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WILMINGTON JOURNAL. ; . ; ' A TT ,pnivr .ZLrRED Ms, PRICE-) DAVID FUIjIUW, EDITOR. OUR COUNTRY, LIBERTY, AND GOD. AND PRdniKTOml; VOL. 1. WILMINGTON, N. C, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 11, 1844- NO. 4 PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY MORNING. TERMS OF THE WILMINGTON JOURNAL: Tn Dollars and fifty cents if paid in advance. 3 oo at the end of three months. 3 50 at expiration of the year. No paper discontinued until all arrearages are oaid, except at the option of the publishers. No luh -'caption received for less than twelve months. ADVERTISEMENTS Inserted at one dollar per square of 16 lines or less, for the first, and twenty-five cents for each succeeding insertion. 25 per cent will be deduc ted from an advertising bill when it amounts to thirty dullars in any one year. Ykarlt standing advertisements will be inserted at $10 per square. All legal advertisements charged 25 per cent higher. t j If the number of insertions are not marked on the advertisement, they will be continued until ordered out, and charged for accordingly. Xj" letters to the proprietors on business con nected with this establishment, must be post paid. OFFICE on the south-east corner of Front and Princess streets, opposite the Bank of the State. OP EVERY DESCRIPTION, Neatly executed and with dispatch, on liberal terms for cash, at the JOURNAL OFFICE. ' GEORGE W. DAVIS, MERCHANT, LONDON'S WHARF, Wilmington, N. C. Oct. 4th, 1844. I 3-ly Receiving and Forwarding Agent, A -M General Commission Jtlerchcfnf, Next door North of the New Custom-home, VV ILMI MiTO V. N. C. GliLXi&SriI? & HOB r is S'j - '. S For ilic sale of Timber, Lnmbtr, and all othri' kind of Produce. Oct. 20, 1843. 41 -If Auctioneer & Commission Merchant, WILMINGTON, N. C. Liberal advances made on shipments to his friends in New York. September 22. 1843. 37-tf. WINDOW SASHES BLINDS and DCCRS. THE subscriber is agent for ne of the host manufactories at the North, and will receive orders for the above named articles, which will be boxc d up and delivered on board of vessels in New I l, at the LOWEST PRICES, and at short York notice, rersons about to coivract lor nuiiMirrgs. will find it to their interest to call and examine prices before sending their orders abroad. GUY C. HOTCHKISS. Sept. 27, 1844. 1-ly AN ADDRESS Freemen aitd Voters To (be of Nortn C;trlit?a. Fellow-C it.xens : Wfr address on the re-annexation of Texas t the Untied States a subject of .momentous interest, one- winch belongs to the whole eoumrv. an l not to a parly, wueli as our political adversaries have attempted to make it. it involves the peace, the happiness, and the prosperity of these United States; more it lies as broad and deep as the fountains of the Union, and grasps the destinies of millions yet unborn ! The subject has been too much discussed to offer you any thing new; we can only attempt to talk to you of facts and arguments already furnish ed, in a way so plain and natural as to make them comprehensible to the under standings of all men. With this pledge on our part, we conjure you, by that love which you must hear to your country's best welfare, to lend us an attentive ear. We care not who, or what party, bro't p this subject to die consideration of the Senate and the people of the United States, nor what were the motives that prompted it; good and bad motives mingle in all great political action ; we only look to the subject itself, ou its own merits, as it is to work weal or woe to our country. The question we present to you is not whether Mr. Tyler's treaty ought, or ought not, to have been ratified. The Senate of the United States, the proper constitution al tribunal, has put that matter to rest. Many Senators who are the warmest friends of re-annexation (among them Sen ators Benton and Rives,) voted against the treaty, not because they were opposed to its object, but because they objected to the time, manner, and form of the treaty. We now present to your serious consider atton the main question, the true ques tion: Shall Texas be re-annexed to the U nited Stales? That is not a party question, nor a new question, but one which has been heretofore and is now considered of vast national concernment, is established by the single fact that every Administration of the Federal Government Adams'. Jackson's. Van Buren's and Tyler's have during the last twenty years, been endeavoring to re-annex Texas to the Uni ted States. Texas is a vast rpgion of country, con taintng from three to four hundred tlmusand square miles ; six or seven times larger -au tne oiate or Worth Carolina ; admit- uy an uuies to nave me nneai land and the most delightful climate in the world, growing all the richest agricultural pro- ducts, and suited especially to the habits, labor and constitutions of the southern and south-western people. Her teiritory is a part of the Mississippi valley the Rocky Mountains, the Great Desert, and the Del Norte, constituting the western and south ern boundary of both. This boundary, so well marked and defined by nature, shuts out Mexico, and will prove a security and barrier against border wars. Texas was peopled from the United States; hardly a settlement, neighborhood, town, or village in the West and South, but has some near and dear relation ihere. Her religion, lan guage, laws, and form of Government are like our own. All her political, christian and social sympathies are with us ; and she longs to be made one bone and one flesh with us, as a sister State in our glo rious Union. The British Government is opposed to the re-annexation of Texas to the United States, from a natural jealousy of the spread of our democratic institutions ; from the wish to monopolize her trade ; to maintain her as a rival to us, thereby to control the price of our agricultural products ; and as a point whence her plans of abolition may he carried on with secrecy and effect, on our Southern borders, which unite with Texas like the borders of two neighboring plantations, dividing the water-courses, swamp, hills, valleys, and the very roots and grass of the fields. Mr. Clay, also, is opposed to the re-annexation of Texas, as his Raleigh letter shows ; so are the northern Abolitionists and the great leaders ol the Clay parly. Mr Polk and the Democratic patty are in f:iv: : v,i it. I? may surprize you, howev er, to hear that a portion of the Clay lead ers were to favor of annexation, until Mr. Clay issued his letter of April last against it. After that, they renounced their inde pendence of opinion, and shouted to their idol. "Great is Diana or thk Kphesi ans !" or, as in the days of King Herod, " It is the voice of Goo and not of nan!" Should this party succeed in electing Mr. ('lay President. Great Britain will he encouraged to new efforts to plant her po licy :in! interests into Texan toil; she will be encouraged to estrange Texas from us, :i!id n r iise her no a a lealous rival to the rT . c, i . i cm .. j U,,,led S,a,es "nt.l at la.t, fully committed to I exas, i tier prior, interests ami poli cy, war must come with England; as sure as the night succeed the day. Texas an nexed, is a sure guaranty of peace with England; '! exas disannexed, as sure a har binger ofi0i. Our danger is in procras tination, which will give England lime to weave her schemes of policy, to obtain a dominant political influence over Texas and Mexico. A war with M'xico, without England for her ally, is too absurd to deserve any consideration. Youthful Texas, single handed, conquered her more than eight years ago on the plains of Sat) Jacinto, ami she has reason to fear that another war may plant the banner of Texas on the towers of the city of Mexico. We have no enemy to dread in this matter, but Great Britain. She intrigues where she can, and wars where she dare. Has she not announced lately to our Government at Washington, with cool impudence, that she does not like one of our political insti tutions ; that it ought to be reformed; and that she will exert her steady efforts to a holish it, wherever it is to be found? And is ibis les arrogant, less insulting and less ominous, than if our Government were to give Great Britain notice that we did not like her Lords and Bishops, and that we should use our efforts to reform such insti tutions, in all places where they existed? or, if one were to give notice to his neigh bor that he did not like the way he mana ged his family affairs, and that they ought 10 be reformed! Surely, it would be the same arrogant assumption of authority and superiority, in the one case as in the oth er. This announcement, like the shadow of coming events, ought to warn us to .re ceive Texas whilst she is young, pure, & free, and before she is seduced into the embraces of England. But, Clay leaders will tell you that England has disavowed, to our Govern ment, all intention of interfering with the affairs of Texas. But who can confide in her sincerity or benevolence, when the pressure of her population, her manufac turers and mechanics, demand further mar kets for her commerce? We point you to her hloodv track over India, China, and nilior Awi:oie countries, to force her trade Lpon unoffending nations, and to extend her empire. We point you to bleeding and oppressed Ireland. We point you to her cruel practice ot impressment. Wepointyou to the starving, naked, drivelling women, boys and children, deformed in body and mind, and worked to death in her mines and factories. We point you to her efforts lo unite hy lreaties, all the nations ofEu rope in a holy crusade'against African sla very ye point you to the late servi'e :ne.irrnmn in thp Island of Cuba, which wepe instigated bv her Consul at Havana, David Turnbull, a distinguished abolition- 0 ist. Wre point you to the late efforts of her affiliated abolition societies in Texas, to abolish slavery there. We point you to her perfidy in the Washington treaty, whereby she obtained a large part of the territory of the Slate of Maine, when she held in her possession at the time, and concealed it from our Government, a map containing a line, traced by the hand of George the Third, which showed that the territory was ours. We point you lo the wrongs which brought on the Revolution of '76, whilst she was always disavowing the intention to oppress us or to deprive us of our liberties. We point you to her dis avowals before the war of 1812, while she was committing every aggression upon our neutral rights. We point yon to the millions of slaves that she holds in India, while she is hypocritically denouncing slavery in the United States. Is she not now encompassing the globe with her ar mies and navies, and interfering with the concerns of every nation, savage or civili zed? Whence does she derive this om nipotent prerogative to dictate lo ihe world? No where but in her insatiable appetite for dominion and gain ! President Monroe, more than twenty years ago, in one of his annual messages to Congress, denounced all claims on the part of European Gov ernments to colonize this continent; and the people responded to it with acclaim. Nor will the American spirit ever brook the idea of bending the knee at the foot stool of Great Britain, to sue for the privi lege of treating with Texas, or any other member of the American family of na tions. The democratic party are for peace with England and the world; they seek the ear liest practicable annexation of Texas to this Union lo avert a war with England, be fore her interests and pride shall have be come too deeply interwoven with Texan affairs. The Clay leaders next say that Texas is not an independent nation; that it is a province or department of Mexico; and that annexation involves us in a breach of faith to Mexico. 11 that be so, we admit it would be wrong, and as democrats we repudiate all dishonor to our countty. But here we take issue with our opponents, and will proceed to show that Texas is a sovereign State. France acquired Texas by discovery & first occupancy, and the United Stales pur chased it from France, in 1803. as a part ol Louisiana. For this we. have the au thority of Jefferson, Madison, Pinckney, Monroe, Adams, Clay and Jackson, with out, as we believe, one dissenting Ameri can statesman. In 1819 John Q. Adams, Secretary of Slate under Mr. Monroe, ne goiialed our treaty with Spain, whereby we purchased Florida from Spain, and ra linquished to her the territory oi Texas. Texas thus became a Spanish ptovince, Spanish territory, not Mexican territory. About 1822, Texas, with Mexico and the other provinces of Spain in Central Amer ica, revolted from Spain and proclaimed themselves independent. In 1824, Texas, with Coahuila, as one State, established a Constitution and Government, a Judiciary, Legislature, and Governor, as a free and independent Stale. The same year she was received into the Mexican Confedera cy of Independent Sovereign States, fra med after the plan of our Federal Union. The Constitution of Texas, which was ap proved by the Mexican Confederacy, as serted "that Texas was free and indepen dent of the other Mexican States, and of every other power and dominion:''1 and it also asserted the great republican principle that "the sovereignty of ihe State resides originally and essentially in the general mass of the people, who compose it.11 As early, then, as 1824, Texas, by her own Constitution and form of Government, and by the t.onceyit and approbation of Mexi co, established herself, side by side with Mexico, in the great Mexican Confedera tion of Slates, as sovereign and indepen dent a State as Mexico herself. It, then, Texas is not a sovereign State, neither is Mexico. Our own citizens were induced to settle in Texas, under the promise and growth in commerce and manufuctures, isj ing their dependence greater, for security expectation of being governed by laws j like to shut her out from a monopoly of and protection, upon the Federal Govern made through representatives chosen by j the markets of the world. At the North, I ment, w ill cling to the Union the stronger; themselves, and under the guarantees of she has Canada and the lakes for her ar-jand hence it is that the new States havene the Constitution of Texas for the protec-! mies and navies; on the Wrest, Oregon j ver been known to utter thecry of disunion, tion of their lives, liberty and property. jaud her ancient allies the Indians, whom i but have been most remarkable for their But in 1835 the tyrs ' Santa Anna over- she has always used against us, and wwloyally. On the other hand, the Federal threw ihe Federal constitution of the Mex- j are now to the number of six or seven Government will be kept from overstep- ican Union by the sword, proclaimed the several State Constitutions as extinct, and expelled the Legislature of Texas from its hall at the point of the bayonet. But the usurper's military force and fraud did not extinguish the independence of Texas no more than the occupation of Louisiana by the British army, and the proclamation of Gen. Packenham, extinguished the sov ereignty of that State In 1815. Texas re sisted the tyrant; and in the spring of 1836, against the odds of two to one, conquered his army on the plains of San Jacinto, in one of the most glorious battles recorded in history. Santa Anna was made a pris oner of war; his life, justly forfeited by the laws of war, for the cold-blooded mer- der of five hundred Texan citizens at Go liad, was spared. As the Dictator and Su preme Head of Mexico, Santa Anna then made to Texas a solemn writteu acknowl edgment of her independence as a State. The battle of San Jacinto only confirmed, by arms, the independence of Texas as a nation. This she has maintained for eight ana a nan years, against tne world, pos sessing and conducting with wisdom, jus-1 lice and firmness, at home and abroad, on land and sea, all the functions of a sover eign State. The United States, France, England, Spain, Holland, Belgium, and as the foregoing facts show, even Mexico and Sa&ta &hna have recognized her inde pendence. No nation on earth can estab lish her title to independence on higher & nobler grounds than Texas. Like the children of Israel, unaided save by the God of battles, she has fought her way through the wilderness, to independence, rendered more glorious by the establishment of a republican Government, the arts of peace, christian and literary institutions, and a quiet possession of more than eight years! Texas, therefore, in fact and of right is a free, sovereign and independent State. Mexico never owned Texas for a moment; on the contrary, she confederated with her a? an independent State, and when Santa Anna abolished that Confederacy, Texas tood upon her former rights as a State, as fully as North Carolina would do were the abolitionists to abolish our Federal Consti tution by the sword. Again, the third ar ticle of our treaty with France, in 1803, for the purchase of Louisiana, declares that "the inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be incorporated in the Union of the United States, and admitted as soon as possible, according to the principles of the Federal Constitution, to the enjoyment ot all rights, advantages and immunities of citizens of the United Stales.' Thus our faith and honor are pledged to the people of Texas, to re-annex them to this Union. Texas, is then, a sovreign State. Her people and her government, with surpris ing unanimity, have been asking for ad mission to our Union, again and again, for the last eight years. The common ties of flesh and blood, as one family of people, of language, laws, political views, habits and dealings, bind us together in one bond of sympathy. Our honor and plighted faith to the people of Texas, by the treaty of 1803, demand her admission to the Union. The defence, the peace, the security and welfare of the United States and especially of the South, urge it with irresistable pow er. If there is one man in the United States, whose patriotism and sound judgment you may trust on this subject, it is Gen. Jack son. He declares, in letters he has writ ten 6ince February last, that it will be a strong iron hoop around the Union, and bulwark against foreign invasion and aggression that the opportunity of re ceiving Texas 44 must not be lest, or she me y be compelled to look elsewhere for protection and safety." Texas is part of the valley of the Mis sissippi; it lies in the very neighborhood of New Orleans; two of her largest rivers, the Arkansas and the Red river, empty in to the Mississippi above New Orleans; this may give her, as a foreign nation, a claim to the free navigation of the Mississippi ; this again must lead to border wars ; and should a hostile nation obtain a foothold in Texas, or should Texas as a rival nation be come hostile to us,, with armies on land and vessels of war in the gulf of Mexico, on the Sabine, the Red river and the Arkansas, by one simultaneous descent upon New Orleans that city may be laid in ashes western commerce broken up and the fires of insurrection lighted up on all of our southern border ! Great Britain wants but Texas to check ano overawe our commerce, to threaten our peace, and carry on her schemes of abolition and smuggling along a common boundary of land and river for nearly two thousand miles. Remember, she is jeal ous of the success of our democratic insti- tutions, and that she views the united States as the only competitor whose rapid hundred thousand hovering on our western border; there are her Islands in the West Indies; give her a controlling power in Texas, and we are completely at her mer- j rection, as counterbalancing checks and cy. If Texas is not soon annexed to these J weights. United States. England will be driven toj Strength as well as defence lies in num obtain a dominant influence over Texas, by j bers. Place the solitary Star of Texas in motives of ambition, interest, jealousy, lour federal constellation, and its effulgence aud her pledges to abolish slavery on this will penetrate the dungeons of oppression continent, so strong that like an overruling ! in everv age and clime. As an emblem of fate they roust become irresistable. Texas ought to be annexed to the Unit ed States, on account of her valuable mar kets for our manufactures, and the increase of our internal commerce and navigation. Her lands and climate are the best in the world for the cultivation of cotton, sugar and tobacco. The transportation of these heavy and bulky articles, in our own ves sels and steam-ships, along our Atlantic coast, up the Mississippi river and its va rious tributaries, (to supply our own wants) and that of foreign countries, would vastly extend the navigation ol the United States; and in the articles of timber and naval stores for building vessels, especially ad- vantage the people cf North Carolina. Here our wn manuiactures wouia una a ready market. In times of war, a vast in ternal commerce could be carried on wilh Texas, 'hrough our broad and numerous western rivers, free, independent, and safe from aggressions of any hostile power. With Texas, our boundary would be round ed off ; the valley of the Mississippi made entire, as the habitation of one great kindred nation; the risks of border wars would be diminished ; the internal commerce be tween the States, in time made to supply every want; what should prevent the U. Stales from being the happiest and great est nation on the earth ? Let England, ww n S however, obtain this cot ton-growing re gion, and we lose not only wealth, but the best chance of making her dependent upon us for that article, and thereby of keeping her at peace wilh us. Her very existence is almost identified wilh hermanufactures, and cotton is indispensable to maintain these. In India and other parts of the world she i has attempted to compete with ihe United States in the cultivation of cotton, and has most signally failed. Texas she hopes to raise up as a rival lo the United States, and thus to control the ptice of our cotton and other staples. It is in the cheap cul tivation of cotton, by slave labor, that she considers the United Slates are to become her formidable rival in manufactures ; and here too lies the secret of her abolition phi lanthropy; or, if she can succeed in abolish ing slavery in Texas, her next step would be to exclude our cotton, raised by slave la bor, from her markets. Texas ought to be annexed to the Unit ed States to prevent great injury to our manufactures, commerce, navigation, our Atlantic cities, and the revenues of the Government arising from duties. Texas extends nearly two thousand miles along the territory of the U. States ; part oi the boundary runs along rivers, and part consists for many hundred miles of a mere geographical line through wild lands, inhabited on both sides by savages. Brit ish goods could be smuggled along this line, almost without the possibility of de tection; nor could the U. States effectually prevent it, without an army of revenue offi cers, if they were honest enough to do it, at too great an expense to be borne. This would certainly be ruinous to our manu factures, cut short the revenue of our Go vernment derived from duties, and to that extent render a resort to direct taxation in evitable. Besides, it would attract such a large portion of British trade to the free ports of Texas, as to cripple, if not destroy the capital, commerce and navigation bl Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Bal timore, which are ihe principal markets of the Southern States. Finally, the annexarion of Texas to the United Slates will strengthen and perpetu ate our Federal Union, and extend the blessings of our free institutions over the valley of the Mississippi, and to genera tions of men yet unborn. And when we reflect how man' rich, inestimable bles sings social, christian, and political flow to us through our democratic, form of Go vernment; how, as a nation, we are dis tinguished in point of happiness and privi-. leges, above all the other nations of the earth ; this alone makes annexation ' a consummation devoutly to be wished.11 Our system of confederated republics, under which the Federal Government has charge of the interests common to the v hole, whilst the local Governments waleh over the concerns of the respective Stales, is capable of almost indefinite extension, wilh increasing strength; because, the more dependent will be the several parts upon the whole, and the whole upon the seve- jral parts." The more distant Slates feel- i ping its constitutional limitations, by the number of States, proud of their sovreignty i and privileges, and disturbed in every di- peace and power, it will command the ad miration and respect of nations for Our na tional rights and character. The world has known but one Washington, and but one political ark that is this Union. Like Noah and his Ark, they seem intend ed under Providence to bless a new world and all its generation's. Our duty is to extend iis empire and to continue its suc cession. LOUIS D. HENRY, Chairman. Josiah O. Watson, James B. Shepard; Weldon N. Edwarda, George Whitfield. Thos. N. Cameron. Thos. Bragg, Jr.; Perrin Busbee, Charles Fisher, Gabriel Holmes, Joseph Allison, William R. Poole, Louis D. Wilson, B. B. Smith, Democratic Stale William White, Alpheus Jones, W. W. Whitaker, Burton Craig, John Hill Gaston H. Wilder, Will. W. tfolden. Central Committe of North Carolina. Raleigh, Oct. 1, 1844. From the Boston Post PRO AND CON OR HENRY CLAY rs. HENRY CLAY. To follow Mr. Clay in all his windings is no easy matter. His political tract has no similitude among sensihle objects, nnless it be the rail road of Thadeus Stevens, known as the Tape-Worm, which was. represented as commencing in the woods and ending nowhere; Stevens, however, has the advantage of Mr. Clay; he did not cross his own track as Mr. Clay does, and herein the similitude fails. Mr. Clay is, perhaps, one of the most sig nal examples of political degeneracy in exis tence. From a democrat he has sank down to a modern whig whose self-acknowledged type is the despised conn of the cornfield ! There was a time, even after his first great aposcacy, when he had the reputation of frank ness and consistency. For his own honor, and for the credit of human nature, we could wish ho had maintained that character. This however, has been lost in his struggle for power. In order to show this clearly it is on ly necessary to refer to Sis numerous letters and speeches written and made within the last few months. On the tariff and the Texas ques tions particularly, his inconsistency and dema go2ueism appear lamentably conspicuous. For the special benefit of our whig friends, in proof of our charge, we will call the "imbody meni11 to the stand; he shall be convicted on his own testimony. And first, of the Texas question. In Mr. Clay's Raleigh letter, dated April 17th, 1844, his whole object is to show that the annexation of Texas to the United States would be unwise, impolitic, and dangerous. He denies that Texas is an indepent nation de jure, regards her as still a part of Mexico, and suggests that foreign nations so regard her; and to show that he has no desire to in corporate her territory with that of the existing Union, he says : "In the future progress of events, ii is pro bable that there will be a voluntary or forcible separation of the British North American pos sessions from the parent Country. I am strong ly inclined to think that it will he best for the happiness of all parties that in that event they should be erected into a separate and indepen dent Republic. With the Canadian Republic on the one side, that of Texas on the other, and the United States, the friends of both, be tween them, each could advance its own hap piness by such constitution, laws, and mea sures, as were best adapted to its peculiar con dition.'" This is what Mr. Clay said in that letter. Without stopping to show how disastrous such a state of things would be to the best in terests, happiness, and well being of the U. States, we may say the extract is conclusive in proof of Mr. Clay's opposition to annexa tion. In fact, he closed his letter by saying : " In conclusion, I consider the annexation of Texas at this time, without the assent cf Mexico, as a measure compromising the n tional character, involving us certainly in war with Mexico, probably wi:h other foreign powers ; dangerous to the integrity of the Union ; inexpedient in the. present financial condition of the Country, and not called for by any expression of public opinion.' Such was Mr. Clay's opinion in April last. In July following, the imbodymenl writes ano ther letter in reply to one from an Alabama Whig. In this letter he informs his Southern friend that "PERSONALLY HE COULD HAtR NO OBJECTION TO THE ADMISSION OF TEXAS' In April he had all sorts of objections. In July, as an individual, he was in favor ot it. In this same letter of July lie further says "It (the scheme of annexihgTexas,) was a bubble blown up by Mr. Tyler in a 'most excep tionable manner for sinister purposes. And yet Mr. Clay, ui the same breath, wish es this bubble success. In his letter to Thos. M; Peters and John M. Jackson, on the 27th July last, Mr. Clay says: "1 have no hesitation in saying that far from having any personal objection to the annexa tion of Texas, 1 should be glad to see it." And to this declaration he adds, as if anx ious to cover the whole ground I do not think that the subtect of slavery ought to effect the question one way or tfro other. Whether Texas he independent or in corporated in the United States, I do not be lieve it will prolong or shorten the duration of that institution. It would be unwise to refuse a permanent acquisition, which will exist as long as the trlobe remains, on acconnt of a temporary institution." This is what we should call a whirlwind gyration. The imbodyment, in April, was deadly hostile to. annexation for reasons of "perpetual force, , to use the language of abo lition Ctay-whig Slade, but on the 27 of July following, he desirtd 'iL, and undertook to ar gue down the one great obstacle to its accom plishment ! His friends must place him un der keeping, apply the padlock, aud see to it that he Write no more letters. On the tariff Mr. Clay has been equally tapewortnish. He has been constantly speak ing and writing on this subject; plunging first one way and then another, e suit the views of his sectional correspondents. At ftrs fee was in favor of the principles of the compromise, and wrote so to his southern friends. In his letter to Mr. Meniwether of Georgia, dated Oct 24, 1843, he said, for (he purpose df show ing his anti-terifffeeVmgs to tfct 8swtH "I did not votefor the tariffs (f 1 8 1 0 and IF To General Bledsoe he wrote three r
Wilmington Journal (Wilmington, N.C.)
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Oct. 11, 1844, edition 1
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