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,1 S A Democratic Journal-Devoted to National and State Politics, Literature, Foreign and Domestic News, etc. a: vol, isro. 36j THE PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY J. W. ALSPAUGH, Editor a. lid Proprietor. Terms of Subscription. "TheWestebjt SKSTiXKL"is published. every Friday morning, and mailed to subscribers at two dollars a year, in ad Vance; two dollars and a half after six months, or tiirek dollars after the close of the subscription year. To any one procuring six subscribers, and paying the cash in advance, the paper will be furnished one year, gratis. Terms of Advertising in the Sentinel Our regular rates of advertising are as follows One square (14 lines or less) first insertion $1 00 Each subsequent insertion, ------ 25 For one square three months, - - - - 3 50 For six months, - -- -- -- -- 5 50 For twelve months, 850 B38T" Liberal deductions in favor of regular ad vertisers. Professional or Business Cards, not er needing five lines in length, five dollars a year longer ones in proportion. USiT" Postmasters are required by law to notify publishers when papers are not taken from their offices and those failing to do so become respon sible for the subscription-money. 0ffi.ce on, West Street, below the M. U. Church. SPEECH OF Gen. JOE. LANE. In the U. S. Senate on the 19th of Dec, 1859, on the Territorial question. Mr. LANE. I was unfortunate, Mr. President in not bearing the point which was submitted by the Senator from Ohio in the course of his speech" to the North ern Democratic Senators. I noticed that the Senator from Minnesota rose and res ponded, but I did not hear what was the question submitted. Mr. PUGH. The question which I proposed, referring1 to the statement con tained in the speech of the Senator from California at Grass Vally, was whether the other Democratic Senators from the non-slaveholding States held the position thatauy man who entertains Judge Doug las' opinions or mine for they essentially differ in some things as to the power of a Territorial Legislature, was unfit to sit at the Committee on Territories, or to be received into the ranks of the Democrat ic party whether it was a cause of exclu sion ? Mr. LANE. Mr. President, I desire to say to the Senator that it is not my pur pose to prescribe rules or a platform of principles for the Democratic party. I had nothing to do with displacing Judge Douglas from his position as chairman of the Committee on'Territories; but I will say to my friend from Ohio that I have very great respect for him, and that I have no doubt there are many good Democrats in the Northern States who do not agree with me upon the Territorial question. I would not say that any one ot them who disagrees with me, and holds different principles on that point, is not a good Democrat; nor do I pretend to say that the fact that Judge Douglas holds the views or opinions he does on this point would have been a good reason with me for opposing his election to the chairman ship of the "Committee on territories. He had been displaced before I become a member of this body. It was done by Democratic Senators whose devotion to the Constitution, the Union, and the rights of the States no man will undertake to gainsay. While I am up Mr. President, I will say that I have my views in relation to the Territorial question and I am sorry to find that they differ very materially from those of my friend from Ohio ; bnt I am sure he is a good Democrat. There is no doubt about that ; and I know I am a good Democrat. Then, sir, how can I under take to say that gentleman, differing in opinion on the Territorial question, shall not act together as Democrats when the salvation of our country depends upon the success of the Democratic party ? I think that thef principles of the Democratic party are the true principles of this Government and they must be maintained, they can not be compromised. Seeing and i'oeling as I do the importance of union, on the fart of Democrats, on oil great questions would not rule out any member of that party because he did not feel as I do in relation to Territorial matters. I have great respect for Judge Douglas I believe him to be a Democrat ; but I have a right to differ even from him, and I do differ in opinion from Judge Douglas and also troni my trier d troni Umo, in regard to the power of the people in the Territories. 1 hold that the territory of the country is the common property of hole country, that the people of every J3tate of this Union have equal rights in the territories, and that while they remain in aj territorial condition the inhabitants cannot, by unfriendly legislation or by a system of unequal taxation debar the people of any State from admission there; or, in other words, they cannot by legisla tion! infringe on the rights of the people pf any State. Bat let my give an illustra tion; I hope the Senate will allow me to make a case. - . " Applications has been made to Congress luring the last two or three years for the prgamzation of a: territorial government in Arizona. - Arizona is in the southern WIISSTOISr, portion of our country. The climate is warm ; the soil is adapted to cotton ; it is rich in mineral resources. I have no doubt that slave labor could be used to advantage in Arizona. I believe it could be profitably used there for the produc tion of cotton. I saw the cotton fields on the Gila in the winter of 1848 ; I picked the cotton out of the bolls, examined its qual ity and texture, and found it to be fine. Cotton can be grown and produced there in abundance. Besides the cotton, slave labor could bs used profitably in the mines ot that region, and in agricultural pursuits. That being the case, representing, as I do a Northern State, I cculd not for one mo ment consent that the. people of the South should rush out theres soon as a Territo rial government was organized, get pos session of the Legislature, and by a sys tem of unfriendly legislation or unequal taxation, undertake to keep the people of the JNortn out ot that lerntory. We would not submit to it at all : we would say at once they have no right to pass snch laws ; and I believe any honest court, such a one as would be sent to that Territory, would decide such enactments invalid, as violating that principle of equality of the States upon which this government must rest. The principle of equality of the States must be maintained Their equal rights in the Territories is so clear to my mind that I cannot imagine how any gentleman can gainsay it. The Territory is the common property of all the States, and I am sure the Northern people would not submit to any such sys tem of taxation, or any such legislation in a territory as would exclude them. The Northern Democracy are just; and while they would not submit to that course of policy on the part of the South, they would not attempt to excluce the South by a system to which they would not sub mit themselves. I understood the Senator from Ohio, in response to the Senator from Mississippi, to say that the right was with the people of a Territory to establish or prohibit sla very. Wei, Mr. President I desire to say that the pelple of the Territory have the "right to exclude, or establish, or abo'ish slave ry. No such right is conferred on them by the Constitution. I recognize the prin ciple of the equality of the States their equal rights in the Territories. Any man has a. right togo,from any- Stat- of the Union into the common Territories of this government, aud take with him whatever is recognized as property in the State from whence he goes, and hold it in the Terri tory while the territorial condition remains and when the people of the territory come to form a State government, they have a right to say whether the State shall be slaveholding or non-slaveholding ; and as they decide, it is the duty of Congress to admit them. But I hold that the people of a Territory have not a right to prohibit slavery, and 1 would not agree that they have the right to establish it ; because the territory is the common property of all the States of this Union and every man, as I said before, has a right to go there and take with him his property, and enjoy that property while the Territorial condition exists ; and if the Legislature of a territo ry shall undertake, by legislation, to bar the interests or the rights of any portion of the Union, I believe any honest court will decide such legislation to be null and void, because it is in conflict with the Constitution of the United States. I know my friend will say that from the court there is an appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States. With the decision of the Supreme Court the Democracy of the North will be willing to rest. Mr. PUGH. Did I understand the Sen ator to say that a Territorial Legislature had no right to establish slavery any more than to prohibit it? I heard him imperfect ly at this distance and I want to know if that Is his proposition. Mr. LANE. My proposition- is that Congress has no power over the question of slavery ; that they canndt, under the Constitution, establish it in a Territitory, or prohibit it ; and that a Legislative As sembly in a Territory deriving its powers from Congress cannot do what Congress itself cannot do. Mr. PUGH. Then' you hold that a Territorial Legislature has no power to establish slavery ? Mr. LANE.' No power to. establish it and no power to prohibit it ; bnt that prop erty goes there like all other property, on an equal footing with other property, and , while the Territory is in a territorial con dition it has that protection ""which the Constitution extends to it, and which an honest court would give it, and the com mon law of the country secures to it. : Mr. President, it.is not - my purpose to discuss this Territorial question. I am tir ed of it ; and I hope that the discussion of it will soon cease ; but it is so essential in mv judgment, thatjustioe and right pre vail that I feel it my duty to give my views in relation to the rights cf all the 'States of this country in a Territory, while it remains in a Territorial - condition. .1. have heard gentlemen, Senators and oth ers, talk about the value of the Union and their devotion to it. :No man loves it more than I do, and no one would make greater sacrifices to maintain and preserve : this Union. I would do it at the moment when the country requires it, at the expense of i - - ; ; nTOHTEE-OJROIL.TN-, every drop of blood ; but to maintain thet Union the constitution n:u3t be maintained in its spirit, in its letter, end in its mean ing. The principle of Justice and equal ity must prevail in this country or thsre can be no Union. Sir, as much as 1 leve this Union, as much as I am devoted to it and no one is more than myself I would not ask to have this Union main tained by the violation of the Constitution itself. If the Northern States of this Confede racy could not have equal rights with the Southern States in the Territories, aii equal justice under all circumstance woum mey reuiaiu iu me union f n wq ' want to preserve it let us be just, do right deal fairly by every portion of this coun try, and not hold that the territory belongs to the North, to free labor or to the South to slave labor ; for it is not so. It belongs equally to all ; all of them have an equal right in it ; and I would submit to no wrongs from the South. Being a North ern man I would submit to nothing that infringed the rights of the Northern States in territories of this Union. No man would be more prompt to resent a wrong, an insult, or an indignity, or in justice attempted to be perpetrated on the Northern States by the South than my self ; and while I submit to no wrong from -that quarter, I would ask them to submit to none from us. I intend to be just by all ; to deal right ly with the whole country ; to know no section but the Constitution and the Union and the constitution can discriminate be tween the sections of this country, and pretend to say that the common territory of all shall be given exclusively to free la bor. The citizens of the States have equal rights in the Territory while it remains in the Territorial condition ; and when the people who inhabit it come to form a State Constitution, then it is their right to be admitted into the Union as they shall decide. I did not intend, sir, to say anything on this Territorial question, and I should not have said anything on this occasion 1 i. T 1. ,1 1 .. .1 uui uiai i uearu very indistinctly some question which was propounded by the honorable Senator trom Ohio, to which the honorable Senator trom Minnesota rose to respond, and I desired to know what the question was, so that I too might res pond. I say again to that . Senator that the Democracy of the North differ In opin ion upon this question I regret it. I can agree with him and our old friend Doug las for they both are good democrats upon all essential questions, this only ac cepted. They will both labor to prevent the election of a sectional man to the Presidency, and will I have no doubt, do all in their power to secure the election of the nominees of the Charleston Conven tion. Both love this Union ; they stand upon the principle of right, as they un derstand it, but I must differ from them as to the power of the people in a Territo ry, while in a Territorial condition ; but, as I said before, they will, I have no doubt labor faithfully with the Democracy to secure the election of the nominees of the Charleston Convention. Now, sir, I hope the Senator from Ohio is satisfied with my position as to the Ter ritories, and also with the fact that I rec ognize him as a good Democrat, because I know hiui to be so, and I know he will not dispute my Democracy because I happen to differ in opinion with him up on a matter that I regard as esssential to the peace and harmony of this country. I will say before I take my seat, that this question was made in our late elec tion in Oregon aud I took an active inte rest in it ; and it required the labor of sound Democrats there to secure the elec tion of a reliable national man to repre sent that State in this - Congress. The question was plainly and fairly submit ted to the people of Oregon, and in every speech that the member who represents that State, in the other branch of Con gress made before the people, he took the ground that the citizens of all the States had equal rights in the Territories, " and that the North had no right to infringe the rights of the South, or the South to in fringe the rights of the North. "; I canvassed nearly every county in the State in that cajipain, aud I made myself understood every where. I made the point clearly that, in my judgment, all the States of this Union have an equal right and all their citizens had an equal inter est in the Territories rights that could not nor must not be violated. The 'De mocracy of that State triumphed ; and by their vote at the ballot box, endorsed that great principle one that must bev main tained, one that caunot be violated ; for on that great principle, the equality of the States in everything that belongs to the General Government, the . happiness of this country depends; ' Mr. BROWN. Mr. President. I rise to express the deep gratification I feel at having listened to the speech of the Sena tor from Oregon. There is in it more conservatism, more of genuine nationality more of that broad sentiment which, cov ers this whole country, than in any speech Ihaveheard pronounced . in the Senate during the present session ; and I perhaps should not be extravagant if I said it con tains more than I hare heard during half a dozed sessions. ' JPIIDY ITJEBHTJHY Flsr. Wiley's Report. We commend to our readers the follow ing extracts from the seventh annual Re port of the State Superintendent of Com mon Schools. This Report is now in press, and will soon be ready for delivery. It contains much interest on the subject of education. The Superintecdent gives a cheering ac count of the proggress of Common Schools anc! of education generally throughout the Statfi. . " ' - 4,t : 'This report is made to y our "Excel fen cV at s, time of trial to you, and to all " patri otic guardians of the public interests. lhe popular heart, JNorth and South, has been deeply stirred by the recent start ling but natural developments of princi ples springing originally from opposition to those teachings of inspired Writ which humble man and exalt God. There has long been a growing disposition, in certain, quarters, to defy humanity, and practically to ignore the idea of man's sin fulness or frailty ; and this cannot be done except in open contradiction to the lessons of all experience, and to the doctrines of the Holy Scriptures. Such conclusions, too, strike at the root of all authority, Divine and human; for every law is a restraint, an abridgement of natural liberty,and therefore,an outrage when imposed on beings -whose instincts are all just and holy, and thus entitled to gratification. These most absurd and most dangerous doctrines once swayed, for a brief period, the heart of a whole nation ; and it was hoped that they would be forever disgraced by the bloody hor rors, the ud parallelled attrocities of that Reign of Terror. But the recent exhibi tion of opposition to all established author ity, springing up armed from the bosom of American society, and distinguished with the sympathies of a large class of professed reformers, has divulged the existence of this fearful moral contagion in our midst ; and now, while all are uncertain of 4the extent of the infection, there is a natural and general disposition every where to fear an outbreak of this most dreadful scourge of humauity. These very acts, so fraught with danger to every class of people, demonstrate the r.tter fallacy of the doctrines in which they have their root ; and were there no 'other evidence, 1 1 i ese "a 1 o n e i n d i cate ' W i tli a sad and overpowering force of argument the depravity of man, and the necessity of divinely ordained authority to 'restrain those instincts and passions whose full de velopment in action would cause the exter mination of our race. Their natural fruits are suspicions, evil surmissings, alienations, bitter hatreds, fraternal strifes : in short, to blight that confidence and mutual dependence which hold society together, and to convert the whole human race into a horde of plun dering and murderous Ishmaelites, every where lying in wait for each other, and fighting over the natural fountains and fruits of the earth. They cause us to put a much lower estimate than we ought even on our fallen humanity, and, as a na tural consequence, tend to arrest, for the time, the progress of every benevolent agency, to unsettle the foundations of all order and subordination, to destroy all na tional and social cohesion, and to split so ciety into innumerable hostile fragments converting whole nations into the condi tion of the pannic-stricken camp of the host of Midian where every man's sword was set against his fellow. In such a crisis, when all are disposed to fear and mistrust their nearest neigh bors, the public men of the country have a high and most difficult mission to fill ; but there is one rule which, if faithfully illustrated in action, will certainly lead to safety and success. It is a rule which no people can afford to violate, but one more easy of observance by a population like that of oiir beloved State, than by those whose former departure from it has invol ved us in our present troubles. I is tHe rule of absolute right, under stood in the pure light of God's infamable world ; and 6iirely a people, who for gen erations have made the teachings of this Book the only standard of public and pri vate morality, cannot be in danger of be ing suddenly an universally overcome by those fanatical delusions which originate in persistent attembts to wrest these Serip tures of truth to the purposes of human vanity and pride. We are, therefore, comparatively strong in the conservatism of sentiment, the soundness of the popular heart caused by the long custum of imbibing our moral philosophy from the pure fountain of truth; and our first, greatest and most perma nent interest as-a people, a3A, well as indi viduals, is to adhere strictly and honestly to this method of reasoning, and this prin ciple of action. Let ns. thpin. mamlest to the world our confidence in the strength of our social and political fabric, passed on such solid principles by continuing calmly to admin- isier mem in Ilieir properbpmij . uj the light of inspired wisdom. In such a state we ought not to antici pate fierce and bloody hostility between races and ranks and classes merely be- ? Ia Franc. ' " 24, X86O. cause there are different races, ranks and classes ; for it is not the existence of such diversity creates danger, but the spirit which animates the hearts of individuals and is reflected in the public administra tion. " The very first human government was the family of Adam, and it was crdained by God himself and in this society, con sisting of only two persons, and they "one flesh," there was subordination, sub jection of one to another r for mutual - A - Rtiithere can be no boCiety, in a wick- 1 JJ-A " , .... rMf ed world, without diversity of interests and classes ; and the peace of every social and political system depends on a just recog nition of the inntual dependence of every rank on each other, and of the mutual ob ligations which this interest imposes. This sense of mutual interest and recipro cal duty has often been illustrated in inci dents connected with history of slavery in our midst , and a glorious fruit of this true policy was displayed before the eyes of all the world in a manner most honor able to the servant and to the governing race, in the refusal of the former at Ha per's Ferry to use weapons thrust into their hands in destroying masters appar ently unable longer to maintain their au thority. There is as much danger of prejudice beteen the rich and poor, and between the different professions, as between mas ter and slave ; and while the love of mon ey is the root of all evil, it must tend continually to alienate from each other the hearts of those who love it above ''all things and have it, and of those who thus love it and have it not. And all attempts to enhance this alienation and widen the breach between classes of citizens, is just as dangerous as efforts to excite slaves to insurrection ; and the principle which would justify the latter, would inevitably lead next to the destruction of those pro fessions which are falsely considered by some as more honorable than other hon est callings, then to the violent plunder of the rich, and finally to a fierce and endles struggle among the plunderers over their respective shares ct booty. But why. should we, in North-Carolina, fear such attempts as these to uncage and let loose on society the worst passion ot fallen nature? True, such instincts exist huk.lie&a beasts of prey are guarded with some thing better than human restraint, 'or ma terial bolts and bars. We have hear a pure Gospel, faithfully preached ; and wherever the character ot State illus trates a general indoctrinaitbn of the peo ple in its precepts, there is aseal upon the lion's mouth. ! Such a savor is our most' conservative power : and indeed the trua followers of our Lord are by Himself strled "the salt of the earth, a designation which con veys infinite meaning, and vhich, at such time as the present, all classes ought to be able to understand.' The late troubles de monstrate the political importance and the social necessity of a true Gcspel ; and if further evidence were needed, all but the wilfully blind can find it on every page of the world's history. And now, to bring those general reflec tions to a practical point, I desire to oii'er a suggestion which I feel sure will meet a ready and hearty responce in your excel lenev's bosom. Let us, as a State, still adhere to those principles of benevolence which have dis tinguished us in the past ; let us still man ifest a generous confidence in all classes of our citizens, and guard with equal care the rights and true interests of each, well knowing that neither honor nor honesty nor patriotism is an incident of station, rank or profession, but of man. Let us remember that though our race is a fallen one, it is not forsaken by a gracious Crea tar, wholly abandoned to its evil instincts; and that it is therefore, 6afer to depend on the affections and principles of true men of every grade, than on the interest of any one class, as interests can be easily changed and are never certain. " -;. Let it be our aim to denounce and pun ish the evil, and encourage - and reward. the. deserving, knowing no distinction among our citizens but that of the good and the bad. In a great State there must be and should be great diversity of interets and occupations ; and in every State there al ways will be men in moderate worldly circumstances. And that infalible Word which declares that powers that be are ordainded of God, and commands obedience to every ordi nance of man for the Lord's sake,'also en joins compassion for the ignorant and ten derness for the poor, the fatherless and the widow. The Common School system, though a common interest, is ot special importance to those in moderate circumstances, aud to mechanics and other honorable labor ers who may be continually called trom place to placo; and no State institution is, therefore, so necessary to such, as a sys tem schools which offers to them the means of educating their children wherever their interests may call them.' Such an institu tion we have in our Common School sys tem; and by guarding it with jealous care, and using all proper means to promote its efficiency, the great and good State of HS2.00 3?EJR -AJNrHN"TTnVIa North Carolina says to all the vn.st variety ot true men of every rank and class neces sary to constitute a prosperous and pow erful Commonwealth, "that you are wel come here, and your wants appreciated : behold the schools erected for your chil dren by my provident care, in every part of my wide domain where you may choose to dwell in peace, under the au thority of my equal la ws !" Permit me to conclude by expressing my gratification that the State has, in its highest executive officer, a firm advocate of those - essential principles of national strength. With sentiments of high regard, I am your obedient servant, C. II. WILEY, Swptm of Com. Schools for the State. To His Excellency, Gov. Ellis. Nationality of the Democracy. The Raleigh Standard, in reply to the assertion of the Register that there is no national Democratic party, correctly and aptly remarks : "Now let us see the predicament in which our neighbor has placed himself. Mr. Smith received one hundred and twelve votes for speaker. There are about ninety Democrats and twenty-two South ern Americans in the House. Of these ninety Democrats twenty-five or thirty represent not less than three millions of in habitants, and not less than two hundred and fifty thousand persons who voted for them, "in addition to this there are some ten or fifteen Domocratic Senators, who represent sovereign non-slaveholding States ; and further we have a Democratic President, who received one million of Democratic votes in the non-slaveholding States. And yet in the face of these un deniable facts the Register asserts that there is only a handful of Democrats in the free States ! Who rallied to Mr. Smith for Speaker Mr. Syme? Mr. Gilmer's particular friends, Morris, Scranton and Wood of Pennsylvania all rahderate f black Re publicans voted for Mr. Smith, bat when they saw they were about to elect him they retired from his support and voted for Corwin. Who stood the fire then ? i Who stood bv Smith, a Southern man, in democrats from the STorth and JS'orth west, as true men and as sound patriots as ever trod the soil of America 2 And yet Mr. Syme; you say there is no National Democratic party ! Did the black Re publicans flock to Mr. Smith as they had done to Mr. Gilmer ? Did fifteen of them headed by the abolitionists Thadeua Ste vens, leacl off for him i Did the few mod erate ones who had voted for him adhere to him? No. The only aid Mr. Smith received the only aid the country receiv ed in this laudable effort to organize the House and maintain the government, we 6ay the only aid which could be ob tained in the- non-slaveholding States in this hour of trial, obtained fivm the na- tional Democratic parly. And yet our sapient and truthful nieghbor ot the Iteg ister says there is no national Democratic party! In the language, of an old line Whig, who called to see us a uay or wo since, to subscribe for the Standard and to encourage us in our course, "if there is no national Democratic party, then there is no other party in the country but black Republican , and if that is all, the country is lnueeu in a uejnuittuiu wuumuu. Mk. Wixslow of N. C We take .from the Washington correspondence ot the N. Y! Times ot Thursday, the 16th Feb., the 'following comments upon the position at present occupied by Mr. vvmsiow oi xn. C, in the field of Democratic party poli tics, and have to add to it the fact that we know no other gentlemen ot either party who is raising more rapidly and more legitimately in the public estimation.- Never was the value of unvarying courtesy ,and good temper, and strong sense as displayed in the transaction of the business of Congress better illustrated, than in the position as a Democratic party leader, which Mr. Winslow has obtained this session proving the general appre ciation of his party on the floor of the iact that tliere he is emphatically the mau for tiio times "Mr. Winslow'8 name is also freely canvassed iu connection with the Vice Presidency, if a Northern man should re ceive the higher nomination at Charleston, and the New England delegates, many of whom are now here, including Dr. Loring and Col. Wright, of Mass., Gov. Danna, of Me., Judge Sinalley, of Vt., and several more. i SIPThe Senate of Mistissippi ha6 pass ed resolutions recommommending that a convention of the Southern States be held at Atlanta, Geo., on the first Monday iu June, to adopt measures to be pursued iu case of the election of a Black Republican President. Charlotte Whig. Bpr" The Oscata (Fla.) Companion r' says planting has already been commenc ed to 'Marion county in that State.' -! " A '' i. - . " I;-? V y- V H I ij
The Western Sentinel (Winston-Salem, N.C.)
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Feb. 24, 1860, edition 1
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