North Carolina Newspapers

The Carolina Watchman. r - VOL. XXI. THIRD SERIES. SALISBURY, N. C THURSDAY, JULY 24, 1890. NO. 40. - Mr. COME! SEE! BUY! :0: G. W. WRIGHT, The Leading Furniture Dealer and Undertaker IN SALISBURY. Is now ottering the Largest and Best, Assorted Stock of Furni ture ever brought to this j)lace. o- -7- o Henderson to Mr. Holman. o CO PARLOR SOTS! PARLOR SUITS! Mohair Crush Plush at $00.00. Former price $75.00. Mlk Plueh at $50.00, Former price, $00.00. Wool Plush at $3o.OO. Former price, $45,00. ? o fcd 1 1 GO BED ROOM SUITS! RED ROOM SUITS! Antique Oak, Antique Ashe, Cherry ami Walnut at prices that defy competition. A LARGE STOCK A LARGE STOCK Of Chairs, Safes, Mattresses of all Kind?, Soring Beds, Work Tables for Ladies, Pictures and Piturc Frames of every style and quality always in stock, or will be made to order on short notice, at reason able prices. l) BABY CARRIAGES! BABY CARRIAGES! A large stock of Baby Carriages with wire wlfccls at $7.50. Silk Plush Seat and Satin Parasol Car riages with wire wheels at only $16.50. Formerly sold for $22 50. UNDERTAKING DEPARTMENT ! UNDERTAKING DEPARTMENT f Special attention given to undertaking in all its branches, at all hours day and night. Parties wishing my services at niht will call at my residence on Bank street, in Brooklyn." - Thanking my friends and the public generally for past patronage and askiug a continuance of the same, I am, Yours anxious to j!ease, a. W. WRlGrHT, Leading Furniture Dealer. ! - td O m a u Father Time " says our Watch Club is the best plan out for you to get a good Watch, Diamond Ring, Ear Rings, Silverware, or any num ber of articles valued at $30, in our line. We need two moreto complete our first club of 25 names; when it is com plete, we will at once begin to form another. . Call and see the goods we offer and learfi the plan. Very Truly", W. H. REISNER & BRO., ' LEADING JEWELERS. w A - A T H C L U B THE FARMERS ALLIANCE DEMANDS OUR CONGRESSMAN DOES NOT SIGN THEM HE HAS BEEN WORKING ALL THE TIME IN THEIR DIRECTION THE HISTORY OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY INVOKED TO SHOW THAT IT IS THE CON SISTENT FRIEND OF THE FARMERS MR. HENDERSON CANNOT SUPPORT THE SUB-TREASURY PLAN, AND WHY. Washington, July 14, 1890. John S. Holman, Esq., President Iredell County Farmers1 Alliance: My Dear Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 21st nit. I would have replied to it immediately if duties in Congress of extreme urgency had not constantly demanded mv earnest and nnd'vided attention. Besides I wished to give yonr letter the most thonghtful con sideration. 1 did not wish to speak hastily or unadvisedly. In a time of great public peril like the present, I felt that L needed to weigh my words, lest in Uie hurry of the moment 1 might sny something, calculated to cause division among our people, when it was my duty to do everything I could t6 unite them. What 1 witness in the halls of Congress every day thoroughly convinces me that unless the patriotic and good men of the South will stand together in an un broken phalanx to resist the assaults of their enemies and to defend the lib erties and honor of the southern peo ple, it will be but a short time before the same tyrannical and corrupt party, which cursed the southern ppople in the days of reconstruction, will again put the yoke upon our necks. The carpet-bag governments were forced upon the southern States by federal bayo nets, but the new reconstruction which is now threatened will be the inevitable result of unhappy divisions among our own people. I cannot sign my name to the card of demands which you sent me, and I don't suppose that you would wish mo to do so, but in response to the inqui ries contained in your letter. I will sav that upon every subject relating to pub lic matters connected with my duty and conduct as representative of the people, I am ready at all times to give every one of my constituents that asketh me, the reason of the faith and hope that is in me. In this letter 1 shall speak unreservedly. My record in Congress furnishes the best evidence of my position upon nearly every question embraced in the resolutions or demands of the National Farmers' Alliance and Industrial Union, which yon have sent to me for my considera tion. 1. The resolution in reference to na tional banks is substantially an embod iment of democratic doctrine. These institutions were established against the votes and remonstrances of the demo cracy. The democratic party has nev&r favored them. You will search in vain for any endorsement of national banks in the historic platforms and utterances of the democratic party. One of the demands in democratic national plat form, adopted in the year 1852, was expressed in the following true and prophetic words: "That Congnss has no right to es tablish a national bank ; that we be lieve such an institution one of deadly hostility to the best interests of the country, dangerous to our republican institutions and the liberties of the people,-iuul calculated to place the busi ness of the country within the control of a concentrated money power, and above the laws and will of the people." The votes which I have given in Congress have been in accordance with these ideas. I have opposed extending the privileges of the national banks, and I favor their abolition as soon as ft can be done without injury to the peo ple. I am opposed to the discrimina tion which exists in favor of the nation al banks over State banks, and I have introduced in this and the preceding Congress a bill for the repeal of the tax of 10 per cent, on the circulation of the State banks. This tax when first im posed drove out of existence in an in credibly short period of time every State bank of circulation in the United States. The taxing power of the fed eral government was unjustly used to destroy State banking associations and to promote the wealth and prosperity of the banks created by the federal government. If this tax could be re pealed the several States of the Union could supplement the currency now in circulation through the medium or State banks of issue, and such money as a home currency would be a great convenience to the people, nits mon ey would remain in the States and would not now to the money centres, there to be hoarded, expanded or con tracted by the money power. No good reason, can now le given why currency no'es should be received and issued by national banks on bonds of the gov ernment deposited in the United States Treasury. This system was devised during'the war to build up the credit of the government, but it is no longer needed and ought to be abolished. The retirement of the national bank cur rency which is constantly going on is productive of great injury to the peo ple. The contraction of this currency, regulated by no law but the will of the bankers, works great hard-hip to the people. This is all wrong. For every dollar of such currency hereto fore or hereafter redeemed or destroyed a new legal tender Treasury note should be issued by the government in its place. The Comptroller of the Cur rency, in his report to the Fifty-first Congress, dated Decern ber 2, 1889, says that, "Notwithstanding the accession of new b anks to the system and the consequent deposit of bonds and issue of notes the outstanding circultion steadily decreases from year to year, the chief cause being the surrender of circulation by banks desiring to reduce and regain possession of their bonds." No Wonder the people complain of a scarcity of money when 185,812,088 of national bank notes were retired during the six years ending Oct. 81, 1889, the annual average rate of de crease in the circulation being 30, 908,831. The national bank currency in ac tual circulation Oct. 31, 1883, wsis 310,020.320, while tlur amount had de creased to $130,207,323, on October 31, 1889. For the year ending Oct. 31, 1885, the actual decrease was $50,093, 553, and for the succeeding year the decrease was 50,495,539. A banking system so unjust to the people should be abolished and a better system estab lished in its place It must be remem bered, however, that the charters of the banks were extended for a period of twenty years on July 12, 1882, by a republican Congress, against the remonstrance- of the democratic party, so that it will not be possible, in my opinion, to get rid of the system imme diately, but if Congress would stop the contraction now going on by issuing legal tender Treasury notes in lieu of the b:mk notes which have gone and are continually going out of circula tion, and will also repeal the tax on the circulation of State banks, the financial stringency would be vastly relieved. It being conceded that the federal government has the power to States H. It. 63, Report No. 2388. The bill declares all foreign born per ply should increase with the of population and business. increase I think sons who have not been naturalized in-; thai the amount in circulation can be capable of acquiring title to lands anv where within the United States, except a leasehold for not exceeding five years. It also contains a provision that all lands now owned or hereafter acquired by aliens who fail for ten years to become citizens of the United States shall be subject to forfeiture to the United mates according to Hip rules of the common law. If this bill becomes a law the evil of alien owner ship of land in this country will be end ed. I am in favor of legislation for the r- reclamation of lands now held by cor porations and syndicates, alien and do mestic, and since I have been in Con gress the Democratic party has been instrumental in restoring to the pub lic domain more than 1000,000,000 acres of valuable lands. The Demo cratic party in Congress has been a unit in favor of every useful measure of this sort. The following plank in Democratic national platform of 1884 will show where the Democratic party stands on this question: "We believe that public land ought as far as possible to be kept as homesteads for actual settlers; that all unearned lands heretofore improvidently granted to railraad corporations by the action of the Republican party should be re stored to the public domain and that no more grants of land shall be made to corporations or be allowed to fall into the ownership of alien absentees." 5. The resolution in regard to the doctrine of "equal rights to all and special privileges to none" is a part of the ancient democratic creed. The proposition is thus stated in the Demo cratic national platform of the year 1884: "All taxation shall be limited to the establish and issue money for the peo-; requirements of economical pie, and the leg al tender treasury note having become the fixed currency of the United States, equal in value to gold and silver coin," I believe that whenever there is a scarcity of currency it is the duty of the government to issue as large an amount of legal tender Treasury notes to supply the demand as the business nejeds of the coun try require, and believe that as the population and the business of the country increase there should be a pro portionate expansion of the currency. 2. I favor the passage by Congress of such laws as will effectually prevent future speculation and dealings in agri cultural and mechanical productions. But it will be necessary for the several States to act in this matter. The juris diction of Congress over this subject is mainly through the taxing powers con ferred upon it by the constitution. The Butlerworrh bill pending in the House, if favorably acted on by Congress, will, it is hoped, go very far to extirpate this system of speculative gambling, so in jurious to the agricultural interests. 3. I am strongly in favor of the free and unlimited coinage of silver. Every effort has been made by the democrats in Congress to secure the enactment of legislation which will restore silver coin to its rightful constitutional posi tion as the equal ot gold. All the pow er of the Speaker of the House and all the machinery of the republican party caucus has been used to defeat the prop- i I rt i . osition and to substitute tor tree coinage a measure which demonetizes silver. Silver coinage will soon be permanently suspended under the operation of such a law, and the Secretary ot the treasury also has the power to expand or contract the currency 'at his pleasure, within the limits of the law. There will be no real expansion, however, for if 84,500,000 is issued monthly, as contemplated, that amount need not bean actual addition to the volume of the currency and will not be sufficient to supply the business needs of the country ; and the probabili ty is that the bill as passed will not only not add to the volume of the currency as much new money as the Bland Silver Act of J87S has done and is doing, bat will cause a permanent and dangerous contraction. The Bland act, if it had been executed according to its spirits, would have saved the country from some of the financial perils it is now passmg through. The. actual coinage under' that act has been about $31,000, 000 per annum, or more than $300, 000.000 in all since the passage of the law, while exactly double these amounts could have been coined and added to the supply of money in the country, if those who administered the finances of the government had done so in the interest of the people and not in the interest of the bondholders. The new law has repealed the Bland ao. and has nlaeed the control of the currency in the-hands of the Secretary of the Treasury. 4. I have always been opposed to the alien ownership of lands in the United States, and I have never failed to use all my personal and political influence in Congress and otherwise in favor o? the passage of laws to prohibit such alien ownership, and to finally prevent this great wrong to American citizens, Congress has already enacted a law prohibiting alien ownership of lands within the territories ami the Djstrict of Columbia, and under this law all lands now owned by aliens must before many years become the properly of American citizens. A bill has also been reported favorably to the House at this session from the judiciary com mittee, of which I am a member, pr o posing to prohibit aliens from aequo nig title to or owning lands up the United nient. govern- We demand that lars Federal taxation shall be exclusively 115. Till . tor puonc purposes ana snail not ex ceed the needs of the government eco nomically administered. 1 We hold that it is the duty of the gov eminent in its dealings with the people to mete out equal and exact justice to all citizens. 1 believe that all unnecessary taxa tion is unjust taxation, and that taxes not needed bv the government, wheth er Federal, State, county or municipal, i ii ii iiiii snouid not ie collected troni the peo ple, but should be left in the pockets of the people. Outside ot the protected i i i i classes, no citizen ami certain iv no tiller of the soil gains any advantage from unjust and excessive taxation By the favoritism of an unequal sys tem of taxation the cost of the neces saries of life is certainly increased to all the people. Good government and a happy and !( 1 A contented condition ot society can only he maintained in any country by guaranteeing equal laws, and equa privileges to all classes and to all men, with specials favors to none. An this has been the vital and savin principle of the Democratic party from the Declaration ot Independence unti this very hour. I do not believe tha any r.ystem ot taxation or revenue should be tolerated which is calculate to build uii one interest or class or bus iness at the expense of another. In the language of Mr. Justice Miller, in the opinion delivered by the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Loan Assoeiaiou vs. Topeka, I believe that "To lay with one hand the power of the government on the property of the citizen, and with the other to be stow it upon favored individuals to aid private enterprises and build up private fortunes is none the less a rob bery because it is done unfler the forms of law and is c.lled taxation. This is not legislation. It is a decree under legislative forms. Nor is it taxation. We have established, we think, beyond cavil, that there can be no lawful tax which is not laid for a public purpose.1' The great merit of our constitution and system of government is that- the rights of the persons and the property of all the citizens are entitled to the protection of equal laws. Such laws are the best guarantees of the peace, happiness and liberty of the people. Every citizen of the State, no matter what his business may be, whether a minister of the gospel, a farmer, law yer, doctor, merchant, mechanic or la borer, should have the same treatment from the State. The laws of the coun try should apply to one and all of them as equally and as fairly as the light from heaven shines upon every man. There should be no descrimina tion in favor of one elatsTor one man against another class or another man. Alid of all men it is specially the in terest of the farmers to guard this first principle of liberty and justice. 0. Fractional pajiercuneqcy is great ly needed by the people to facilitate the transmission of sums through the United States mails. There are two bills pending in the House having the object in view one introduced by Mr. Mansur, of Missouri, and the other by Mr. Anderson, of Kansas. For some liiornliniihlft lvasoii the committee on banking and currency are unfavorable ' to the measure, which I approve. Heal financial reform is imperatively 'demanded. It is a, dangerous eondi 1 tion and not a theory of finances which ' nnnfron ts us. The people of this 1 country need and must have ' of money, abundant enough business of the country, and very greatly increased without endan gering the business in erests of the country or causing any depreciation in the value of the currency, and I think the volume should be increased until the supply of money is equal to the demand for it. Something is rad ically wrong now and nobody can J ?i ir . m ueny it, vast masses of currency are ying in the banks of the rcat cities unused and inactive, notwithstanding he fact that there is a real scarcity. almost a famine, of jnoney, among the masses-of the people everywhere. I cannot better express mv own ideas upon the money question than bv in dorsing the following extracts from Samuel J. Tilden's letter of acceptance, dated July 31, 1870, in response to the ender that had beeu made to him of the Democratic nomination for the presi dency. Mr. Tilden was one of the wisest men this country had ever produced and if he had not been uniustlv de- prival of the high office to which he was elected, I think he would have grappled successfully with the great question of financial reform. Mr. 1 ilden said : "The Federal government, having assumed to monopolize the supply of currency and enacted ex clusions against everybody else, is bound to furnish all which the wants of business require. The system should allow the volume of cir culating credits to etib and flow ac cording to the ever changing wants of business. It should imitate as closely as possible the natural laws of trade which it lias superceded by ar tificial contrivances. The amount of necessary currency at a given time cannot lie determined arbi trarily, and should not be assumed on conjecture. That amount is subject, to both permanent and temporary chang- es. w w 1 1 varies witn certain states of business. It fluctuates with consider able regularity, at different seasons of the year. In autumn, for instance, when buyers of grain and other agri cultural products begin their opera tions they need ti borrow capital on circulating credits by which to make their purchases, and want these funds in currency capable of being distributed in small sums among numerous sellers. The additional need of currency at such times," is obvious. r i ii ii. mv record as a Representative is well -understood by the people of North Carolina. 1 have nevi r given a vote in Congress for any im Tease of taxa tion, and I have never failed when I had an opportunity to vote for a reduc i , fn i tion ot taxation, mere would be no h n led warehouses for whiskey if leg islatiou proposed by me in three sev eral Congresses had been favorably ac ted upon, ror the past twelve years as a citizen and as a Representative in Congress, I have spoken, writtten, and labored, with all my powers and ener gies, in favor of the repeal of the whole internal revenue system and every part an I vettige thereof. I believe with Mr. Jefferson that such a system is an " infernal1' one, and I have done all that any man could do to relieve the people from its cruel tyrannous ex actions and oppressions. Every day's experience in public life impresses up on me more and more the absolute ne cessity for economy in the administra tion or every department of the govern ment, both State and Fedral. It is the supreme duty of Congress and cf the several State Legislature to avoid all extravagance and favoritism in leg islation and to. put an end te all partial and unjust legislation towards classes and individuals; and in this direction I have done all in my power to secure a revision and reform of the iniquitous tariff laws of the country. These laws have vastly enriched one section and one class i n 1 made another se t on and the other classes poor. The "sub-Treaury bill," numbered S. 28 0, introduced in the Senate by Hon. Zebu Ion Vance, in its present I shape will never pass Congress and un less it is improved by amendments no body can support it. But I am opposed to the principle and purposes of the measure. It may not be im proper for me to say that the bill as . 1 1 ! - t .1 .. . . i introduced in many respeeis ues not command the approval of its framers. Everybody admits that the bill cannot pass Congress in its present form and without amendment in many impor tant particulars. The bill makes pro vision for the storage of cotton, tobac co, wheat, corn and oats o, while it is admitted by its authors fehat the principles involved will justly demand a recognition for all products of labor. Dr. C. Macune, who is the ablest ex pounder of the bill, and who is tlur oughly familiar with its provisions, admitted in his speech before the Sen :ttf committee on agriculture that the prices of gram and cotton in Amer ica are hxed by the prices at liiver,ooi, i . i i ii: til... . . : . and tliai Homing oi.iue cnu m .ue- houses in the United States will not tend to make prices any higher. It is a curious fact, too, that undM the pro visions of the bill, as introduced, not one of the counties in the seventh congressional district would be euti- tied to a 8ut-i reasury builuiiig or warehouse, for it cannot be shown i supply to do the the sup per annum at current price. And this is true of a large majority of the counties in the United States. I -merely mention these difficulties, but not in any contentious spirit. It is obvious, however, that they, will be insuperable obstacles to the adoption of the bill in its present form. It cannot fail to be noticed that the nr- -tides which the bill proposes to pro tect against low prices are limited to five products, while there, are many other articles which will equally de mand the same protection. Such - nrn barley, buckwheat, lye, hay, liisji po tatoes, hops, grapes, butter cheese, fruits and other agricultural and horticultur al products, aggregating even a grear value than those named in thchill. The hay crop, for instance, is of great er value than the cotton crop. It niay be justly said of several of these arti cles that it would lie utterly impracti cable to store them in warehouses for any length of time. But they are all subject to fluctualicns in price; and their owners will niot willingly consent to see the products of other industries protected and favored, whil ; theirs are deprived of similar protec tion. -They would contend that their products should be protected by boun ties, or that thev 'should -otherwise bo remunerated for the discrimination against them. - Then the whole category of manufac tured aaticles, in spite of tariff protec tion, often became depreciated lit value and their owners will demand that these articles shall also be stored in gov evnnienft warehouses, with an advance rf 80 per cent, of their value, flip result would be that in nine eases out Of ten, the ai tides deposited in the -wa re house would be left in the hands of the government in the midst of a glutted and declining market. The counties which produce annual ly less than half a million dollars worth of agricultural products will demand that that limitation be stricken from the bill, and that every country, whether engaged in the prodtietkHi of these staple crops or otherwise, be equally cared for. It will not Ihj easy to answer their complaints against the biU.w Of the 90 counties in North Carolina the cotton and tobacco crops are tho only ones which would enable any oE -them to take advantage of the lull, and there were, as shown by thcceusus of 1890, only, fifteen that, under any cir cu instances, could dawn warehouses. There were twelve counties which pro duced above 10,000, 4ales of cotton each; and at $50uper bale, they would claim the benefits of the bill. These counties were Anson, Edgecombe, Franklin, Halifax Johnstown, Meck ienburgh, Nash, Northampton, Pitt, Richmond, Wake and Wilson. And there were only three tobacco counties, at a high range of prices for tobacco, that could have claimed the right to store their products in warehouses. These were Caswell, Granville and Rockingham. The other 81 countries, though suffering more, perhaps, than these 15 which produce large crops of the staple products, would be, as they say, " left out in the cold.1' The first practicable step in the way of restoring prosperity to tho farniers, and to all classes of the people, ist to overthrow the repubHcau party, with its unjust tariff laws and class legislai tion, its demonetization of silver and its infamous force bill. The farmers need the widest market of tho world for their grain crops, their cotton and tobacco, and whatever else they pro duce for sale. They neod a volume of currency adequate to the vast buisnessj of the country, and they need above all . things home rule, with free and fair elections, conducted by themselves, in pursuance-of Ihe laws of their own States. So long as we impose prohibitory tariffs upon the products of other na tions, trade with them cannot prosper; so long as we rely upon gold, which 4 he people rarely see, a.s the sole stan dard money, trade and business will be sluggish, prices will be low, United , States bonds and private mortgages not twill be heavy and hard to redeem. more of the people s propeity must bo sold to redeem them and the farmers and alt the people who are not bond holders and 'mortgage holders .must go to the wall. The people" ot the district which I have the honor to represent are, for the most part, farmer, agricultural laborers, and men engaged in the cul tivation of the soib It is my purpose as well as my duty- trdo everything in my power to promote the welfare and prosperity of thejartners. They lire the main foundation and support of all society and government and .they constute the chief strength of thecotiu- try in peace and in war. It should bo the great aim of every statesman to tike care that complete justice and no wrong is done to their rights and in- that the average "ross amount of cot trn whpat corn, oats and tobacco pro- i fair to all their fellow citizens. duccd and soli in any couuty uf said dung as I remain in Cnigress I tensts. ror more than a generation laws jKissed by Congress favoring and protecting other classes liave worked great injury to the farm r. Such laws are unjust and should be abolished. Tho evils of which the farmers complain cry aloud to the law-makersfor a renic- L dy. The farmers are askingjiot for favors but For justice, .4'luy know that no legislation will Jji; beneficial t4,U them winch i jtwt jusi aim As s'.ntl district for the la t two years exceed.' I - the sum of five hundred thousand dol- OinfhiHett on Sawl Va fc 5 1