirrAETJ! CATUAETIO
' 1 !'.Wil.,
tTTor calo I'j all Drusrf !s.
JOnZICNRY. CURRANT CO..
1 C&Ue?a Irlacct 1 . fievr York.
FoiUJle by-I. ii. KIAJTTZ, Brugist,
i6;iy j Salisbury, X. C.
ivlES" m. gray;
pal Counsellor at Law,
'SALISBURY. N. C.
Oijfre fjj-tho Court House lot. next doo
t Sqirt. If fjliton. Will practice iu all
the Courts ot'
WEY AT LAW,
SAJjLl.liXJItY, ISr. O.,
Practices in the Stale and Federal
anus at f ato,
SajLiailotjLr-v-, TO-. C
I $1.M I $2.50 $3.5WI$6.99
3.00 4.60 6.25 7.S9
4.50 .00 7.50 11.99
. 6.00 T.50 9.99 18.69
7.S0 9.75 11.25 1.59
11.25 15.75 20.50 25.E9
18.75 26.25 33.75 4S.75
BAERS PAIN PANACEA
rt Liysfcjiru tt tUj Lest V. ol
1 1 . . 1
! f .r I ,
SALISBURY, N'. C
Til LJ- ' i " 4
r term of this School will open,
lawday, August 3rd, 1630. t
uf rHs &c, address, i '
III r AiF.n n xrvPTT.T. -
Wood Lrtaf. N.-C. "
poro Female Colleere.
L Oreensboro. C. -
AhcuIlI -ft'4611 wlU be8in on the 251,1 of
Wil!!L,lil!,0Wn Inxtitulion oflVra superior
J-iowi ff5"rill d morat culture, coru
jtort'JJjJJj f CeIuf'W of a i.leatanl, wllor-
iSute ttf "'on of 5 months : Board
37:8, 1 1 f T VtlH pnly to
i H ires i.
fc5d Note Headsill He ds.
ri .XVELOm Vented to order
V plltes. ;Call at this office. ..
nr,i f 1 iu" i 1 1 k 01 one cow is
2Pressly for iufants at
rv'M !U : irrt.
Marry a Oentleiuau. j , y
! BY MRS. M. L. KIDDER. !
i ' ' - : !
; Marry a geutlenian, .- j
- L Girls, if you can, j
j ""Midded and built j
1 On tlie generous plan,
( Though he mny; neither j
. liave silver nor gold," f
Title or fortune, .- - 1
To have or to hold."
Ttongh he may labor j
With spade and with hoe.!
I Though he may naught j
t But his inother tongue know,
j - Though he live under
Society's ban, . j
Marry a gentleman, . .
Girls, if yoiteau. J .-
f Marry a gentleman,
Girls, if you can! .
J Gentle and tender,
Though no less a man.
Oiue who will treasure
His child or his wife,
Scorning to rob them
j Of sweetness in life.
j One. who will never
' The brute's part assume
L Filling his household I
With sorrow aud gloom.
If 011 love's altar
j The flame you would fan,
j Marry a gentleman,
Girls it you cau.
j Yon will be happy,
And you will be glad,
Though he only .
Be commonly clad. -j
Pleasure is fleet,
And life but a span
: Marry a gentleman.
Girls, if you cau.
The Old farmer's Story
Now, ? mother, bring the knitting-woik,
. and sit 'longside of me;
I've got a bit ot gospel That James sent
home to thee ;
Aud wlui he toPd me how it was, aud
what he meant to Cu
I couldn't keep the teuraway, from think-
ing then of you.
fthoughtlsaw the thorny path, the weary
yea i-M of care,
Butwl.eu 1 turn old Dobbin round, all
.iiii oitgu me evening air, ,
1 seemed to hear the angels sing that hymn
of long-ago, j
"Praise God above in heavenly host, and
praise him here below."
And all the time I Seemed to hear our
Jamie softlv say.
'Tcirmotlier, when.you reach our home,
I've signed the i pledge to-dav :
And when you kneel i.reveniu Jirayer,
ask Gotor Jamie tlx in,
To help hhu tight the battle well, and be
1 hunicd 'throngli .the. storm and slect.l
loiigrd tt tell you how
Om Jamie Mgned the pledge to-day, and
It seeniH o like the olden tune, our angel
With; Jiunie kueelhig by one knee, aud
iNeii the other side.
And .somehow to-night I fancy'that all
, along the wav
Our Nellie's lingered near us, aud borne
our prayers away ;
And -God, who loves his children, and
give his mercy free,
Has ,Wut and softly whispered, "The
morning bieaksfor thee."
And this 1 call gospel news ; and mother
That other mother'sdarligns may find the
new old way ;
And hearts, dear hearts, that's wearied
with daifef and lonely hours,
May know the joy of having such gospel
news as ours.
L. B. Boss, iu Adrian Times.
I held in my hand a little dry tree, an
infant hemlock. It grew on a sort of
bog, and a rauskrat dhnring his hole un
der it bitoff it roots and it was deacVTt
was full of limbs and knots and gliarles,
and 1 ieit curious to know how it hap-
.S T., , S- . llSUm determined to bring about
"Where do all these ugly limbs come . . . - . .
from f s-iid I. ' a 'onS exclusion of their antagonists
"Just where all ugly things come from," frouL Pwer by a series of measures
said lie. I "Lam pretty much like you which will be too fresh in the recol
meu. Find out where uiy limbs come lection of your readers to render it
from, aud you will find out where all hu-4 nece88ary to recall them. These
man 6i ns come from' ; I
So I took out my knife and peeied off measures answered their purposes for
all tho bark. Bat the limbs and -knots '
were left. -
!Ym must go deeper than that, sir.n
So I began to take off layer of wood af
ter layer. But all the knots were there.
"Deeper still," said the dry stick.
Then I split it all off, and separating
it, the heart was laid bare ; it looked like
Csmall rod about six feet long, aLd per
haps an ibch through at the large L eud.
Ah ! aud I was now surprised to see
that every limb and knot and gnarl start
ed in the1ieart.-Thegenu. of the starting
point of each cue was the centre of the
heart, -iklected. . j
The tree will not only lie as it falls, but
it will' fall as it leans. Aud the great
question every one should bring home to
himself iaj, "What is the inclination of my
8ul f Does it, with alKt affections and
powers, Ran toward God, or away from
Hiint-! - . f
A famine In ausas. Bleeding Kansas!
Think of it. In the great grain-growibg
State of Kansiis there are reported not
less than 5,000 ipeopUj actually safferbc
for looq nu cjothing.
THE EXGLIS1I KErOL,UTIOK.
"j' ' : j
The British People Drifting Rapid-
ly Towards a Republic. j
SomeHgns of th SUady Grmcth of
Democracy During the Last
London, July 10. the present con- I
dition of Enaelishj partie, cannot but tum wmt theif 0onents looked
be a subject of pn,found interests to j upon ag mm a teraporary reverse
all students of politics and of con- j ntQ tf fata, and irretrievable disaster
temporary history in whatever part : The conservativcs ihought it was
of-the world they jmay be living. For Qny ft they )a(1 received ,ast
: the fact is that aUher revolution isfApri . -n rea. u Jn a
go,ng on in this country destined to My blow j althoHgh spas.
be not less momentous in its results moilic am, intermittent strilggies for
than. what is calle.1, the "great" revo- , exislence mav -ti hem
npn 01 1000, inougu nereauer ine
r'word great may be mure fittingly ap
plied to the one which is now in pro
gress. After the last general electiou
there were many who flattered them
selves that everything would go on
: much as it did beforethe "Conserva
tive instincts" of the country would
suffice to prevent any sweeping changes
and that Mr. Gladstone's government
would be essentially a reproduction
of vLord Beacousneld's. That was a
, very foolish idea, as I pointed out at
the time. A Cabinet of which Mr.
Chamberlain and Mr. Bright are
members could not be expected by
any rational tnau to desregard the
Democratic force which had proved
their right to govern the country.
a. : X" 1 r f O a I. I I t9. a 1 !
Nor was there any ground for the
belief that Mr. Gladstone would
shrink from the work to which he had
, , , ,. ... . . . .
"P'w'gwt hiiiiHflt when in oppogitmu.
The territorial antl wealthy clashes
haVe neve.r bee iYiemh' Ueowes
them nothing. In constituencies where
thev arc iM.xverful he has been scorn-
tuny rejeemt. ny Mionid they
itii-igiiie that he would protect their
interests as wain as he was returned
to office ? Hfs feelings toward them
wa .significantly expressed in a speech
i 1 1 .1 tin ai .1
at liarwardeu, shiii after the general
. - ,T. , 1 tt ,
election. "I-fw, he sa.d, "where
wealth is most cnicentrated in the
. ;, ,rtt ,VMri. wwf ,.r.
valent in Westminister; it is where
1ru.crty isS tiJl(fit represented in the
1 1 j i
county, that the verdict lus gone
wrong." He i above all things, a
. . ,
minister created by the working ;lass-
. am j,e juw recently declared that
, , . . . ,
the working clashes constitute the na-
tion. It is ouly the infatuation of the
. , . . , ,
landlords and the wealthy classes
generally which could have led them
. . .1 t
to suppose for a moment that Mr.
Gladstone would sacrifice the inter-
esU of his real supporters to their
wishes or desires. The alarm which
they now liegin to show, is not less
contemptible in its way than the
blindness and -cowardice which have
characterized the management of their
cause since 1832.
The position of the Conservatives
at this moment is very much like that
iu which the Democrats found them
selves in the United States after the
war. They are without power in
the Legislature and discredited out of
doors scattered, enfeebled and dis-
heartened. The Republican party of
8ixteeu years, but probably no one
but Mr. Th'ad. Stevens and Mr. Sum
ner supposedjthat they would be per
manently eSecttial. The Democratic
party could bo shattered, but not ex
tinguished. In that respect its histo
ry will probably be found to differ
from that of the Conservative party
in England. The victory of the Eng
lish Radicals last April meant some
thing more than the temporary over
throw of their opponents. It rests with
them to decide whether those oppo
nentsjshall exist any longer as a par
ty, and no one neeil doubt what their
decision will be. It is in their power
to carry out such , changes in the
present representative system as in
future a Conservative majority iu five
constituencies out of sit would be
next to an impossibility. "There can
be a redistribution of seats, in thecourse
of which incurably Conservative! con
stitaencie8 would be swept away, and
this would be accompanied by an x-n
' tension of the suffrage to agricultural
j laborers ; which would at once and
: forever swamp the landlords. It is
quitc possible, moreover, to go beyond
' this, and to exclude certain classes al-
gether from h&. fLegislature, a8
L 1.111 li...i.i .1.-
uLucv-nuiuers are cauiuucvi iii ine
United States. By these, or any oth-
! er atmliances. which mav offer them-
. t. onAMvnr tn
It may indeed be said, without
anticipating the future very largely
that both the old political parties of
England are either absolutely dead or
quickly passing away. The Whigs
are no more, aud the Tories, even un
der their changed form of Conserva
tives, are in the condition described
by Lord Chesterfield : "Tyrawley and
I have been dead these two years,
but we don't choose to have it known."
The Whigs began to take the name of
Liberals after the Reform biil of '32,
but this appellation also is now to be
rejected. Mr. Gladstone's followers
have signified their wish to be known
as the Democratic party, and it is tin-,
der this title that ym must soon look
for an account of their proceedings.
A few old Whigs, or represetatives of
Whig families, still linger in the Cabi
net, tmt it is only upon sufferance.
Already one of theui, the Marquis
! of Lansdowne, has felt himself com
pelled to resign, to the great satis
faction of the Radical members of
the Cabinet, who would very much
like to see all the Whigs thrown over
board. It is assuredly the last Radi
cal, or "Democratic" administration
in which they will play even the
humblest part. We must look to the
class of men represirttedhy Mr
G hamberlaiu for the? commanding
officers as well as the rank and fife of
If the Conservatives had time, they
might, perhaps, regain some of tneir
hst ground and stave off the coup de
grace a little longer ; but they have
not got it and cannot get. They had
their chance between 1874 and 1880,
and let it slip through their fingers.
Their old leader, for the first time in
his life, had all his attention absorbed
by foreigh affairs, and could give no
supervision to that indispeusible work
of organization which does more for a
party iu the long run than the mo.-t
brilliant genius. No one knew better
than Mr. Disraeli the importance of
organization ; but when he went to
the House of Lords the cardinal
blunder of his life he left all "de
tails" to be managed by his lieuten
ants, and they were incompetent for
the task. The press was insulted or
neglected, local committees were treat
ed with contempt, nowhere could a
Consrrvative who was willing to work
for his party obtain encouragement or
even recognition. The leaders believ
j ed that Prudence would fight their
battles for them, and that soldiers
andjammunition were ridiculous super
fluities. Nothing whatever was done
to satisfy the demand fur domestic
legislation, or to appease and perhaps
guide that Democratic spirit which
few men in England estimate so right
ly as Lord Beaconsfield. He has never
shut his eyes to it, never underrated
its power. He began life, as we all
know, by professing himself a friend
to it, just as Mr. Gladstone entered
on his career as an "unbeuding Tory"
just as Fox began as a Tory and
turned Whig, Pitt the younger as a
Whig and turned Tory, Burke as a
Wrhig and seceded from hie party after
the French revolution. But Mr.
Disraeli never lost sight of Democra
cy ; perhaps never entirely lost his
sympathy with it. It was he who had
the boldness to give the people house
hold suffrage and voted by ballot.
These were Conservative, not Liberal,
measures. ' Perhaps he would have
satisfied the just claims of the Democ
racy if he had paid any attention to
them in the critical years between
1874 and 1880. But be was doomed
to follow the Russian phantom which
stalks through Europe, and his day
paed brand can no more retorn.
Mr. Gladstone begins to praise hi
the IWro ' VT T
auu me X Will I
ca r writers point Conservatives to his
I illustrious" example-O sure sign
that he is reckoned as good as dead.
Public men only get justice from op
ponents wheu it is time to 'write their
ho rt a t ,
dowort tl, 1? 1 7 w,IM"PIcWnd not,' ttere-
S!T eard' by ""7 ' th of reckouing comes. What
n We may U th ,10,d "V h uV take .
tolled U "0t disguise'r"' em, audit only need, a J.
it should do so, for it has nothing to iwlM. a i js. f. .
gain b, concealment It has gained
a new and powerful mouth-piece in
e Pall MaU Gazette since Mr. John
Morley became editor of that oaoer.
xr-i . 1 , . r ,8UUSi iicuaiiy on con-
Mr. Foster once pasted that he had viction to be dispossession, with corn
been a Radical "frou, his cradle "and venr. .
t 1 , . . . , , '
I almost think that Mr. Morley could
. , -
say the same of himself. He is a verv
T ll ll r I A v aa4.H. -J a
wwuir iiicr. unci mprp c n tx i.f
tie doubt that he will make the Pull
W - a 4 A V
Mall Gazette a greater power than it,
has been for years past. On Monday
last: he avowed frankly that ' the
"Democratic legislation" at nrMPnt
demanded bv the neonl mnld k
- g --w w v a Uj
provided by a "plutoratic machine,"
wu,usione would nud
Tr compelled to "bring Pari ia-
.-w.,., VJ w.a.,g.; 1.1 us construction,
these are cautions, and vpt mpnioin
W J w avt
words, and what they mean is proba
bly this the abolition of the House
of Lords and the substitution of work-
iiiguien in the House of Commons for
a ulutocracv. lh
; J VXMilVO U1UJ
once have been thought remote, but
how far distaut are they now? The
bill affecting Irish landlords will pass
the Commons and go to the House of
Lords, and there be thrown out.
What will be the consequence? An
agitation for the abolition of the up
per House, carried on under the cir
cumstances infinitely more favorable
to its success than ever have been be
fore.! Earl Russell in his "Recollec
tions," expresses the opinion that the
fall of the House of Lords would on
ly precede by a short time the over
throw of the monarchy. That is an
event not beyord the calculations of
a large sectiou of the Democratic par
ty. It would, perhaps, be safer to
predict that the future government in
England will be a republic than that
the monarchy will last forever.
As for the spirit in which the im
pending changes will be carried out
there is no excuse for misconception
in regard to that. The large land
owners have very little idea of the
bitterness and animosity which are
entertained towards them by the peo
ple who live on or around their es
tates.; In some cases there is little
real cause for this hostility. Beyond
the mere fact that posession of a large
estate is regarded as an injustice to
those who have nothing. But there
are many instances in which the land
lord himself has prepared the way for
the agitator by neglecting every duty
and systematically outraging the feel
ings, if not the rights, of those who
were in his power and unable to help
themselves. I could point to the
vast tracts of land, within a few miles
of London, which are left in a state of
primeval wilderness, scarcely useful
even for the game it preserves, sim
ply because the owner will not let his
property out into farms, does not
want to cultivate the land himself,
and is at a loss to know what to do
with it. Unnecessary strictness in
preserving the hares and rabbits has
also been the cause of deep exaspera
tion in; the mind3 of the poor in the
rural districts. Lord Stanhope, in
his "History of the Reign of Queen
Anne," remarks : "It may be said
that in several of our English shires
the rabbit is now the best ally of the
Radical." How many a rural family
uiust have its history darkened by
the story of father or son transported
as a "felon for snaring a rabbit or
knocking it on the head with a stick
as.it ran across his path. It is true
that a man is no longer transported
for killing a rabbit, but is very se
verly punished, even though the nd
bit may have been taken in his gar
den. Moreover, the divisions be
tween classes have become more and
more strongly marked of late years
into narmony with what, rightly or only opens up the game, the great
wrongly, he believes to be the wishes stakes will begin to be played for
of a great majority of Englishmen." next year, and I do not think there
1 .1- ...
T lfc mr with greater truth
than eyer that the rich and the poor
in England practically constitute
"two nations." The grievances which
the poor smarted under years ago,
even if they have been redressed, will
still be remembered against the class
which is responsible for them. JThe
promises that a measure shall
troduced next session ' making it a
misdemeanor lor anv on. , uJa
enltivnl aA .u' '
r itspusesaeu person.
This and siml!,. K;iin i.! ...
wing ujitiib reiec
! ed hv P.;is.m JT
tilted, but, as Mr. John Morley- says
Parliament will have to be brought
"by a change in its construction, into
harmony with a majority of English
men." Let no one say, "This cannot
be done." Who or what is to pre
vent it being done ? Mr. Gladstoue
could dissolve the present Parliament
at any moment, and he will probably
; take that course as soon as his plans
are sufficient v matnrprl Th;
can be a shadow of a doubt as to what
side will carry them off ultimately,
although there may be occassional
fluctuations of fortune.
Gen. Barringer won his spurs in the
rebel army. He fought desperately four
years to keep the negroes in slavery.
He was a slaveholder. Hancock won his
spurs in the Union army fighting for the
abolition of slavery. He opposed the en
slavement of the white people of Louisi
ana and Texas in 1867. X)f course the
negroes will hurrah and vote for Bar
linger. Charlotte Observer.
Gov. Jarvis. Gov. Jarvis spoke in Pen
der county on the 5th inst., and confirmed
all we had said of lrh abilities as a public
speaker. His audience seemed to have been
impressed with those qualities wc had as
cribed to him force of language, clearness
of statement, lucidity of argument, earnest
ness of manner and honesty ofpurpose. We
know the 'cause is safe in his hand9, and
have no fears of the result of any discussion
between him and the champions of "a strong
government." Durham Record.
Weaver the Greenback Man. Weaver
the Greenback man, is traveling all over the
country telling folks that he is going to be
elected President of the United States in
some roundabout way. Weaver is either a
born fool or says things that are most out
rageous and unnecessary, ne professes to
be confident of his ability to carry Alabama,
Texas, Mississippi, West Virginia, Missouri,
Kansas, and Iowa. Michigan, Maryland and
Minnesota, are his doubtful States. What
nonsense. In some of these States it is
doubtful whether they ever heard of Weav
er or his candidacy. The next thing he will
be claiming New York. We fear that Weav
er is really a candidate for the lunatic asyl
um. Philadelphia Times.
What Collector Arthur had to say when
President Hayes and Secretary Sherman dis
missed him from the New York custom
house, because he was not worthy to serve
his country in that subordinate position,
did not interesrthe people much. But
what Gen. Arthur, the Republican candidate
for the Vice Presidency has to say deserves
a passing notice. A synopsis ot his letter of
acceptance will be found in our telegraphic
columns. He seeks to arraign the Demo
cratic party for its position in regard to the
election laws, and thus it seems to us, puts
himself in direct antagonism with the re
cord in Congress of his chief, Gen. Garfield.
Garfield voted with the Democrats, on the
two main points at issue, and now Arthur
sails in and gives him a black eye from the
Radical standpoint. He adverts to the start
ling fact that it is the increased power allot
ted to the South because of enfranchising
the negro which now gives the Democratic
party its vantage ground in national affairs.
And we doubt not he wishes most devoutly
that the Radical foresight had been as good
as their hind sight, and that Stevens and
his rump Congress had not been so bent on
"punishing the rebels by putting the bottom
rail on top."
Had the Radicals of 1867 possessed half
the political acumen they imagined, or had
they been a little less given to hatred of the
South, they would not now be deploring the
consequence of their villainous acts. Negro
suffrage has been a boomerang to tbem.
Thev intended to subvert Boutnern civilian- (
tioDj, and to place the heel of a negro bar
barism upon the educated and higher race
of the Southland; but the result of their
CTil machinations has been to give jus in
creased power, and make us the predominat
ing influence in the government. That we
will exercise our power with wisdom and "
with patriotism is a matter entirely beside
the case. This we have done in the past,
and will ever do in the future. Bat that
will not reconcile Mr. Arthur and ahis setn
to our accession to power in the slightest
degree. He does not consider that the peo
ple and the government will be better off in
our hands than in his, but only mourns that
his party friends will, now and for an indef
inite period, be left out in the cold Without
spoils, while the Democrats; bjhe aid of '
the political power given ns along with the
negro vote, will role the country glourions
ly.This letter is, however of but little
consequence. Garfield's, of which much
was expected, fell flat on the public ear, and
cvxiuurs sun more tame ana aeroia or
A.1 A - - m 'l
seuumenis imeiy to excite interest or arouse
enthusiasm. It was, indeed, uphill. Work to
write acceptances when they knew the conn
try was against them, and perhaps they
have done about as well as anybody else
could have done under the uofarbrable cir
cumstances. -Wh'ere there is no hope of suc
cess, we need notjeok for enthusiasm.Ral.
eigh OUerter. . f
We not nnfrequently see appeals to the
bid Whigs, made to excite their ipreju.
dices against the name of the Democratic
party, and to induce them, if possible, to
join the Radical party. Such appeals are,
of course, iu vain, but they show the ig
norance and baseness of the leaders of the
Radical party when they attempted to in
veigle men who held such principles aa
the noble old Whig party did; into a
union of such a base, treasonable, and
revolutionary organization as the Radical
party has proved itself to be. As well
talk about compounding Christianity with .
Atheism as Whiggery with Radicalism.
There is nothing in common between
them. They are as wide apart as the
poles. The old Whig was a party of law
and order, of principle and decency. The
Radical party is a conglomeration of isms, '
treasons and thievery. An honest old
Whig would be as much out of place in
the Radical party as the devil woald be
in a Sunday School. But- there is a fit
ness of things in their union with the
Democratic party. There so many of the
elements of the old Whig party incorpo
rated in the present Democratic party it
is dincult to distinguish the two as they .
formerly existed. There are valuable
Whig principles in the present Democrat
ic party, and no wise man of the party
would consent to take them out. Really
the great differences that separated the
old Whig and Democratic parties are of
the past. They were eliminated and de
stroyed by the war. Yet the great prln-
rciples of civil liberty, of State rights and
free constitutional government which
were dear to both the old parties, still ex
ist and are still honored and iuculcated
by the remaining land-marks of these two
grand old parties. There is nothing in
common with Whiggery and Radicalism.
The principles of the old Whig party
would never have lead to any;such con
dition of affairs as we now behold such,
derangement of our cherished system of
self-government such reckless jnraste and
extravagance such ruinous violation of
the constitution, such utter degradation
of the States, and such contemptuous dis-
and crimes are peculiar to Radicalism.
The idea that a Henry Clay Whig 'could
endorse such things is too absurd to talk
If ayes Helping: Garfield.
The members of the Cabinet now in Wash
ington and some of the Republican leaders
who are giving direction to the political
camnaiirn in Mr. Garfield's interest.' harm
a 0 7
been in consultation over the question of
appointing special deputy marshals in the
Southern States at the approaching eleo
tions, and the conclusion reached was that,
as the Southern States are certain, to go solid
for Hancock, and as the Republican1 com
mittee would have to raise the money to
pay these duties, no appropriation having
been made by Congress, the bestthing to do
under the circumstances was to dispense
with their services. It was maintained that
a few deputy marshals might be; appointed
in Virginia, if, as the campaign progressed,
it became apparent that the Republicans,
mrougu uivision 01 me ivcmocraiic rants,
stood any show of getting a plurality of
votes. One fact seems pretty well estab
lished, that the administration is quite ready
to appoint officersjo serve at the polls if
gained by so doing, j Those persona who
have entertained the belief tbat( President
Hayes intends to take no part in the cam
paign, but sit f dly by and restrain his sub
ordinates from participation in the jpontest,
will be grievously disappointed, f To sever
al persons who have been at the White
House lately, the President has indicated a
purpose to do all he could to make General
Garfield hU successor, and this, it is . held.
means that the w hole power of the admin
istration will be used to overawe' timi4 Ua-
milltana nn in ftfRoft. ', Th nrtthfoiil nnil.
lotine wilLbe set to work as the cam pair
warms up. and numerous dismissals, St is
said will be made.ZtoftoiKW Sua.