Newspapers / The Western Sentinel (Winston-Salem, … / April 1, 1859, edition 1 / Page 1
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A Democratic Journal Dovoted to national siitl St:. Politics, literature. Foreign and Domestic Hows, etc.- VOL. III. tto 42. -I :t the rUBLTSIIED ATEEKLY BY J.s W. ALSPAUGII. .7. W. ALSPACGS, ,,,t,.s JP. E. BOSH!, t toi Tei-isss oS Sn3seriilou. "The Westbrx oextixel" is published every Friday mwaing, and mailed to subscribers at two doixaks a year, in ad paying the cash in advance, tlie paper v.'iil hx earaUhed one year, gratis. Kevins of Aclvcrtiissg lis tlse SeniiiseS. Oar regular rates of advertising are as follow One square (U lines or loss) first insertion $1 00 Eacb subsequent insertion, ------ 25 - lr one s'jnre tbree lnontbs, - - - - 3 50 For siv months, --------- 550 For twelve months, ------ - - bbO piT Liberal deductions in favor of regular ad yertiseis. Frofe-isional or Business Cards, not exceeding five Fines in length, five dollars a year longer ones m proportion. gSf Postmasters are required by lav.- to notify dajlishers when pa;era are not taken from tiieir s. vv t'l.-ne failing to do so become respon sible lor the suhscription-moiiey. Ojh-eon West Street, IcJozo ike 21. F. Ofurcli. AD VALOREM TAXATION. Mr. BL OF WAKE, Delivered in the S,-na'e oj -Carol I n a on, ii-j I'lth of January 1851), on the bill io ULi.fr aid cu-5ttJ'-ivt ov n- Tj . J 1 l , .. c. ,. 1, ...).-.'. t.'i: (j c i l ic rcio 7 (''.' Uvllt ZC- tai 0- concta'Ded rr.cct east week. If then. Mr. Sneaker, the prin ciple of 'taxation ad -ciuoran is carreer ; u ic he correct, in its application to every other species of property ;" if slaves are prop- erty ; such it one species or piopcuy as is not entitled to :Upei ad vantages over another ; it slaves arc ac quired and disposed of like other proper ty ; if the owners of one species ot -proper- than the owners of every 'other", species of property ; if we have a right to invest Our money in whatever kind of property we choose, and choose to invest it in other property than slaves, because we -may think it will pay us better; if slave prop erty requires, and receives more protec tion under the laws of the Slate than any other kind of properly ; if it is as profita ble as any other kind of property, and if it is more easily convertible into money than anv other kind of property, can any -ood and sufficient reason "; v j.i why slaves should not be taxed ad cal well as any other kind of property ' The fifth objection to aheriug the con stitution is, that yo'.mg negroes ought not to be taxed because tiiey cannot make a support, ami-are unprofitable. Veli, 2l Speaker, it' this object ion fur nishes on argument agains: the passage of tins bill, it furnishes a much stronger ar gument against the present system of rev cnue, tor it involves the principle ot taxa tion on profits alone ; and if no properly ought to be taxed which does not yield an annual profit to its owner, it must be con ceded that our present revenue law is bas ed upon an erroneous and unjust princi ple, and the sooner we abandon it the bet ter. But if young negroes ought l ot to be taxed because they cannot make a sup port, and- arc unprofitable, will not the same objection apply with equal force to forest, waste, oldiields and worn-out lands, untenanted houses,-and all other unprofit able property I If, therfore, young ne groes ought not to be taxed because they yield to annual profit in cash to their own ers, why do you tax uncultivated lands, nnrprmnfed houses, vehicles, silver plate; jewelry and various other kinds of prdp- erty wnicn yietu no annual proms, me re sult would be that industry, energy and en terprise would have to support a govern-, ment affording equal protection and bene fits to indolence, ignorance and sloth. But no Senator will defend a principle so palpa bly erroneous and unjust. The property of the State is the only legitimate subject of taxation, upon which the State can safely reby for the support of the govern inent ,and the payment of the public .debt.' All the property in the State, therefore, of whatever kind isfiould be made', to contri- bate to the payment of the expenses of the government according to its value, wheth er it yields to its owner an annual profit in cash or not. Unprofitable property re quires and enjoys as much protection as that which yields a profit. And if it is " necessary to protect that kind pf property by law, it should be made to pay for the protection which it needs and receives. If, Mr. Speaker, your neighbor injures your unprofitable little negro the law gi ves you as sure and speedy a remedy as if he injures the most valuableliand upon your farm," and -yon claim the same protection -. of law oyer the unprofitable young negro that you do over the adult profitable-man. If then, they are equally protected by the government,' why should they not be equally subject to taxation to support the government ? But annual profit iu cash vjvttfm: two dollaes acd a hai.p after-six mnnfiis . v'eitrr To au v one nrocnrhis six faibscaibers, and is not the proper, test in- deciding what" property shall, and . what shall-not be tax ed. . ' , In this connliy, the object of almost every- cau is to accumulate an estate, and his object is as fully attained-if he grows rich" by the annual increased value of his property, as if he receives his annual prof its in cash. -Therefore if A invests i-U'd,-000. in young "negroes '-from one to ten years of age, and they, increase; in value ten per cent, per annum over and above mate ; anct jj invests 55iu,UUU in bank stock, which yields him an annual divi dend of ten per cent, in cash, it is perfect ly plain that A is accumulating An estate as rapidly as 13. And if A is growing rich as rapidly as V), and his property re quires as much protection and it costs the btate more to protect it, whv should he not pay as much tax as B ? .iitt although voting negroes do not pay to their' owners an annual profit in cash, it is well known that thev t;iv a larger profit in their an nual enhanced value than land, money at interest, shocks, or any other species oi property in the State. If then, young ne groes enhance. in value more rapid! v than any other species bt proerty, and it a man grows rich more rapidly by invest ing his money in them, than if he invests it in any other kind of property, and if it costs the government more to protect them, why should not young negroes be taxed as oilier property to support the irovernment -lou uiijui;uu;i i-o aireiini; tiic con stitution is, that it xc'dl -injure the institu tion ;f lai).:rj'. In what way, Mr. Speaker, will it' in jure the institution of slavery in North Carolina to tax slaves as 7roporty and not x staves as property and not Will tiic institution of slave- as persons ry suiter by putting slaves as nronertv on uii'er I an eipuu looung wuh ail tiie otiie , , , , 1 ' - pro!")- or. y in tlie o ate m reiercnee to 4axation ? V,'' hat is the Abolition and Black Repub lican niea or. tlie r;"nt i - property in ives? It is that slaves 7 ut property. What is the Democratic idea of the' right of property in slaves? It is, if Senator Douglas is to be regarded, as a good an. thoriiy. upon that subject, "that slaves are property, 'awl hence on an equality with Ine issue, then, between the Democrat ic party, hotn iNorth ami So-jth," and tl publican and 'Abolition narlv w iieuiei Muv.es .are io oe regarded as per sons or property. That was Ihe'-ksue in the late campaign in Illinois, between Dougias and Lincoln and henee. while Don worio tna t i lie einocracr cu Jiimcns. m the first Til" mace aec( 1 oec.siwn of the Supreme Court Uni eu ouues m tne , 1 - j case of Drcd M'jiretation of n accordance sat slaves are ality with all ;eotf, as an autho; 1 V'l no . itunon decission, 11 tin holds prop and hence an enu otneiMcimts ot property," we find Lincoln at Alion declaring, amid shouts and ap plause .from the black Republicans and Ab-oiilioui-ts, liis opposition to the idea of property iu slaves, and exnUingly asking "and when this new principle this new proposition that no human being ever thought of three years ago. $ brought for ward, I combat it as an evil tendency to dishmnamze the man, to take awav from him ail tlie rteht to be smmosed or con sidered as linman. I combat it, therefore as being one of the. thousand and one thing doing in these days for the purpose of prepairing the public mind for making property, and nothing but property, of the negro in all the States of this Union.-' Now, Mr. Speaker, if the right of prop erty in slaves is recognized by the ablest statesmen and jurists in the Union, by the Democratic, party North and South, by the laws of Congress, by the supreme Court of the Uniten States, by the consti tution of all Southern States, and confirm ed, by the opposition of black Republicans how, I ask, can any sane man suppose for a moment that the: institution of slavery , can be injured by taxing slaves as proper- I V ill "1 tll-VJtLl tMlilil S . iJllJ, 11 IIIO IIlSTltll- tion of slavery should suffer in North-Carolina, who, I; ask, will be responsible for it, those who propose .to place it on an equal footing and identify it with tlie oth er property of the State, or'those who "attempt-to exempt slaves from the same rules that apply to every thor kind of property," and thereby "abandon the strongest ground of defence against the as saults of the black; Republicans and' Abo litionist 1 . , ,-''. '-i .": ' If slave" property were taxeH ad valorem, and paid its just, and equitable share of the expenses of the 'government, would not the owners of eveiy other species oF property be interested in its protection, whether they owned slave property or not? If so, , would it not gave strength to the institution to make the alteratioh pro posed ? And. if it would give strength in stead o injuring the ; institution, is it not the true interest of slave-owners to'advor cate .the change ? In Georgia Florida, Tennessee and ether southern States, slaves are taxed as". property, ad valor u m and no one' ever heard that the institution of slavery had been injured or weakened in those States by being taxed as property, and, I apprehend," they are as good, south ern States, and as free from' abolitionism and black republicanism as North Caroli- na. . If the institution of -slavery has "n sulTcred in Georgia Tennessee -and . bw da, by being taxed ad valorem )gv,:X it saifer in North-Carolina .by being tip-, in the same" way ? If the institutions ov property result no dering of prejudice in tliey- minds But, Mr. Speaker, if slave owners Avon! consult their real interest, or yield to the impulse of a generous patriotism rather than the snjrestions of a blind avarice and step forward and voluntarily surrender a discrimination, the benefits of which they have enjoyed at the expense of- their less favored neighbors since 1S35, jhe institu tion of-slavery would b-e stronger in North Carolina than it has ever been since the or ganization of the government. Slave-own ers, therefore, should be the most, zealous cates of the passage ei tins for ts soon as the restriction is removed from h he constitution, and slave property is re duced to an eouality with all Use' other property of the State, every man who owns property oi any land and claims the r ! mr. 1 to hold it and the protection oi tit n gov eminent over it, becomes interested in slaves "as property, and is bound by self interest, as well as the law of tlie land, to protect slaves as property under any emer gency winch may arise. If then, the in stitution of slavery will be strengthened by making slave property contribute to the support of the government, in propor tion to its value as property, and by inter esting in that way every noirslave holder iu its protection ; and if on the other hand it will be weakened by their owners claim ing projection over si aves as proven ana insisting on tax: :ig M r a em on iv as -persons .rebv makm distinction between slaves and otner nroper US iii en ating from and prejudicing against it the entire non-slaveholding poptilation, who I ask, Mr. Speaker, will prove to be the best friends to the institutions of the South, those who advocaie c tuose wno o:mosc the passage ot tne bill under di sen's ion : I charge no North Carolinian with being doctrine, thai slaves are persons and not' property "abandoned theirstrongest ground: of defence against the assaults of the Abo-; litionists and Alack Republicans." " .The seventh objection to altering the constitution, Mr. Speaker, is, iluti fo- Jda-d' Li pa ? inn allien i die rr ne xu-iiciii or uix-- atiott ad vco.::rem -is adopted. Those who raise the, objection, seem not to understand, or fail to appreciate, the justice and equality of the principle. In its practice al adplieatioti, no citizen-: woum be called upon to pay tax on more proper ty than he own Hi, 1 nd on none over which' he did not claim the protection of tne gov ernment. It' every man paid tax only. on. what he was worth, on the value of his es-,: tale, certainly no one would have just, cause of complaint; and no liberal or pa-' trioiic citizen would complain, whether he was an eastern or western-man worth $l0,- 000 each, pay the same amount "of tax;; into the public treasury, for the support of; the government and tlie payment of the., public debt, how can it be made to appear that the East, will pay more than is just and equitable share of the expenses of a government affording equal protection to the citizens and property of the East aiuL the West? . - ';. But it is said that the East owns more slaves than the West, and therefore, it will; have to pay more tax under this system than it ought' to pay. If the East owns more slaves, Mr.1 Speaker, it owns more property ; and if it owns, more property,, it requires 'more protection ; and if . it" re quires more protection, it costs more" to protect it ; and if it costs more to protect it, should it not contribute to the support of the government in proportion to the pro tection it enjoys ? "- - Jhe bill under consideration' -does not propose or contemplate a - discriiuiuation in favor of or against any particular class of citizens or property, or any particular section of the State iuthe. collection of the revenue necessary to support the govern-t ment. But-on 'the contrary ---proposes - to place. all the citizens and -all sections of the State upon a perfect equality in reference to, taxation, except sneh as the Genera! L Assembly may, ; as a "matter, ot courtesy or expediency, exempt lrom taxation. . Now, if all are )laced mpon a: perfect' equality,' whocau' suffer, by the passage of this bin?-- :- - If then, Mr. Speaker, political equality .be an'essential principle of democratic rer pulicau government, and the revenue laws framed under the - restriction - which this bill proposes to strike from the constitution,- operate unequally and- 'unjustly,- are they hot at war with the fundamental prii ciples of our government? , And if :tSs6 restriction in th-ex-onstitution and the rev-e-nue law framed under that restriction are 'at war 'with' the prineipdex 'of' t?i (ovarii - merit, are not motors reduced to thencccs- aves aim oncr 1n-openy-uio mu,.- Thp cightlf ohjectiorf to altering the con sult ot winch will be the aheualwm . Utitution Tsythat it will drive slaves out of on-slaveholders ironist-, ana, the er . 1 t fnt . - :.?,-. '..n. V Ti r - rT , ' h 7M?or minorities as welt as-nl irrnioritier and certainly those who msis that slaves snauwf'i , . .. , , . . 1 - , l v ; -, , that minorities ought to be protected as he "taxed as dptroiis out v. ana not as nrop-sw ,1 . .-, . 1 . io - - . 1 7. ' .- , ., ;V vweu as nutiorities ; out tiiat is- no- argu- eriv. have, nraetical v admitted the-, trutaii . . ;. J- ,,' . .. to is, . , . 1M -T, v i - ment in tavor or me restriction 111 tne con- ot u.e ivuoiuiua anu jjiuck xv.'puoiicnM ,:ff:,. ,..u?,.l, furt u;i A, c,birt,.o sk;j i of gur-rende rifty 'either the oxw or niR reprc&enlativcs reftfscto consult, their iu-o-riicu ? and if they must yield the " one or tcrebt and make the proposed alteration. , the .other, which will they surrender, the ptuiicij'lei'Oi- the Jcirirfion - !:'vllow then,- Mr. Speaker, can it be called j.au eastern or western ineasure? It is a ft-reftt flUOftiotl Sfnfrv'-iinlinv' ', in vril viixv- v. i- -- ------- i -,j 7 . - ' "'n iple of goy- mterest ot every f .JVl 'ATiV Speaker, wh.ere vUUihese, fe"rSJ"nott1mne thev are as well TU'oteetcd at so iLtle expense ?? Money is the motive power by which the machinery ot government is pro pelled, and taxation the only means by which the supply of that motive power can be kept up, and property and persons the only, subjects from which that supply can be drawn. "Where then can they find a government which Will protect them in the enjoyment of their property, and ex empt it from taxation ' But Mr. Speaker, if there is a Senator upon this floor, or a citizen wiihhi the limits of North Carolina, whose soul is so contracted,, vhose heart is so utterly desti tute of every emotion of patriotism as to be umviliing to contribute his just propor tion to the support of the .government which protects his life and his property, I s?y let him go ; lie will leave the State for the good of the State. I am now Toady to bid him a hearty good-bye, and when he takes up the line of march from the "Old North State" because lie is unwilling eith er, to sustain her interest or credit with his hieaus, or her honor with his life, I for one " 1 Will bid him God-speed. ' And, Mr. Speaker, 1 have but one re quest to make of those who leave, and that is, that when they arrive at their journey's ind, and are asked wdiv thev emigrated, knd they assign as- the reason, that they were -required to pay their fair, equal and just proportion of the taxes necessary to support the government, that they do tell from whence thej- came -do not hail froth. North-Carolina. !' The ninth objection to altering the con stitution is, that constitutions are made for the protection of minorities, hud therefore, ought not to be changed. I admit that tion )j-oposes to remove, or against the passage of the bill ; for. the object of the bill is, not to put the minority in a worse condition than the majority, but to put (hem on an equality with the majority. Tf all the citizens and property of the Shite were now upon an equalify in reference to taxation, and the bill under considera tion proposed to alter the constitution so as to discriminate against the minority and in favor of the majority, then the objec tion would hold good; but the obiecfc of the bill being to break down a discrimina tion in favor of a minority, and to estab lish a perfect equality between them and the majority, tlie objection fails. And the minority certainly cannot complain at being' placed on an equality with the ma jority ; for while the rights of minoriiks ought to be respected and protected, they cannot reasonably expect more protection or greater privileges than majorities; it is enough if they are respected and protect ed as equals. The tenth objection to the passage of the bill is, that it is dangerous to make frequent alterations in the constitution. v , The constitution, Mr. Speaker, framed in -1776 by the representatives of the peo ple, by their authority and designed to be most conducive, to their happiness and prosperity, seems to have answered the purpose for 'which it was framed, for fifty- nine years. It was admirably adapted to the condition and circumstances of the people for whom it 'was'-. .framed, , and by Avhom it wa3 adopted,. and we cannot too ' much admire tlie wisdom and patriotism of those' to whom was entrusted , the duty .of framing it. . -'But-the condition and cir cumstances of the people having, under gone a change, it . was thought expedient aud necessai3r to alter the constitution in 1835. I am sorry that Ihaye to say, that the alteration in reference". to' taxation was no improvement. But as f he constitution was made by the people, for the purpose of promoting their happiness, and prosper ity, they have the unquestionable right, and ought to alterdt, wh'ciiever it fails, to accomplish the Object' for which it was framed. No statesman ever supposed that . ra-'cotistitntion framed in 176, or even in -1835, would be adapted toiil the cdrcniii-; stances and meet all the wants 'of tlie State in I860. It was doubtless expected thats succeeding generations would alter it to suit' themselves. But '"suppose they did not contemplate its alteration,- have we not as much right to alter the constitution , a our fathers had to frame it in 1770, orr as those whoViltered it in 1S35? If them My. Speaker' we have the " right to alter .i A .1 - . . . . - ( .... 1 . r me eoiiiuiution, anu tne liueresia or inu people demand it,- what danger is to bo ap prehended by the' passage of this bill? Tf Jhe interest of the people requires the al teration, is it not onr.duty as" faithful ; rep resentatives" to make it? --And ,if their yiii-jli 1 11 f i. ills ni-n ir! -fV-n t!ir i -iiv.f r,i-Vrr 1 I a . .1,1" - t . A. - -,- rt1 I yaj Wl n - I ....... h . will not the people. in the exercise of their sovereign power, , make -. ther ulteraiion themselves in their own way? They ought to do it, a.nd they will dv it.. Jhitwlien I insist upon an? alteration of the constitution, that is in perfect rarmo ny vitU the cardinal principles of our jrov- ernment,vthe interest of the ieople,' and necessary to the preservation ot the faith and honor of the State, I am met with the XJry ofthe East I the; East ! the East 1 which m "i? Mg response .nifeieJaTa; Irntl to tilG L)hcsians, who in like ma reminds me of the response made to Paul, man ier cried out, "great is Diana of the Euhe- sians great is Diana of the Ephesians ! great is Diana of the Ephesians!" But, Mr. Speaker, I admonish these who urge tin's objection, to consider well the ground they occupy, before they -press it too far. They seem to have lost sight of the fact that the slave-owners of the East do not constitute the East ; that although there is a majority of slaves East, there" is a majority of slave lioldcrs West of the Capital; and that, if all thp slave-owners in the State were residents of one county, it would have a population but little lar ger than that of Wake. I make this state ment, Mr. Speaker, nof to alarm them by an exhibition of their weakness, but to in duce them to pursue the line of policy so clearly indicated by interest, prudence and patriotism. But-, Sir the last, tlie least urged, but the greatest real objection is, a didrud of the people. Notwithstanding the govern ment of North-Carolina is the creation of the people, that the constitution was framed by the 'people, and declares "that all political power is vested in and derived from the people n!y," and stands a tow ering and glorious monument of the intel ligence and patriotism of our fathers and the wisdom of their posterity, there are still those who distrust their honesty and doubt their capacity for self-government. There are still thoee who cling to the old federal idea that the people are their own .worst enemies, and ought to be governed rather than govern themselves. If thev are correct, the constitution which declares "that the people of this State ought to have the sole and exclusive right of regulating of, and "iliat no man or set 01 men are entitled to exclusive or seperate emol uments or privileges from the community, but in consideration of public services," instead of being a monument to the intel ligence and patriotism of the people, is a living slander upon the truth of history. But, Mr. Speaker, the intelligence, hon esty and patriotism of the people, and their capacity to govern themselves, are triumph antly vindicated by the moral grandeur and political power-ofthe best and snblim est example of free government ever pre sented to rhe eye of man. If, in conclusion, Mr. Speaker, the peo ple had the right in 1770 to frame a con stitution and establish a government for themselves, and did frame "a constitution most condusive to their happiness and prosperity," and that constitution' afforded equal protection to all the citizens and property of the State, and imposed equal burthens upon all ; and if the convention of 1335, iu violation of the great principle of democratic republican equality upon which the government was established, in corporated into it a restriction upon the General Assembly in reference to taxation discriminating against nineteen twentieths of the people of the State ; aud if the finan cial condition of the State as well as a just appreciation of the principles of our gov ernment requires the alteration proposed; if the injustice aud inequality of our revenue laws are the -result of this rcstrictidn :; if the constitution was ratified witnout the restriction being detected by the' people : if the people have been satisfied with the constitution because, until recently,- the discrimination was oppressive ; if the . re striction was not one of the compromises of 1835; if the public debt; was incurred under the present revenue" system ; if the constitution should be altered and negroes taxed as other property ad tlaloremj if young negroes ought to be taxed" as prop erty. because' they are. property ; if it will not injure the institution of slavery to" tax slaves ad valorem-; if the east will not pay more than its just and fair proportion of the taxes ; if itwill not drive slaves out of the State ;. if the 'minority of the ; people being "slaye-ownera will bo as well protect ed as the "majority ; if there is 'no. danger in altering the constitution ; if the people are not distrusted ; if "all - political power is -vested in and derived frgnf the people only ;" if the people arc capable of self government if they "ought to have the sole and exclusi ve right of regulating the internal government and police" ; of the Slate. if the principles, of the government the interest of t he people and the faith and honor of the State demand tfie passage of the bill, the alteration of the constitution, tho.abaudonment of the present system, of revenue, rand the adoption of a system: of taxation ad valoremr can, MiV Speaker, the ingenuity of, man suggest a valid objection to the passage of this bill by the . .constitur tional majority ? ? But I am aware of "the, opposition with which the bilt.ia- to meet. T am npt ignorant of the prejudices, exist ing against it iiuthe. minds, of "Senators. But I. challenge tlicinvcstigation and dis cussion, of, the. objects, of. the. bill,. either, iu. the Senate or elsewhere. ' I demand to-day, upon the floor of the Senate, for my con stituents, that equality at the' treasurers otfice, w hich ij-ecognized at the ball:'bc)x and to which they are entitled" Und vpie great principles o'f equality,-upon which the constitution was framed and the gov ernment established. I appeal to1 the . in--terestSj.the liberality, the sense -of justice, and the patriotism of SenatorsCin behalf,; not only of my. own-. constitnentgbtrt of the great roass of the- people ofNortlrCa;;: .iina tw :vjy to;fof tbi.by a discrimination which is alike iniequay unjust and oppressive. If that demand is disregarded, and that appeal unheeded by the representatives of the people, then I appeal from the decision of the Senate to the source of all political power, thepeo ple themselves. Tlio Valns of A Good Kamo. The recklessness and folly of youth are' seen in nothing so much, as in the low es timate thev s-eem to make of the -opinions of the aged, the wise and the good,- in re gard to character. What old people will think of them; they stop not to inquire, as it their opinions were worth nothing. -Hence the rapid advances which young: men makenow-a-days in every species ot vice, and their bohTand daring demeanor on the brink of ruin. The time was when young men respect ed and feared the judgments of the aged, When, if betrayed into the crimes ot swearing, drinking, gambling, or licen tiousness, thev were at some pams 10 con ceal their shameful dereliction, and labor ed to impress parents and aged persons with better sentiments in regard- to their deportment. Bat now how changed. -Bereft bv bad discipline, as they now are, of a becoming respect for superiors lost to shame, and milatcd with notions of pride and self-control, they unblushmgly commit their deeds -of darkness under the eve of the aged, and gloat upon their open and uncovered indulgence in the worst crimes. - And this is to be taken by society, if they are to be believed, not as a proof ot their want of shame, of a becoming modes tv. or a lack of respect for the -aged,- but , "a e'v-iaeti'coi-o4'Ui:cii' JA-iv,v"-lW-' ter contempt for hypocritical: tensions. We bc' pardon ; we make no plea for- hy pocrisy" It a uian.be guilty of crime; scorn the meatmess which prompts him to wipe his month and pretend to be inno cent. But if the voting have fallen into' crimes, which deservedly damn the repu tation and destroys the confidence of the-a-ed, it ccrtainlv cannot help the- case,, when thev glory" in their shame.-. A prop er re-ard" for the opinions of society,, would lead to concealment, because of the shame, and an effort at amendment before the habit was confirmed.- But-we regret Ur say, in many cases, the reverse of this is too often exhibited. But is there no value in a good name? No profit in possessing the confidence u the aged, the wise and the good ? It would seem not, were we to judge of the low es timate the young seem to place upon their opions. How few young men now-a-daya-seem to-pursue such a line of conducts as will iustifv a good opinion.- How small is the confidence which seems to bo reposed in them. And how else can it be, wheiv indolence, fickleness,-self-will,-pride, pro fanity, intemperance and lewdness, prevail to so great an extent among them, llns is a dark picture: Thank Heaven it is not universal. There are here and Jhere,. youno- men, who labor to secure-" a good, name!. They respect age and value pub lic sentiment.. Hence they demean them selves well and-show by their love of work, ot sobriety, chastity, integrity and their noble bearing, that they deserve a good name.- . How precious is such a' treasurer ? . is--better than riches or fame. It is a safe guard in danger ; a passport to position ; a sure road to competency,- influence and ; usefulness, and a reliance that' never for sakes us.- It lightens the burdens ot lite cheers us on-"the confines of the grave, and leaves, after we arc gone, a sweet f ragrance in the memories of the good, never to be wasted, Yonng man I it is the best boon--you can contur on your parents tlie best legacy you can? leave your children- : ' In all thy restless, fretful strivings, iv sure if all other good Jiangs :: elude . thy grasp, to lay hold on and secure,, a, good name. . - ::: .- ; --'.'"-- " . S'tkawbeeies in FebkuAkv;. The Mari-v anna (Fla.) Patriot of the 16th nit.; says Dr.' E. Phillips of that place has had ripestrawberies in . his gttrden SQverai" days.;' '". '.-Z, '. ,- ' - " ''. ; 'd: i V. ' -! '.. -..-' -:"'.-' -- (- . Edwakd , Eyejektt's "Laboks. -Edwardi Everett has paid to the treasurer of the Mt. Vernon fund,, up to the present day, $60y 803 SU , ;. .Tiie Danville Connection. TlioGrccns- . borough Patriot learns that; an enthusias tic meeting .of the friends otV Dan River Coalfield Road was held im"Wcntworth on Tuesday of last week, and' enough of stock was at once subscribed or -pledged to se cure flie charter.. - tl i 1 1 i 1 1 e -1 , i ; 'i 1 : -.4 ,' .1 4
The Western Sentinel (Winston-Salem, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
April 1, 1859, edition 1
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