North Carolina Newspapers

V ft WILMINGTON JOURNAL,. DEVOTED TO POLITICS, THE MARKETS, AGRICUITUR E, FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC NEWS, LITERATURE, AXD GENERAL INFORMATION. DAVID FULTON, Editor. GOD. OUR COUNTRY- AND LIBERTY. TERMS : 2 50 in advance. " - ' . - II - . . , VOL. 2. NO- 51. WILMINGTON JOURNAL: PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY MORNING, BY PRICE & FUIrOJT, PfiorniK-roKS. TERMS Two Dollars and fifty cents it paid in advance. $3 00 al the end of three months. No p;ipcr discontinued until all arrearages are paid, except at the option of the publishers. No j subscription receiveu loriess man iweive monms. We will pay the postage on letters containing 'Five Dollars and upwards, and money may be re mitted through the mail at our risk. The Post master s certificate of such remittance shall be a sufficient receipt therefor. 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PRICE would inform the ladies of Wil-; mington and Ks vicinity, that she will ex- ! ecute work in the above line, on reasonable teims. Residence over the JOURNAL OFFICE, November 7, 1 845 JAMBS I. BRIT AN, Commission Merchant, NUrrS BUILDING Next door to 30-tf HALL d ARMSTRONG. ;iiiiii & itOBESOX Continue the AGENCY business, and will make liberal advances on consignments of Liitmber, Naval Scores. Sc. &-c. Wilmington, August 1st, 18-15. CORNELIUS MYERS, fttattufcuturer Healer in HATS AND CAPS, , WHOLESALE AND TIETAIL, MARKET STREET Wilmington, N. C. GEORGE W . DAVIS, Commission and Forwarding MERCHANT, LONDON'S WHAitP, Wilmington, N. C. Auctioneer fc Commission Merehantj WILMINGTON, N. C. Liberal advances made on thipments to his friends in Neiv York. September 21, 1844. l-tf. Comnussfon Merchant, One doer So. of Brown & DeRosstlCs, Water-st WILMINGTON, I. C. GBNERAL AGENT AND COMMISSMOJT JERCirrT, WILMINGTON, N. C. OJJice, second door North tf Market street, ornfo wharf, up stairs. Apl7, 1846 31 W AND DEEDS, a new supply, just printed Li and for sale at the JOURNAL OFFICE. MITCHELL'S POCKET MAP or Texas. Oregon, and California. A FEW copies of the above work, of the very latest edition may be ottained at the JOURNAL OFFICE. , For MCent. . --t tv TtnnMV STHRT'l. in Mr. Parsl r'e Arin r -w'1 - 1 -" j bulging one door north of the Custom For terms apply to House ADDRESS OF THE HON. WILLIAM H. HAYWOOD, JR., TO TUE PEOPLE OF NORTH CAROLINA. . concluded. j Now, the experimental tariff, as I interpret j it, fundamentally violated this doctrine. It discriminated, hut it did so against our do tic labor; and in that way, and to that extent, it made war .upon the vital interests of the north. And pray, what inducements were of fered to North Carolina, by this experiment, that her senators should help to carry on the unnatural conflict 1 What, but the naked de sire for an apparent party unity where there was really no party concord. For North Car olina had no local or State interest which will be served or elevated by it. None whatever. The limits of this address will not allow of illustrations by a tedious detail of enumerated articles. I reserve that for a more suitablo occasion, only remarking, for the present, that should any be disingenuous enough to deny this characteristic of the new tariff, no one, who regards his reputation, will venture to mes- contradict the fact, that the experimental tariff jses to the disadvantage of the revenue have ob does not discriminate in favor of American j tained so little as hitherto in this Yet would it manufactures ; and not to discriminate in their ; be a delusive expectation, that, with duties so con favor, moderately and reasonably, by a " live Isiderable as those which now exist, a disposition and let live' law of love amongst brethren of a common country, is the same thing it; prin - ciple, though not in degree, as to discriminate against them. Verily, it appeared to me that its passage would be substituting the theories of yesterday learned in the law office, for the experience of fifty years of our own govern ment, and the practice of all civilized nations, for the sake of perpetrating an experiment up on the people of the United States. Fifth. The last objection I shall trouble you with is to the new principle, that all "du ties are to be laid ad valorem." It is not the least remarkable circumstance, connected with the passage of the act, that this new ad valo rem article in the democratic creed was sup ported by the sanction Of no distinguished name but Henry Clay's! and Mr. (lay's friends say, that even he has been misrepresented, to furnish the authority. Another not unimportant circumstance is, that . t I r c inn nunnin i r m i oro n ;.---. ' VJMVV J L-1V v;iUlb I I U v UrCl LU1U , manded to dishonor me, as one not true to the .. r .y f . . i t uu.iiin- ui t jxii ijr mi in ui iu vulUll'lll Uu- ties ;" and, therefore, treacherous to them; when I put it to your consciences, that there are thousands and tens of thousands of good North Carolina democrats, who, so far from having adopted it in their political creed, did never so much as hear of it until lonf since my ehction to the Senate! Let each one an- swer tor nimseii uio you ever unuerstana it before 1 In sincerity, 1 declare, that until af- ter my election to the Senate, 1 did not, and 1 presume you did not. But I think I under- stand it now, my countrymen, and I venture to guess, mat me more you hnow oi ti, anu the longer it shall be tried, the less you will like it. But let rie tell you what it is: It is to lay duties or la ces upon goods imported from fur- eign countries, according to the value of the goods at the market from whence they come the law fixing the per cent., and the collector of it ascertaining the foreign value of whatev- er is taxed viz: the sum of the tax fori which he is not responsible to you, but to the be placed in the efficacy of the foregoing provisions, Treasury Department. And a spefUfic duty is jit is certainly prudent to diminish, as far as prac j the same tax lirfoed upon the same article iticable, the list of articles paying ad valorem du- the law itself. hcArtver. tlstinDuishinor the I ties." See American State Papers, vol. 3, p 236. ,.illoc u oetaMicliim. ti.p. Tv.-iMirMiinr enm nf ta-.tion. and leavin.r nothincr for ihe collector .n An t.nt tn ,.ro;ni, mMCnri) rt, nflnti(v ; wherein, if he be guilty of fraud, he may pro- j upon what principle cdWWrkimor ofdemoc-h-,ihlu ho pnnviolpd. or if disnospd to nnnress I T2CV was I expected to 1 1 fii i hi 'IJlf III the the merchant, he can be prevented. In short, where the tax is specific the collector only weighs or measures the quantity ; where it is ad valorem he not only measures or weighs he quantity, but likewise determines, upon his own judgment, the foreign value of the things imported. The uniform rule, as appro ved by your government, has been heretofore, that of making all the duties specific which can be made so, and let the others be ad valo rem ; but to reduce the list of ad valorem du ties, from time to time, by adding to the list of specifics. The experimental tariff condemns and repudiates this policy altogether, and pre scribes a new one, of having all the duties ad valorem, and none of them specific. With this explanation, you can have no difficulty in comprehending my objections to the new prin ciple of the experimental tariff. It was a maxim of the revolution, that 44 rep resentation and taxation should go together." Now, this is a great principle of liberty never to be despised ; and the abrogation of it cannot be necessary to the interest of the republic But it means nothing, unless it creates the du ty of laying taxes by the law. and not by the ffficers who collect it ; so that the citizen who reads the law may, as far as practicable, see in it what it taxes him : officers, too, whom the people have no agency in appointing, and cannot remove officers who, in assessing values, exercise their own discretion, and whose individual judgment, in this country, as to the market value of property in all for eign lans, cannot be successfully impeached, because" witnesses to do it live abroad, and cannot be goi ' re ; and if they could, it would still be almost impossible to convict the offi cer of intentional falsehood. It must be proved that he was wrong, and knew it too. Is not this new dr ctrine. then, more than a slight de parture from this maxim of the republic? Shall it be approved, upon the notion that this great principle of a representative democracy has become impracticable? Shall vye sanc tion the pretence, that the people's representa tives will cheat them in adopting the specific uties, and assume at the same time that cus t0lK house officers will be more scrupulous and n re jus t0 y0U jn fixing the values der a sybnm Qf flj valorem duties ? Ought such a depa (TOm a great and fundamen ta doctrine t nresentative government to he lo.eraieu, mucn ivs ingrafted permanently in to the laws of a free , without unavoida ble necessity, and ganJ?- d as t of Qur democratic faith, without lthe , ? A step or two further, and to a point where Congress can . . j declare t lie aggregate revenues wl , , levied tor the goverament ana leave ttfvV, ,yDppartment to collect them as majsec5511" ! ., its Affinam vnA ?rrr diner tn itc ruloo S o w 11,0 uiuttic, uiiu ..v. v. . - !-. I I come now to show at what the expe mental tariff makes the ruk of taxation, the made WILMINGTON, N. C, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 4, What they declared was a fruitful mother of fraud ., iiuo ouujjieu as me oniy parent oi r revenups ! our revenups In 1795, when Washington was President, Alexander Hamilton, his Secretary of the Treasury in a report to the House of Repre sentatives, used the following words, viz : "According to. the present laws, imposing du-. lies on articles imported into the United States, not much short of one-lbird of the whole amount of the duties is derived from articles rated ad va lorem. "In other nr.tions where this branch of revenue, as with us, is of principal, or very considerable consequence, and where no peculiarity of situation has tended to keep the rates of duty low, experi ence has led to contract more and more the num ber of articles rated ad valorem, and of course to extend the number ot those rated specifically ; that is, according to weight, measure, or other rules of quantity. " The reason of this is obvious : it is to guatd against evasions, which infallibly happen in a greater or less degree when duties are high. It is impossible for the merchants of any country to have manifested more probity than those of the U. States on this subject ; and it is firmly believed that there never was one in which illicit purcha j will not be experienced in some individuals, who 'carry on our import trade, to evade the payment of them, and this to an extent sufficient to make it prudent to guard with circumspection, and by ev ery reasonable precaution, against the success of such attempts. It is needless to repeat, that this will -contribute as much to the interest of the fair trader at. to that of the revenue. " It is believed that in our system the method of rating ad valorem could with convenience be bro t within a much narrower compass, and it is evi dent that to do so will contribute materially to the security of the revenue" See American State Papers, Finance, vol. I, page 348. In 1801, under Jefferson's administration, Albert Gallatin, Secretary of the Treasury, in a report to the Senate, said that " In order to guard, as far as possible, against the value of goods being underrated in the invoices 1 1 l (ill ii ii( m u n p ill '.i V77j nn l li I pc nil ! 1 1 lit i: -i i i i . ui a.. .-j r.v. Dlioh r t i r I rtc rrir rkotnnnr Inline ri fri'nrrtm o OL4LlJ 111 IU JtiyVV ' il . 1 1 I ij U U l H IVJL CA I'll lit, UO may be susceptible of that alteration. See Amer- li . , 71 Tf I -. An i i.1C!,r- ..j' j mj:-. j,;;..;.. I " io id, yiinci mouiauii a ciu niiijiii ftilDU, A. J. Dallas, the Secretary of the Treasury, in a report to the House of Representatives, and in answer to a resolution of the preceding session, after a thorough examination, said :. " That articles imported to a great amount should rather be charged with specific duties upon their weight and measure, in order to guard against evasions and frauds, than with ad valorem duties j on thcir value." See American State Papers, j Finance, vol. 3, paoe 91. in iqq nder Monroe's Administration, William H.Crawford, the Secretary of the Treasury, in answer to a resolution of 1S17, directing him to report such measures a? might be necessary for the more effectual execution j 0f the revenue laws, said : j . fn order to provide an adequate remedy against the frauds and evasions which already exist, and t to prevent their further increase, it is respectfully submitted " &c. And then, after recommending twenty. four ; additional laws, he adds : " Whatever may he the reliance that ought to i Thpse nnininns. nf the cnreat and eminent men of iur country, were never controverted, ! so far as we Rrfmw until She nresent.time : and homage of my confidence and support 1 Wha should have induced me. to forego the conclu sions of my own judgment, fortified by such authority and confirmed by the experience of the government for half a century 1 In all my conferences with senators, no better reason was given to me for it than that the bill would destroy $ tariff of 18-12 ; hut the remedy was as bad, if ipt worse, than the disease, and the operation seemed to me almost as unwise as to 44 cut off the head for a cure of the tooth ache." I have now explained to you the origin, and reminded you of the character of McKay's bill of 1844. ave intimated to vou the nature of those party, not to say, those moral obliga tions, which weie contracted antecedent to the elections of 1841, and I hav told you how they were imposed upon me, as on of your senators, in my4est attempts to sustain. the democratic party, by harmonizing the country generally upon a distracting conflict ot local interests i have also shown you how the tariff bill proposed at this session was alto gether a different one, and every way objec tionable in its details and in its principles, and in the time of its operation, and, I might have added, in the manner it was urged upon the Senate, and how utterly impossible it was with me, -on account of all these things, to vote for the bill without amendment, even a long with other democratic senators, with our mouths gagged, our judgments unconvinced, and our deliberations forestalled, upon a ques tion which I always thought to be a na ional one, above the dominion of any political par tv whatever. ' I now proceed to lay before you an unadorn ed narrative of ray patl5 conferences in con nexion with this subject, and leave it for you to characterieeas itdeseives the injustice that has been done to me by all those who have broutrht into nnestion BIT faithlulness to the democratic party. Where my defamers have been ptompted by malice, they are entitled to into acurity by a vain conceit or the love of I '"7 .'J "Jc nVixil4ml. they are , r-Jr - n(ir;chv are4hev rPwrdHwi rewarded vvith Bu lo . who maVhave J' "m i : r ..nt sni niuiiiv aiciucv neo xmp, i ott.-- , Qf that confidence Which, amongst g'fe ' 19 w'rn; plied in pr.Vte CQIT"? may bo thei?ibject,.d which is seldom be trayed without jnisrepresentation. If neces sary. I havelibertyrodootberw avoid all unnecessary repetition ot the decla rations of others tisme. , c . T When the tariff bill reached me . as in Raleigh, and,, the u wjniunaie uuuiicai , inu " m,T nnmnacamn irhftfe IHCY Have uctll ICU by the spirit of envy, they are more worthy of fading the r nu-n vvhprp IhftV lave uc.u SiimuiaU uxs cn.c-"v" i""" i :.... . ..-Mhniu u.i.' miih i i inciius. iu ic,t- ui , d.oi. uv a -ni.u principles, opcrduns couniv to mic manuiac-1 iiib uowpiu oi i ifiw n in ii mi ii wiii I wn,ulu,c wuuHLui-.Mit"" - . r.;Jt. ,n m ,. ,t n-;-J i : : i i r . Tu M -t j amendments, expressing to him my exceed ing anxiety and fears upon the subject. Im mediately alter my return to this city, the first day of the debate in the Senate, I told several of the senators (democrats) with whom I was most intimate, the same thing, and, upon a conference,' suggested to iwo of them that I j after my resignation had been laid upon the might have to resort to a resignation; but they j table of the Vice President,a number of them, did not agree with me, and I consented to I without my knowledge, interposed to have thin,k further of that. It had been voted by j its presentation delayed until I could be soli thb party to have no reference, and agreed to cited to recall it. But my own opinion never 1 fc 1 - . I m m - I . - T . nave no amenament to tne bill. Next day, I held a lono and confidential conversation with the President of the United States him self, upon this subject, and informed him of my determination not to vote for the bill ; but left it to his discretion whether to keep that purpose secret or not. In that interview, such was my anxiety to reconcile my duty with the wishes- of others, that I consented to waive my opposition, and voip for the hill, however reluctantly, provided it were amended so that the new tariff would not go into operation be fore 4th March, 1847. .The bill would then have operated as a repeal of the tariff act of 1842, and so far 1 was willing to support it. but 1 desired its operation to be postponed i J , i i ,,i i to some period which would be less oppres sive to existing manufactures, and which might allow Congress time to correct its er- rors, and, after full deliberation, to amend it before the existing system had been destroy- ed for deliberation had been refused, and a-! vor of it. The result has proved that I was mendments excluded, although the one was j not mistaken in my facts. From these facto, due to the subject, and the others were admit-' it may be seen that, with my vote or without ted to be necessary. By that time, too, I ho-j it. the bill was destined to pass the Senate, ped we might have peace with Mexico, and, 'If I had kept my seat, and voted for the bill, indeed, 1 entertained no doubt that Congress ' it would have passed by a vote of twenty would see the necessity for modifying the act j nine ! If I had kept my seatand voted against at the next session. I knew well that the I it, the bill would have passed by the casting Senate were about passing the bill, contrary j vote of the Vice President! to the judgment of a majority, under the du-l But why resign, as my vote against the ress of a party drill ; yet, unwise as that was, ! hill would not have counted in the result ? It my feelings were averse to going against the course of my party in that body. These rea sons I assigned to the President, whose name is not used without his express license. Upon my return to the Senate chamber, as I had promised to do, I told several senators, who were re'erarded as leaders iinnn thic nnoe i ft . .... . o t,on, that i could not vete lor the bill, unless '..-. . it should be amended as above ; but, if it were so amended, J would give it my vote. And I again promised to keep my objections and purposes a secret irom tne oilier side, until my own party had been consulted, and until I have appeared as much like arraigning others should be obliged to act. The secret was kept as defending myself. In short, 1 deprecated sacredly upon my part, and no whig senator the possibility of an open rupture with those knew of my opposition to the bill. With that i I loved, buf with whom I dared not act, and view it was, that, down to the day before I .was ever ready to sacrifice much more than a resigned, I had no conference with persons in 'place in the Senate to avoid it, unless my du VVashington, and out of the Senate, upon this j ty to the country had demanded that risk at subject, except the Fresidont of the United States himself, and one of his cabinet; nn less it may be, that, in general terms, I hinted to one of my colleagues in the House that I was embarrassed ; but he asked no interview, and I sought none. On the day before I re signed, I went into the country with a private gentleman and a personal friend, (a distin guished democrat) to consult with him upon the single pointof my resigning, or of making resistance to the bill. I had frequent conver sations with senators, and during Wednesday and Thursday, before the vote was taken in the Senate, I held three coufidential conferen ces with the President, by his request, to whom my determination to vote against the bill was always known. It is unnecessary for me to allude to our intimate personal and political relations, or to state the particular conversations that occurred, if it were possi ble to repeat snch conversations with perfect accuracy. Suffice it to say, that he had no tice of my difficulties, and knew all about my determination, except my intention to resign. was not willing to tell him of my intention to resTrt-iLi1 l',ere could have been no mo tive ibMt, buTio co'iTm" I'ts magnanimity ministration. He saw that my mind4 was made up, and he respected my scruples, tho' he was not indilierent to their supposed polit ical consequences to me, or to his administra- tion. I will not say more. 1 had been positively informed, before my last interviews with the President, that the democratic senators could not unite, or would not agree, upon the amendment which I had suggested, and the reason assigned to me was, that it would jeopard the hill in the other House to alter it, and that the House would reject it, if it went back. I replied to this, that it was a mistaken calculation ; and if not, then the bill ought not to pass with the peo- proved that I was right, for it had to be ed tc them, in consequence of another a ment, and it passed, as il had done ma i J he democratic onators must have re any enort ot mine to .nend the biH, contrary ro ineir imsnes, ana anei ait M.,t had passed, ; theories. The legislature that 'elected me ?8am,,n attack upon their bill, per-j passed resolutions, declaratory of their doc haps they would have been justified in tha trine. They were passed by the party that and therefore I finally resolved not to move elecit W hilst the "voice of God in the an amendment myself. As honor and good soul of man" .lemdnded my opposition to the f, i t Ii tn thp nartv rpmiirpd nf mp nnt In atlamnl ! ovnarimniol n It i - .... amending the bill against their will, I deter ...... -w r.. y :A r-1 mined to let my opposition be, in all respects, direct and above suspicion. So I was exceed ingly careful not to do any thing which might expose me to censure, or interfere with my confidential party relations with democratic senators, and therefore resolved not to be put in array against them at all, until I was forced to the wall, when, (as I told them,) I would be "compelled to follow the dictates of my conscience, party or no party, and leave the consequences with God." There is no sena tor, I am sure, who ever doubted my scruples, or if he did, he had self-respect enough to conceal his suspicion. On the contrary, the ; men of that body on the democratic thnnt PYPPntinn. as mil as thp Pri ; dent of the United States, expressed them- j se ves to me, upon all occasions, anxiously, but most conhdingrj yali ot them concurring 1 CU,d Vte 11,6 bH,; ffl doubting my perfect sincerity. They &nd knew the conflict I had to endure be- lwjst feeji an(J datv but which j am nol a ble to describe to you. There was never an hour when I could not have altered my coarse, without any abatement of their respect, or a ny sacrifice to my own pride of opinion, if I could have reconciled it to my sense of duty, and my conscience, under any circumstances, to vote for the hill as it was. Yet my convic tions were too strong for that. 1 could not do it. And nothing remained for me but to continue in my place and vote against ray par- 1846. when no othr question was likely to be affec ted by it. I owe it to myself to state, that all those who knew beforehand of my intention j to resign ; with one voice, dissuaded me from it, for reasons indicative of their confidence and attachment, personal and political ; and varied upon that point, although mv determt- i i j nation occasionally vacillated anterior to the 25th of July, out of deference to others ; and, having done all fir the party that an honest man could do, I chose to resign. And now, after a calm review of all the circumstances, I do n'ot hesitate to declare, that 1 should do precisely the same thing, were it to be done over again, and these are my reasons : Democratic senators, numbering twenty seven, had agreed to vote for the experimental tariff bill ; and so had Mr. Jarnagin, a whig senator from Tennessee. I knew that Mr. Jarnagin expected to vote for it, for he not on Ily had told me himself, but I also had reliable j information ot the fact, that he had given as- "? i ii .- . surances oi nis nxeu ueiermination to do so, which it was hardly possible for him or any j man to violate ; and I had knowledge, more than a week before I resigned, that, in case of a tie, the Vice Presieent meant to vote in fa- was not to be expected that 1 should vote against ray party friends without defending my vote. A speech in the Senate at that time would have created great excitement, and no doubt the same persons who now complain of my resigning would have denounced me for holding on to my office, merely for the sake - . . of makjng war upon my party I I J My friends ! in the Senate, who have resolved not to speak, ' might have had reason to accuse me of selfish- ; ness, and probably some of my reasons, ut - ! tered in tne warmin oi a pnuiic speech, might ; my hands "Country before party, but party before self," has always been my principle of action, it my sen sacrince aid not secure the peace it was intended to propitiate out of the Senate, I am abundantly rewarded by its ef fects in the Senate. My firm intention was quietly to resign, f.nd not to attack a measure of the administration after it had been-passed by my party fiiends, even for my own vindi cation. And that determination would have been kept, if the folly or the wickedness of others had not forced this explanation from me in self-defence. But I kept my intentions secret You have seen, that, to the extent that this was true, it was an act of parly obedience on my part, which a partisan has no right to con demn ; and all can see, who will see, that it was neither more nor less than an unselfish act of duty upon the facts already stated. If I description of it. It is more than probable any one had been inclined to question the pol-j the lerislature had not anticipated the inven icy of the concealment beforehand, the result: tior, of such a tariff : and 1 am sure I had not. proved his mistake, since it did no harm to But they did instruct the senators to 44 carry the party or the bill ; and il it had turned out j into effect the principles declared in the fore- otherwise, the fault would not have been mine. It was a secret of the party at my hazard, and instead of being blamed for it, I might reason ably put in a claim for credit. Having once VHlHil ac m v linotlitir 1 r t U vmu 1 bill, it became a point of persona with me, and a prudent man, who has that to keep, : cannot be too cautious in selectino th politi cians who are to assist him. jjut i resigned without a right to do so, and ; without the leave of my State ? Is that true? Let us see. Suppose every voter in thp dpm jocratic party had commanded me to vote for the bill, and yet my own judgment had pre- "II 11 . , i VnilPfl it ni.f 4rrincl tlitk mini ...4l. r my feeling, my ind.vidual friendships, and my personal ambition : is there a man who will deny that 1 still-had a perfect ri.ht to re- sicrn mv station and save mv cnnJjI t .v., ,. .v w.fpt-.-nioi. lmhi. muueiicH oi . j But. in my case there is no room for new -nemocrauc otate lests lature, at the utmost, only '"nanded of do otherwise "or resign , and t-. ke ..! - 1 ' J .! , ooin.vioa ana man, as i nave, are yoo carjua upon to denounce me as treacherous. No man, with a due sense ot honor and accounta bility cov'd but himself in a position where opedience to the mandate of others was both imperative and unavoidable; and nobody would be fil to serve the republic who could. Upon any such terms, it would be infamous to serve any party. Resolutions nf the General Assembly nf No. C'a. Resolved, That the Legislature of this 8tate navc nSni lo "wiruci ine senator o, inis ctate , ? -yfj " l"c w.Kf,uu ie' gu'ature, they misrepresent the wishes of the State, or lhc maSn-e t4he,5cf"on 11 require such j ! "VT' . r . TT --. to obey the instructions eivt n, or to hesig- their seats: Provided, The instructions to be given and obeyed require not the senator to com mit a violation of the constitution, or an act of mo ral turpitude. " Resolved, That while North Carolina, in the opinion of this legislature, will never object to any amount of taxes, equally apportioned, and imposed for the put pose of raising revenue to support the government, economically administered, yet this State will never consent to the imposition of tax es the design and operation of which are to pro mote the interests of particular occupations at the general expense. "Resohed, That the tariff law ' passed by the pTesen Congress 1842 is based on protective untv to the manufac- mlo WHOLE NO. 1 03. turing interests ; and imposing unjust unequnL and- oppressive burdens upon ofher branches of industry, and particular those peculiar to the south ern States ; and that such bein the effects of thitf law, it is unwise in policy, dangerous to public lib erty, anJ a perversion of that free constitution of government which was framed and adopted for the protedion and security of all, and which will be best sustained by the equal operation of its laws, and the just dispensation of its benefits to every American citizen. 11 Resolved, That this law is not only protective in its character, and unequal in its1 operation, tut that it violates the compromise of 1833, unjustly depriving the south of the benefits of that act. pre cisely at tne period when they wereto accrue to us, and immediately after we bad patiently and pa triotically endured alt its burdens; and, there fore, in the name of honor, justice, and goaf faith, the legislature of North Carolina do protest against this law, and insist that it should be molli fied, so as to place it on the basis of revenue du ties." "Resolved, That our Senators in Congress be, and they are hereby isstrcctid, and our repre sentatives requested, to carry into effect the prin cip'es set forth in the foregoing resolutions. " Resolved, That the governor of this State be required to forward a copy of these resolutions to each of our senators in Congress, with the request that they lay them before the Senate of the United States. - Ratified the 26th day of January, A.D. 1843. "CALVIN GRAVES. 5. H. C, "Louis d. wilson, s. s." Are you instructionists ! Behold here is a complete exculpation of my conduct. The le gislature says that to "resign" is not only the right, but the "duty" of a senator, who doe not piefer to "obey" their instructions. It s not to "obey" without any other alternative, but it is to obey "or resign" either one or the other according to his own choice. So he does one "or" the other, he is faithful.. Wilt the honest democracy of North Carolina, who have been forgetful of these instructions, per versely adhere to an error, by which they may have allowed themselves to prejudge one who has spent the beat part of his life, and worn out his constitution, as I have, in upholding; thedemocratic party in North Carolina, against political foes without and selfish demagogues within its fold ? W ill that be honorable, or l just, or democratic 1 1 leive your own heart to answer. Are you non-instructionists? Then remem ber, that I had it not in my power to sacrifice myself to the country, for my vote could not have prevented, no more than it could have se cured, the passage of the tariff act. With af without my vote, the deed would have been done. Remember, too, that these resolutions j were passed by my own party, and the legis lature who elected we, and my acceptance ot the office, in the view of some honorable friends, might have been held to create an im plied pledge that I would "resign," provided I did not obey their instructions, and There fore, that, independent of any political 44 duty to obey or resign," I had come under a person al obligation to do the same thing. Hence, by huhh'nij on to my seat and resisting, there might have been some room for censure, hut I desired to have no such controversy, and as my resistance would have done no good to the republic, surely all will agree that it was my right to resign. It must be confessed that these resolutions did not positively instruct the senators from North Carolina to vote for the experimental I tariff by that name, nor by any other precise I going resolution ; and a plansible argument if not a sound one. might be made in favor of the construction, that their "principles," or at, least some of them, wonld be carried into ef feet bv the xnerimental ariff.ndth if I had remained in the Senate to vote against the tariff bill, it might have been alledged. and it would have been charged, that 1 had disobeyed the instructions of the North Caroli na legislate merely for the sake of my office. And what could 1 have answered? Had I told you that the resolutions were obscure, and that therefore I had not been able to oby,my I W . KJ ff i . excuse would have been a false one, fori have 1 i airAfivr chn.M i t . . r , he thing had Z U LZ 7 "nZ the ,. e Jns.Tucuons oeen seni in ve XPlSZf. t "T 1 ? "SHl?. 10 bolt, ray right narnida hl and that therefore I had remained at my post ui uejirtiice oi instructions, it would have been untrue in my case, for, as I have already gtat ed, I knew the bill would pass with or with out my vote. I was incapable of resorting to any such false pretexts for my defence. As a Christian and a gentlemen, it was my duty to assume, as the party press at home would seem to have admitted already, that the "prin ciples" of these resolutions were to be " car ,e.A ut" by the experimental tariff ; am not being able. ?njjey, it was therefore my right to resign. Ifthe, b?en any doubt abont the other "principles set ic ialhe forego. njr resolutions, there was none upon orinci pie of the senator's "doty to resign;" ana -v, "right" to do that was unquestioned and un questionable. In so far as the lesblalure intended to de clare hoatility to the tariff act of 1842, I con curred with them ; and I again repeat that my embarrassments grew altogether out of this ; t that the act by which it was proposed to get L;j rtf fflo rtf taAa t J tk- T;.. cumsfances of it8 pre8entation, progress. anJ enactment, and n v -w of a its consequenoes to the party and the country, as bad or worse than the act of 1842; and a support of it by my vote was utterly repugnant to a sense of duty to myself, and of fealty to North Carolina and the Union; so that 1 retired from it as I would from a political pestilence.. 1 did not do it sooner for (he reasons already given; and for the additional reason that the governor of the State being a whig, it was impossible to sur render my office to the democratic patty that elected me. If it was not my duty, it w 1 S . 11 L 4 certainty my ngnt to postpone u until tne gust elections, and that right 1 exercise the benefit of the democratic party, whos tons have been the first to denettnee A v.i. a; i ' T'i ' E. 1 mm 'j i f . nn ouppor l - j - - ; - . wr mmm Hi iiii i i-l n i i i n fl baaMfeHMMHflHHI I .