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.1 - --KWILmNGTON JOURNAL. q FEDERATE 8TATK8 OV AMKMCA. - TTCLMINGTON, N. C.f 8ATDBPAT, JAKPABY 17, 1863. There are 17 'conflicting reports with reference to the number movements and intentions of the enemy In tba "Eastern part of the State, and some of these re ports are evidently sensational. For , instance we were amused this morning by finding an interior cotempary jast at hand, paradiDg the following flatting captions : From Wilmington, N. C." "The Fight Com menced." " The Fleet attacks Fort Caswell." " An Important Rumour." This is all introductory of a dis patch dated Charleston, Jan. 14th, and the whole is predicated npon the fact that the usual blockakers threw a few shell ashore, a not unusual circumstance. The "important Ramour" is in the words follow ing : a PasseDgers by the morning's train state that it was reported that four of the enemy's vessels had passed the ForL" This is all news to us here, that even each a thing was thought of. We can assure our cotemporaries of the Associated Press, that anything really occurring in the Cape Fear District will be promptly communicated, where not incompatible with the interests of tne'public service. Tbey need not de p ttd uj on reports cl passengers received via Charles ton, or eny other point. It ia settled that the enemy has a heavy force in the Eesurn pert of this State, miicly concentrated around Newbern, and between that point and Beaufort Har bor ; and that the indications are, that Wilmington, Goldsboro' and other points are threatened. What the hostile force K or who ia to command it, or that Bcr ler is to have anytbirg to do with it, are ail open ques lions which tin e only can sclve. There is one thiDg certain, however. may expect to hear thunder ail alorg our seaboard, now iht the campaign in North ern Virginia day be faid to hate closed for the season. "We must be watctfu', firm, but neither too apprehen sive, nor too eelf-coLfideot ; and we may indulge a rea eorable trust that all will jet be well, and the town be sale Thk U S. Steamer Columbia, commander Couth kit. 12 fliccre std 28 rren, ashers at Masonboro' In let, surrendered to Col. I.mb yrsterday. Col. Lamb kept til Lor blodfcadcrs that Lai come up to the Co la robia's assistance. The prisoners are expected here to-day. Su ce writing (ha above we have received the follow ing ifScial particulars of the capture of the Columbia : Fort Fisher.. Jan. 17tb, 1863. The TJ. S. Steamer Columoia," carrying 7 guns. Commander Cou'ehny, prounded ff Masonboro' Soutid on Wride3day eight last. Oa Thursday the Commanding Officer of Fort Fisher carried coe gun and a detachment ot cavalry and infantry to capture her. On Friday at T o'clock, A. M., two shots were fired when the steamer hoisted a white fljg. About 40 prisoners have been taken After the surrender several blocked rs came up, but were promptly driven cfl. But one boat was left on the sbip, end owing to the delay causid by firing of the eho e battery which did not perceive or respect the white fbg, all the pris oners were not landed 'till to-day, with eome valuable Stores. The" Columbia " U a splendid Iron Steamer, built to rua the blockade, aa whs captured by the " lusca rora," cn her firtt trip to Charleston. 1 bi3 is her first cruise a3 a War Steamer. Commi35art We learn that N. V. Sc-hexce, E-q , of Wilmington, has been appointed to 11 the vacancy ia the office if Commissary, occasioned by the resigna tion of Capt. Hen ev hi. Deane. llr. Schenck, or rather, as we tbou'd now say. Captain Schenck, i3 fa miliar wiih the duties cf tbe position, es well as with the various operatic of the Department, having been employed in the buiinc3 of the Commissary's cSee from the first. JJe is an excellent business man, and will, no doubt, make a good Commissary. Wk learn that on the night of the 12th inst., Mr. "W. Sears, cf the 25th S. C. (Eutaw) regiment, was severely injured in the leg just below the knee, by . stumbling (probably in the dark) over the broken frag xnents of a large rifled cannon, lying near the Wilming ton & Weldon R. R. Depot. His knee came with great force cn the rail, causing the injury alluded to. The cannon i3 tho one exploded at Fort Caswell, we think. IIESSAOK OF THE PRIC SIDEET. To the Senate and House of Representatives of the Confederate States: At the date of yocr last adjournment the preparations of the enemy lor further hostilities had assumed so me nacing ao aspect as to excite in some minds apprehen sion of oar ability to meet them with sufficient prompt ness to avoid serious reverses. These preparations were completed shortly after your departure from the seat of government, and the armies of the United States made simultaneous advance oa our frontiers, cn the western riveis and on the Atlantic coast in masses so great as to evince their hope of overbearing all resistance Oy mere weight of numbers. Tiv's hope, however, like those pre vijusly enteriaked by our foes, has vanished. In Vir ginia, their fourth attempt at invasion by armies whose assured success waa coifijVutly predicted, has met with decisive repulse. Oar noble defenders, under the con summate leadership of their general, have again, at Federicksburg, icuicttd oa the torees under General Barnside the like disastrous overthrow as bad been pre viously suffered by the successive invading armies com maodel oy Generals Alt-Do well, McCleliaa and Pope. In the West tbiuaite buttles have been fought with varyteg foriuues, maiktd by frightful carnage on both tides, tut the -nmv'8 bope3 ot decisive results have agaiu been bad d, while at Vicksburg another formi dable expedition has beea repu!9td with inconsiderable loss on our side atd eevere damage to the assailing forces. Oj the Atlantic cjast the enemy has been unable to gain a loofin beyond the protecting shelter of his fleets, and the c'uy oj Galveston has just been recovered by our iorcee, wbieu tucjetd d not only 'n the cipture of the I gat r son but of one of the enemy's vessels of war, which was carritd by boardicg parties from merchant river 8 earners. Our fortifi d positions have every where been much stnngthejtd utd improved, cffjrdirjg a?eurtnc of our ability to meet, wi b sjcs3, the utmost ff jrts of cur entmtes, in epite of the magnitude of their pre parations fir attack. A revu w ol our history curing the two years of oar national ex s-euce tn jrds ample cause for cocgratula iioo aba o uiancs me m si lervent expression ot our tbaik'U mss to the Alui-uhty Father wbo ha3 blessed our cause. We are jutiG d in asserting, with a pride Eurtiy loi unoeconiiiig, ttat ttese Coniederate States have addei anotter to the lessons taught by history for we insiruc-ion oi man ; mat tney bave aHjrdid anotter example ol ihs impossibiltiy of subjagatinga people de- leroiiLtu 10 vv irte , ulu uave uemonsiraua mat; no superiority ot numbers or available resourc es can over came the lesistance offered by such valcr in combat, such constatcy under fullering, and such cheerful endur ance oi privation as have beea conspicuously displayed oy mis ptouie m me deler.ee ot tbeir riffhts and liber ties. '1 be anticipations with which we entered into the contest bave now ripened into a conviction which ianot ouly shared with oa.by the common opinion of neutral . jjauoQs, om is evidently lorcmg itseu upon our enemies themselvta. It we but mark the history of the present year oi retumie preseve ranee m me patb we bave hither to pursued ; by vigorous eQort in the development of all our resources tor defence ; and by tha continued exhi bition of tbe same ULtaaering courage io our soldiers and able conduct in their leaders aa have distinguished the past, we bave every reason to expect that this will be me closing year of toe war. T' e war, which in its inception was waged for forcing us back into the Union, having tailed to accomplish that purpose, passed in to a second stage in which it was attempted to conquer and rule these states as dependent provinces. Defeated in this second design, our enemies have evidently enter ed npon another, whicb can bave no other purpose than revenge and thirst lor blood and plunder of private pro- ferty. But however implacable ihey may; be, tbey can ave neitntr the spirit nor tha r;3ourc23 required for a fourth year of a rtruggld uaiheered by any hope of suc cess, kept alivj solely tor tbe indalgea ca of mercenary, and. wicked, passion, and dam indiog so exhaustive an expenditure of blood an J mojey as has hitherto been imputed o their 'people. The ad wot of peaoe will be bailed with joy. cfl oris to avoid fjbe wax forced on us as it was,.by the lust of conquest and tbe insane pas sions of our foes, are known to mankind. Bat earnest as has been our wish fcr peace, aid great s have as have been our sacrifices and sufferings daring the' war, the determination of this people has with each succeed ing month become more unalterably fixed, to endure any sufferings and continue any sacrifices, however prolong ed, until their right to self-government and the sover eignty and independence oi these States shall have been triumphantly vindicate;! and firmly established. In this connection, th; occasion seems not unsuitable for some reference to the relations between the Confed eracy and the neHtral powers of Europe since the separ ation of these States from the former Union. Four of the States now members of the Confederacy were recognised by name as independent sovereignties in a treaty of peaoe, concluded in the year 1783, with one of tbe two great maritime powers of Western Eu rope, and had been, prior to that period, allies in war of the other. In the year 1778 they formed a Uoion with nine other States under articles of Confederation. Dis satisfied with that Uoion, three of them, Virginia, South Carolina and Georgia, together with eight of the States now members of the United States, seceded from it in 1789, and these eleven seceding States formed a second union, although by the terms of the Articles of Confed eration express provision was made that tt e first union should be perpetual. Their right to secede, notwith standing this provision, was neither contested by the States from which thev separated, nor made the subject o! discussion with any third power. When, at a later j period, North Carolina acceded to that second union, and when, still later, the other seven States, now mem I ers of this Confederacy, became also members of the same Union, it was upon tbe reccgniz-d footing of equal and independent sovereignties, nor had it then entered into tbe minds ot men that sovereign States could be compelled, by forte, to remain members cf a confedera tion into which they bad entered of their own free will, if, at a subsequent period, the defense of tbeir safety and honor should, in their judgment, justify withdrawal f'be experience of the past had evinced the futility of any renunciation of such inherent rights, and accord ingly the provision for pepetuity c ntained in tbe Arti cle of Confederation of 1778 was omittfd in the Con stitution of 1789. When, tnerefore, in 1861, eleven of the State b again tbonght proper, for reasjns satistajtor to themselves, to secede from tbe second union, and to form a third one under an amended constitution, they exercised a right wb ch, be ng inherent, nqiired nojis tification to foreign nuious, and which luternatiouaf law did cot permit them to question, ibe usages of in 'ercourge between nations do, however, n quire that of ficial communication be msde .o friendly powers of all organic changes in the constitution of States, and there was obvious propriety ia giving prompt assuranoi of our desire to continue am' cable relations wiin all man Kind. It was under tbe innaencsof these constd rations mat your predecessors, the provisional government, took early mebsures for sending to Europe Commissioners charged with the duty of visiting tbe capitals of the different powers, and making arrangements for the open- leg OI more iormai oipioor'uc intercourse. Prior, however, to the arrival abroad of those Com missioners, tbe United States badtommenced hostilities against the Confederacy by despatchirg a secret expe dition fcr the reinforcement of Fort Sumter, after an express promise to the contrary, acd with a duplicity which has been fully unveiled in a former message. i'bey bad. also addressed communications to the d. liar en t Cabinets cf Europe, io which they assumed tbe at atude of being sevtreiga over this Confederacy, alleg ing that these independent States were in rebellion agaic6t the remaining States of the Uoion, and threat ening Europe witb manifestations ot their displeaf ure if it should treat the Confederate States as having an in dependent existence. It soon became known that these pretensions were not considered abroad to be as absurd as they were known to be at home, nor had Europe yet learned 'what reliance was to be placed on tbe official statements of the Cabinet at Washington. The dele gation of power granted by these States to the Federal Government to represent them in foreign intercourse had led Europe into a grave error of supposing that their separate sovereignty and independence had been merged into one common sovereignty, and had ceased to have a distinct existence. Under the influence of this error, which ail appeals to reason and historical fact were vainly used to dispel, our Commissioners were met by the declaration, that foreign governments could not assume to judge between the conflicting representations of the Jwo parties as to the true nature ot their previous mutual relations. The governments of Great Britain and France accordingly signified their determination to confine themselves to recognizing tbe self-evident fact of tbe existence of a war, and to maintaining a strict neu trality during its progress. Some of the other powers of Europe pursued the same course of policy, and it be- came apparent mac oy some unoersianaing, express or tacit, Europe had decided to leave the initiative in all action touching the contest on this continent to the two powers just named, who were recognized to have the largest interests involved, both by reason of proximity and of the extent and intimacy of their commercial re lations with the States engaged in war. It ia manifest that the course of action adopted by Europe, while based on an apparent refusal to deter mine the question, or to side with either party, was in point oi iact an actual decision against our rights and in favor of the groundless pretensions of the United States. It was a refusal to treat us as an independent government. If we were independent btates, the refasal to entertain with us the same international intercourse as was maintained with our enemy was unjust, and was injurious m its eflects, whatever may bave been the motive which prompted it. Neither was it in accord ance with the high moral obligations of that interna tional codo whose chief sanction is the conscience of sovereigns and tbe public opinion of mankind, that those eminent powers should decline the performance of a duty peculiarly incumbent on them, from any apprehension of the consequences to themselves. One immediate and necessary result of their declining the reeponsibility of a decision which must have been adverse to tbe extrava gant pretensions of the United States, was the prolon gation of hostilities to which our enemies were thereby encouraged, and which have resulted in nothing but scenes of carnage and devastation on tnis continent, and of ui3ery and sunering on the otner, such as bave scarcely a parallel in history. Had those powers prompt Iv admitted our right to be treated as all other inde pendeat nations, none can deubt that the moral effect of such action would have btea to dispel tbe delusion o&der whicb tbe United States have persisted in their efforts to accomplish our eabj ugation. To tne contin ued hesitation cf tbe same powers in rendering this ac of simple justice towards tbis Confederacy is still due tbe continuance ot me calamities wnicn mansind snner from tbe interruption of its peaceful purtuita, both in the old and the new worlds. There are oth.-r matters in which less than justice has been rendered to this people by neutral Europe, and un due advantage conferred on tbe aggressors in a wicked war. At tbe inception 1 hostilities the inhabitants ol the Confederacy were almost exclusively agriculturists those of the Uuited S'ates, to a great extent, mechanic and merchants. We had no commercial marir e, while heir merchant vessels covered the ocean. We were without a navy, while they bad powerful liens. Tb advantage which tbey possessed for infl cting injury on our coasts and harbors was thus counterbalanced in sod e mtssure by the exposure of tbeir commerce to attack by private armed vessels. It was known to Europe that witn a very few years past the United States bad peremptorily refused to accede to proposals for abolish log privateering, on the ground, as alleged by them, that nations owning powerful fleets would thereby obtain undue edvantage over those possessing inferior naval roices. Ytt no sooner was war fligrant be- ween the Confederacy and the United States than the maritime inowers of Europe issued orders prohibiting either party from bringing priz s into their ports. This prohibition directed with apparent impartiality again3t both belligerents, was in reality tCeciive against tbe Confederate States alone, tor thev alone could find a hostile commerce on the ocean. Merely nominal against tne united states, tne prohibition operated with intense severity on the Con It deracy, by depriving it of the only means of main taining, with some approach to equality, its struggle on the ocean against the crushing superiority ot naval force possessed by its enemies. The value and efficiency of the weapon which was thus wrested from our grafp by the combined action or neutral European powers in favor ot a nation which professes openly its intention of ravaging their commerce by privateers in any future war, ia strikingly illustrated by tbe terror inspired among the commercial classes of the United States by single cruiser of the Confederacy. Uae national steamer commanded by officers and manned by a crew who are debarred, by the closure of neutral ports, irem tbe opportunity of causing captured vessels tabe con demned ia tbeir favor as prizes, has sufficed to double the rates of marine insurance in Northern ports and consign to forced inaction numbers of Northern vessels, in addition to tbe direct damage inflicted by captures at sea. How difficult, then, to overestimate the effects that must have been produced by the hundreds of pri vate armed vessels that would have swept the seas in pursuit of the. commerce a our enemy, if the. means oil disposing of their prizes had "not been withheld by the action ot neutral Europe n.rfT: ' Bui it Is especially ia relation to the so-calied block- especially ade of out coast that the policy of European powers has been so shaped as to cause the greatest injury to the Confederacy, and to coaler sigoal advantages on the United States. The importance of this sabjt'r quires some development. . "". ' ' . Prior to tbe year,1856, the principles re. ulatufg : this 3ubject were to be gathered from the writings of enr nent publicis's, th dtcUions of admiralty courts, inter national trea'ies, and tbe usages of nations. The un certainty and doubt which prevailed in reference to the true rules of maritime law, in time of war, resulting from e discordant and often conflicting principles an nounced from tuch varied and independent sources, had become a grievous evil to mankind. Whether a block ade vras allowable pgainst a port not invested by land as weil as by sea ; whether a blockade was valid by sea if tk investing fleet wa3 merely sufficient to render in gress to tbe blockaded port "evidently dangerou3." or whether it was further required tor its legality that it should be pufSeient u really to prevent access ;" and numerous other similar questions had remained doubt ful and undecided. Ar. mated by tbe highly honorable desire to put an end " to differences of opinion between neutrals and belligerents, which may occasion serious diffioltus and even colA crs," O quote the official language,) tbe five great Powers of Europe, together with Sardinia and Tuikey, adopted, in 1856, the folia wing " solemn decla ration " of principles : 1. Privateering is, and remains abo.i.heu. 2. The neutral flag covers enemy's goods, with the excep'io.1 of contraband of war. 3. Neutral goods, with the exception of contraband of wsr, are not liable to capture under enemy 's fljg. 4. lilcckad s, ia Older to be binding, must be effec tive ; that is to say, maintained by a force sufficient real ly to prevent ec83 to the coast of the enemy. Not only did thi3 solemn declaration announce to the world the principles to which the signing powers agreed to con orm in future wars, but it c ntained a clause to which those powers gave immediate effect, and which provided that the States, cot parties to the Con gress of rar'a, shcu'd be invi'ed to accede to tbe de claration. Ut-der this invi'ation every indepecdenet State i i Earope yielded iis asnt ; at I s, nj instance h known o ae of a refusal ; and the United S-aue. while declining to assent to the prr posit ion which pro bibited privateering, declared that tbe three remaining prii.cipies were in entire accordance with their owu viewa of in'erna'ional law. No inttance ia known in history cf the adoption of rules of public law under circumstancts of like solem nity, with like unanimity, and pledging the faith of a tionB with a sanctity si p culiar. Wner, tberefore, th s Confederacy was f armed, and when ctutrai powers, while deferring action on its de mand !or adnnerkn into tbe f-miiy of nations, reccg-n-zod it as a belligtrent power. Great Britain and Fra ce nude in'ormal proposals about tbe same time that tbeir on rights as neu;rals should be guarantied by our ac ceding, as beliigeients, to the d. claration of principles made by the Congress of Paris. The r quest was ad drtssed to cur sense of j istiee, find therefore met imme diate favorable response in the resolutions of the Pro visional Congre.-u ot the 13tb August, 1861, by whicb all the principles announced by the Congress of Paris were adopted aa the guide ol oui conduct during the war, with the sole txoeptLja of that relative to privateering. As the right to make use of private rs was one in which neutral nations had, aa to the present war, no interest ; as it was a rijht which the Unibd State had refused to abandon and which they remain ed at liberty to employ against ua ; as it was a right of which we were already io actual enjiymnt, ard which we could not be expected to renounce flragrante bello j agai&pt an adversary possessing an overwhelming su periority of naval forces, it was reserved with entire confldecca that rieutral nations could net fail to perceive that just reason existed for the reservation. Nor was this onGdeoce misplaced, for the official documents publisbf-d by the Government, usually called " Blue Books," contain the expression of the satisfaction ol that government with the conduct cf tbe officials who conducted successfully the delicate business confided to their charge. Tbese solemn declara'ions cf principle, this-implied agreement between ibe Confederacy and the two powers just named, have heen suffered to remaia inoperative against tbe menaces end outrages cn ueutral rights, committed by the United States with unceasing and progressing arrogance during the whole period of the war. Neutral Europe remained passive when the Uni ted States, with a naval force insufficient to blockade, effectively, the coast of a single State, proclaimed a pa per blockade of thousands of miles of coast, expending from the capes of tbe Chtsapeake to those of Florida, and encircling the Gulf of Mexico from Key W est to the mouth ef the Rio Grande. Compared with this monstrous pretension of the United States, the block ades known in history, under the names of tbe Berlin and Milan decrees, and the British orders in Council, in the years 1806 and 1807 sink into insignificance! Tet those blockades were justified by the powers that declared them, on the sole ground that they were retal iatory ; yet those blockades have since been condemned by the publicists of thosa very powers as violations of international law ; jet those blockades evoked angry remonstrances from neutral powers amongst which the United States were the most conspicuous ; yet those blockades became the chief cause of tbe war between Great Britain and the United States in 1812 ; yet those blockades were one of the principal motives that led to the declaration ot the Congrf ss of Paris in 1856, in the fond hope of imposing aa enduring check on the very abuse of maritime power, which is now renewed by the United States in 1861 and 1862, under circumstances and with features of aggravated wrong without prece dent in history. The records of our State Department contain the evidence of the repeated and formal remonstrances made by this government to neutral powers against the re cognition of this blockade. It has been shown by evi dence not capable of contradiction, and which has been furnished iq part by the officials of neutral nations, that the few ports ot tfaia Confederacy, before which any naval lorccs at all bave been stationed, have been in vested so inefficiently that hundreds of entries have bten t fleeted into them since the declaration of the blockade : that cur enemies bave themselves admitted the inefficiency of their blockade in the m- st forcible manner, by repeated effidal complaints of the sale, to us, of gocda contraband of wer, a sale whicb could not poesibly affect their interests if their pretended block ade was sufficient " really to prevent access to our coast ;" that they bave gone farther, and bave ai'eged their inability to render tbeir paper blockade iicctivr as tbe excuse fjr the odious barbarity of destroying the entrauce to one of our harbors by sink.n? vessels load ed with stone in the channel ; that our corucnerce with foreign nations has been intercepted, not by the t fie. live investment of our ports, nor by the seizure of ships in the attempt to enter thr-m, hut by the capture on the high seas of neutral vessels by the c- uisers f tur ene mies, whenever .supposed to be bout.d to any poirt on ounxtenaive coeat, without enquiry whether a s ngle blockading vessel was to be found at such point ; that blockading vessels bave left tbe ports at which tbey were stationed for distant expeditions, have been abrn fjr many dsys and bave return d, without noti.e either of the cessation or renewal ot tbe hiocbai? ; m a wo.d thf.t every prescription of maritime law, ad tveryrignt of neutral nations to trade with a belligerent under the eanction of principles heretofore universally respected, have been systematic? lly and persistently violated by the United States. Neutral Europe has received our remonstrances and has submitted in almost unbroken Bilence to all the wrongs that tbe United States bave chosen to kflict on its commerce. The Cab.net of Great Britain, however, baa not confined itself to such implied acquiescence iu this? breaches of international law as results from simple inaction, but has in a pub lished despatch of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, assumed to m&ke a change in the principle enunciated by the Congress of Fans, to which the faith of tbe British Government was considered to be pledg ed ; a change too important acd too prejudicial to the interests of tbe Confederacy to be overioosed, and acainst which I have directed solemn protest to be made, after a vain attempt to obtain satisfactory ex planations from tne- British Government. In a pub lished despatch from her Majesty's Foreign OffL-e, to her Minister at Washington, under date cf tbe 11th Febraary, 1862, occurs tbe following passage : u Her Maiesty'a Government, however, are of opinion that assuming that tbe blockade was duly notified and also that a number of ships is stationed and remains at the entrance of a port sufficient really to prevent access to it ; or to a eait an evident danger of entering tt or leaving it, and that these ships do not voluntarily per mit ingress or egress, the fact that various si ps may bave successfully escaped through it (as in the particu lar instance here referred to) will not of itself prevent the blockade from being an effectual one by internation al law." ' - " Tbe words which I -have italicised are an addition made by the British Government of its own authority to a principle the exact terms of which were settled with deliberation, by the common consent of ciyilized hatioo8and by . jmpIiedObvention with this Govern ment; as already explained, and their effect Is clearly to fe-open to- the prejudice of the Oonfederacy one of the very disputed "questions on1 the law of. blockade which the Congress of - Paris: professed to settte.' f Hie impor tance of this change is readily illustrated by taking one of our ports aaua example. There is M evident danger " in entering the port of - Wilmington from the presence of a blockading force, and by tbis test the blockade is effective. Acoess is not really prevented ", by 'the blockading fleet to tbe same port, for steamers are con tinually arriving and departing, so that tried by this test tbe blockade is ineffective and invalid. The jus tice if our complaint oa tbis point is so manifest as to leave little room for doubt that further reflection will induce the British Government to give us such assur ances as will effaca tbe painful impressions that would result from its language, if left unexplained. From the foregoing remarks you will perceive that during nearlytwo years of struggle in which every en ergy of our country has been evoked for maintaining its very existence, tbe neutral nations of Europe have pursued a policy whicb nominally impartial has been practically most favorable to our enemies and most de trimental to us. The exercise of the neutral right of refusing entry into their ports to prizes taken by both belligerents, was eminently hurtful to tbe Confedeiacy. It was stern ly asserted and maintained. The exercise of the neutral right of commerce with a belligerent whose ports are not blockaded by fleets suffi cient really to prevent ac -S3 to them, would have been eminently hurtful to the United states. It was com plaisantly abandoned. The duty of neutral States to receive with cor diality and rtcogn ze with respect any new confed eration that independent States may think proper to form was too clear to admit of denial, but its postpone ment was eminently beneficial to the United States and detrimental to tbe Confederacy. It wts postponed. In tbisTeview of our relations with tbe neutral ra tions of Europe, it has been my purpose to point out distinctly that thTs Govcrnrueut has no complaint to make that those tations declared their ntu'rality. I could neither expect nor desire Inore. The complaint is that the neutrality ba3 been rather ncraioid than real, and that recognized neutral rights bave been alternate ly assr-ried and waived in uub manner as to bear with gieat severity on us, and to confer signal advantages on our enemy. I have buherto refrained from calling to your atten tion this condition of our relations with foreign po?pei ior various ressi'fta. 'ibe chief of theao was ths fear tbat a statement of our just grounds of complaint against a cousa? of policy so injurious tovour interests, might be misconstrued into au appeal for aid. Uce qml as we were in mere numbers and evatlab'e re 8 urcs to our euemits, we were conscious ot powers of ns stance, in relation to which Europe waa incredulous, and our remonstrances were thtrtf re peculiarly liable to be misut derstood. Pruudly sel -reliant, tbe Con federacy koowiug full well the cbaiacter cf the contes iuto which it was forced, with full trust in the enperior qualities of its population, tbe superior valor of its sol dier?, the super.or skill of its Generals, and above all in the justice of its cause, felt no need to appeal for the maiijtenacce of its rights to other earthly aid?, aud i? began a.:d hs continued this struggle wiih tbe. ci!m coufidience ever inspired io thtsa who with conscious nesa of right can mvoae tbe Divine blessing on thir cause, rhis conoaence nas oeen so assured tc.it we have never yulded to despondency under defeat, nor do we feel undue tlation at the present brighter prospect of successful issue to our contest. It 13 th retore, be cause our just ground:? of complaint can no lunger be inirireDreaented tbat I lav tbeni clearly before you. It seems to me now proper to give yea the information, and a though no lmmsdiats results may be attained, it is well tbat truth should be preserved and recordrd. I is wen mat tnose wno are to rouowus suou.a unaer- stard the full nature and character of the tremeudous coi flict in which the blood of our people has been pour ed out like water, and in whica they h3"e ns sred un aided the shock of boats which would have sufficed to overthrow many of the powers which by their hesita tion in accorditff our rights as an independent nation imply doabt of cur ability to maintain our national tx is ence. It may be too, that if in future times, unfriend ly discussions not now anticipated shall unfortunately arise between this Confederacy and seme European pow er, the recoihction or our forbearance under tbe griev ances which I have enumerated, may be evoked with happy influence in preventing any serious disturbances of peaceful relations. It wou.J not be proper the close my remarks ou the subject of our foreign relations without a iverting to the f.ict that the correspondence between the Cabinets of France, Great Britain and Russia recently published, indicates a gratifying advance in the appreciation by those governments of the true interests of mankind as involved in the war on this continent. It ia to the en lightened ruler of the French nation that the public feel ing of Eurv.pe is indebted for the first official exhibition of its sympathy for the sufferings endured by this peo ple with eo much heroism; of its horror at the awful car cage with which the progress of the war has been mark ed, and of its desire for a speedy peace. Ihe clear and direct intimation contained in the language of the French note, that our ability to maintain our independence has been fully established was not controverted by the an swer of either of the Cabinets to whicb it was address ed. It is indeed difficult to conceive a just grouod for a longer delay on tbis subject after reading tbe follow ing statement of facta contained in tbe letter emanating from the minister of his Imperial Majesty : "There has been established, from the very beginning of this war, an equilibrium of forces between the belligerents, which has since been almost constantly maintained, and, after the Bpilling of so much blood, they are to-day, ia this re spect, in a situation which has not sensibly changed. Nothing authorises the prevision tbat more decisive military operations will Bhortly occur. According to the lest edvices received in Europe, the two armies were, on the contrary, in a condition, which permitted neither to hope within a short delav advantages sufficiently marked to turn the balance definitely, and to accelerate the conclusion, of peace." As tbis government has never professed tbe intention of conquering the United States, but has simply assorted its ability todefetd itself against being cotqaered by that power, we may safely conclude that the claims of this Confederacy to its just place in the family of cations cannot long be withheld, after s franx and formal an admission of its capacity to cope on equal terms, with l e agg'esstve foes, and to main tain ltseii e gainst their attempts to obtain decisive re salts by arms. It ia my painful duty again to inform you of the re newed examples of every conceivab'e atrocity commit ted by the armed forcisofthe United Statg, at diier ent points within the Confederacy, and which must stamp indelible infamy not only on the perpetrators out on tbeir superior., who, having the power to eh c these outrages on humanity, numerous and well aut!u tica'ed aa ihey have bten, have not vet, in a p.icgle in stance of which I m aware, inflicted puuiameut cn he wrong-doers &i&ce my last communication to you, one G-neral fWcINetl murdered seven prisoners of war m io.d blood, and the demand for his punishment has re raaired unsatisfied. 'Ihe government of the United Sta'es, atrcr premising examination and explanati n i relation to the charges made against General BniinH) F. Butkr, has, by its subsequent silence, after repeated efforts on my part to obtain some answer on the subpc not only admitted bis guilt, but sanctioned it by aiqui escnee, and I have accordingly bracded this criminal as an outlaw and directed his executioa in "expiation of his crimes if be should fall into the bands of any of our forces. Recently I have received apparently authentic intelligence ot another General by the name of Milroy who has issu'd orders in Western Virginia for the pay ment of money to him by the inhabitants, accompanied by ths most savage threats ot shooting every recusant, oeeidts burning bis bouse ; and threatening s milar atro cities against any of our citizens who shall fail to betrav .heir country by giving him prompt notice of tbe ap" proach of any of our forces, and this subject has also b en feubmi ted to the superior military authorities ol tbe Uuited states, with but faint hope tbat they will evince any disapprobation of the act. Humanity shud oers at the appalling atrocities which are being daily multiplied unaer the sanction of those who have ob tained temporary possession cf power in the United states and who are faat making its once fair name by-wora of reproach among civilized men. Not even ihe natural indignation inspired by this conduct should mik j us, however so unjust, as to attribute to the whole mass of tbe people who are subjected to the dtspotism that now reigns with unbridled license ia tbe city of Washington, a willing acquiesence in its conduce of tbe war. There mast necessarily exist among our ene- mies, very many, perhaps a majority, whose humanity iccuus nuui au participation in eucn atrocities, dui who cannot be held wholly guiltless while permitting their continuance without an effort at repression. The public journals of the North have been receiv ed, containing a proclamation dated on the f fat day ot the present month, signtd by the President of the United States, in which he orders and declares all slaves within the ten Btates of the Confederacy to be free, ex cept seen as are found within certain districts now oc cupied in part by the armed forces of the enemy. :H We naj well leave It to the instincts that common humanity which a beneficent;-Creator has implanted in the breasts of our fe How-men of all i countries to pass, judgment on a measure by which several millions of hu man beings of an inferior- race, peaceful and contented laborers in their sphere,-are doomed to extermination, while at the same time they are encouraged to a gener al assassination of their masters by the insidious recom mendation "to abstain from violence unless in necessary self-defence." Our own detestation ot those who bave attempted the most excrable measure recorded in the history of guilty man, is tempered by profound contempt for the impotent rage wbich it discloses. So far & re gards the action of tbis government on such criminals as may attempt its execution, I confine myself to in forming you that I shall, unless in your wisdom you deem some other cource mora expedient, deliver ' to the several State authorities all commi&ioned officers of the United States tbat may hereafter be captured by our forces in any of the States embraced in tbe proclamation, tbat they may be dealt with in accordance with the .aws of those States providing for tbe punishment ot criminals engaged in exciticg servile insurrection. The enlisted soldiers I shall continue to treat -as unwilling instruments in. the commission of these crimes, and shah direct their disefcarge and retina totbir heroes- on the proper and usual parole. In its political aspect, this measure possesses great significance, and to it io this light, I iuvite your atten tion. It afford to cur whole people the complete and crowning proof of the t ue nature of the designs cf the partv'wbich elevated to power the preaeot occupant ol the Frtsidentiai chair at Washington, an J which eoaght to conceal its purposes by every variety ot artful dev. ce, aud by he perfidttus use of the most solemn and re pea'ed pi dgts cn every possible cccas on I extract, in this connection, as a smgle example, the folio in:; declaration made by Pies dent Lincoln, under the sokai nity tt his oath us Chief Magistrate of lie United State, on the 4 lb March, 1861 : " Apprehension seems to exist amucg the people of tbe S .uthero Siattstbat by the -sect saion of a R-iub-lican A iministration, th. ir propeny and their peace and pers-oaitl security are to be etdai-grred. 1 here ba never bten any reasonable cans', tor inch apprebeLS'Ons Iudeed, the most ample evidence to ttie contrary has all the while xis ed, and been open to tbeir inspesiion. It is f mad in nearly all the published Epetches of him wbo no? nudists you. I do but quote roui on ot tb ue speech's when 1 declare ihut I hav! no pur pose, directly or itidmctly, to interfere with ihe insti tution of elavery ia the ttiatts where it exis's. I be Iieve I have uo lawiul right to do so ; and I bave no indication to do eo 'I hose who nominated and elcced oh, did so with lull knowledge that I had made this and many gtiuilar decl4rtnu8, and tad never recanted them. And, more than lb r. tu-.y placed ii the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to iheax-'eivrs, acd to me, tbe clear at d emphatic solution, whici I now rad : 44 Ee-olvcd, That the maioteaiccc inviolate cf the 'iglit? of the biaUs, uud tt.peciany the rigSt of eoh Mate to or der aud con rol ita own domestic iDdtitnUoPs according t- its o d jaigmen txcluive'y, i essential to i hat balance af powers oi wbicb tte pfrfectiou and en'Juraucn ot our poli tical fabiiij depend : and denonrce the Jawhss icvssion by aiiQOj forec of tiie boil of any Sata r Tenitory, no mat ter ucdtr wh;t pretext, s acioog the gruvt crim s.' " Nor was ihU dtc oraioa of the want of power or d 8 position to interfere with our social eystem cot fioed to a state cl- peace. 13sh btfore and alter the ae uul commencement of hostilities, the tv siel-nt of the Uni ted stfttee repealed in formal tffidal communication to tbe Cabinets of Great Britain and France, that lis "was tteriy without constitutional power to do the act which he hajust committed, and th t no possible event, wheth er the secession ol th'se States resul ed in the establish ment of a separate Confederacy or in the restoration cf the Union, wa3 tLi.re any authority by virtue of which he could either restore a disaffected State to the Union by force of arms or make any change ia any of ita inSti tulio.iS. I re.'er especially lor verineatiou of this asser sextioo, to the despatches addressed by the Secretary of State of the United States under direction of the Pres ident, to the Ministers of the United Statts at Iindon and Paris, under dale of 10th and 22 5 April, 1861. The people of this Confederacy tuen cannot tail to receivd this proclamation cs the fullest vindication of their own fagaciiy in foreseeing tha uses to which the dominant party in the United States intended from tha beginning to apply their power, nor can they cease to remt-mbtr, wjth devout thankfulness, that it is to their owd vigilance iu nisum' the Grot stealthy progress of approaching despotism, that they owe their escape from consequences now apparent to the most sceptical. This proc araation will have an other Sdlutary effect ia calming the fears of tho33 who have g .instantly evinced the spprehension that this war niigbt end by some reconstruction of the old Union or some rtniwul of close political relations with the Uni ted States. These k-ars bave never been shared by me, nor have I ever been able to perceive on vvhat basis they could rest. But the proclamation affords the lull eat guarantee of the impossibility of such a result ; it has established a state ol things which can lead to but one of three possible consequences ; the extermination of the slaves, the exile of the whole white population from the Confederacy, or absolute and total separation of tbese States from the Unite J States. This proclamation is also an authentic statement by the government of the United States ef its inability to subjugate the South by fcrce of arms, and e.s such must be accepted by neutral nations, which can no longer find any justification in withholding oar just ciainis to formal recognition. It 13 also in effect an intimation to the people of the North that they must prepare to submit to a separation uow become inevitable, lor that people are too acute not to understand that restora tion of tbe Union has been rendered forever impossible by the adoption of a mcasute which, from its very na ture, neither admits of retraction nor can co-fxist with union. . Among the subj:-c!3 to which your attention will be specially devoted during tba present session, you will no doubt dem the adoption of some comprehensive sjstem of finance aa beiDg of paramount importance. The increasing public debt, the great augmentation in the voluma of currency with its necessjry oacomitaut of extravagant prices for ail articles of consumption, the want of revenue from a taxation adequate to sup port the pub Ic credit, all unite iu a-i'monisuiog us tbat energetic and wise legislation aloDe can preteot serious emoarrapsmtnt iu our mooetary anairs. it is my con viction that the people of the Confederacy will freely meet taxation ou a scile adequate to the maintenance ot the public credit and the support of their govern ment. When each family is stodiog forth its most precious oms to meet txpf sure in camp a.-id dath iu oattle, what ground can there be- to douot the disposi tion to devote a tithe of i s ineoma at.d more, il more be necessary, to provide tbe government wth means for ensuring the comfort ot i!s defenders ? Ii our ene rui8fuomit to an excise no every commodity thiy produce aud to the dady jav m-t of the t..x-;irh m, with 00 bigLer moti-e th. uo.-y of tuct-e.3 in Lit ir wicked des'gnd ag.i.,ei u.-, the u.sgHii!iou ot nuw li.it ues3 0 ir e p at of this people to su mt 10 the taxa tion n.-cesiary f'n the succ .ss ot the:r d.fct;S3 is aa im putation ou ;heir patriotism tbat few will lie d pos'.d to make. ar;d that none cau juatily. hgislitioa cf jour lat scs.on intended to hasten the funding of outstanding Treasury notes La3 proved beneficial as s io-vo by tte returns anneted to ihe re port of the Secrettry of the Treasury. But it was nei ther sufficiently prompt nor far-reaching to meet the hill extent of the evil. The pas3ageof some enactment, anyiog still farther the poluy ot ihat law by fixing a limitation not later than the 1st July next to the ddy allowed for funding the noits issued prior to the 1st December, 1862, will, in tbe opinion ol the Secretary, have tbe effect to withdraw horn cinulition nearly th" entire sum ipsmd previous to ihe last named date. Ii to tbis be added a revenue from ad quale taxation, and a negotiation of bonds guarantied proportionately by the several States as has already been generously pro posed by some ofthtm in enactments spontaneously adopted, there is little doubt that we shall see our fi-n-nces restored to u sound and satisfactory onditica ; our circulation relieved of tte redundancy now produc tive of bo many mischiefs ; and oar credit placed on euch a basis as to relieve us fiom further anxiety rela tive to our resources ;or tbe prosecution of the war. It is trr;e tbat at la close our dibt will be large ; hut it wiil be due to our own people, and neither tbe inter est nor the capital will be exported to distant coun tries, impoverishing ours for their benefit. O i the re turn of peace the untold wealth which will epriDg from our soil will render tbe burthen of taxation far les3 on erous than is now sappos d, especially if we take into consideration thac we shall then ba iree from the large and steady drain of our substance to which we were subjected in the late Union through the instrumentali ty of sectional legislation and protective tar'.ffj. I recommsnJ to your earnest; attention the whole re port of the Secretary of the Treasury on this important subject and trust that your legislation on it will be de layed no longer than may be required to enable yoflf wisdom to devise the proper measures for ensuring ibe accomplishment of tbe objects proposed. The operations or tne war uepartment have been in the main satisfactory. In the report of the Secretary, herewith submitted, will be found a summary of many memorable successes. They are with justice ascribed, in large measureto "the "reorganiiition "and rebZT ment of our armies under the operation of the mreisror conscription. 'The wisdom, and effirW three aals have been approved by results,- and ths i u spirit of unity, endurauce and self-devotion in tfo. pkv which has hitherto sustained their action must?" relied on to asture their enforcement nndfp th " lF abject dfW?' consideration of Congress. For the perfection .7' military organization no appropriate means BhonUer ; - 'jx.M iuc opinions oi the Re. tary merit early attention. It is gratifying to Lr?" that, under all tbecflofrs and sacrifices of war th '8 er, means and lesoujces ot the Confederacy lor iu"" cessful Drosecution arc inerenflinrr tw,Jj. 8 BC- eign supplies is to be deplored, and should. r 0r' .:- , ' Y". "Vuutmce On 'nr nofisiSle. fx? obviated by tbe development and em LJ. r -- .-j "t.crivpiucufc ana emDln ment oi internal resource'. The nppniinr of the country, however, render this difficult ? r r v"cuni8'aniH.i quiTe.extraordioary encouragements and facilitip. V' re. granted by tbe government. The embarrassment -7 suiting from the limited capacity of the railroads to t ford transportation, end tbe impossibility of other cemmardirg and distributing the nectseary FanDlipTf the t Tmies render tha control of tie roads under anm general supervision, atd resort to tbe power of imnrT6 ment, military exigencies. Wbileeuch powers have t be exercised. ihevRhnnM h trnarA A k 10 : "; " . " JJUICIUU3 Dra. t BOrr.A rni. wu w-v lAinuu Wl iUU un,!, session. Serioca complaints have reached me of the inequality o jt80D eration frcm eminent and patriotic citizen?, whoseonin" ions merit great consideration, and I trust that sine meats will be devised icr having at hems a suEci-c lucal police without making discriminations, akaj m be deprecated, between different clasrej of oar cit)2.L, Our relations wi.b the Indians generally conttLoe o be hiendly. A portion of thj Cherokee people have a-uned n at itude hostile to the Conrtderate Govfcfn. ment ; hut it is gratifying to be able to state that ti mas.- of in e'ligeoce atid worth in that cation have re" na'md true aud loyal to tleir treaty eogagenv ntg J With this fxcptioo, there have ben no important j! fetaccR of disbffVcticn among any of the friendly t,a io i and tiirMs. Diss-atisfaction recently manifis'ed ii anioni; certaiu portions of them ; but this roultcd Irora a misapprehension of tbe intentions of the liov.rrjneit in tbeir b half I h'u has been removtd and no flutter j.fli ultv is anticipated The Report of the Secretary of the Navy herewith tranptnitted exhibits tne progrtsi random tbn bra ch of tho public service since y ur adjournment us well us ts present condition. The details embraced ia it nf such a r amre as to rend' r it, in my opinion, iCOu . patible with the pob'ic intere-ts, that they bhoti'd b published with tbU message. I therefore coi.ftV ray self io i vitif g your attention to the iLformatiou there in contained. Tke Rt p Tt of tbe Postmaster Oenerel ihows th; during the first postal year under oar Ooverutueut, ter minating on tbe 30th of J one last, our revenues were in excess of tho?e received by the former Govern iiiem iq its l:Ft postal yar, while the expenses were greatly r2. creaa d. 1 here is still, however, a considerable d. S( it in tbe r. venues cf tLe Department as compared wih iti expeLRis, end although tbe grants already mode from the get.eral Treasury will suffice to cover all liabilitii? to the close of the fi-cil year, ending on the 30 h June next, I recommend soma legislation, if any can be cn-s-itotiorally df-ised, for aiding the revenues f tbat Depar'ment during the ensuing fiscal year, in ord-r to avoid too g'e&t a redundance of postal facilities. Your atttntion is also inviud to numerous other improve ments in the service recommended in the report, ana lor which legislation i3 required. . I reommend to the Congress to devise a trn&r mode of relief to those of our citizens whose proper: has been destroy d f y order of the Government in par sums ; of a polic y topted as a meins of national de feace. It is t; -uthat full indemnity cannot now be made, btft son. measure of relief is due to those patri otic citizens whs have borr.e private loss for tbe public good, whose property in effect has been taken for public uae, though not directly appropriated. Cur Government, born ot the spirit of freedom and of the equdity and independence of the States cou'd cot hive suivived a selfish or jealous disposition makirg each only careful of its own interest or safety Tie f.tte of the Confederacy under tbe blessing ot Divine Providence depends upon the harmony, energy and uni ty of the States. It especially devolves on you, tbeir representatives, ss far as practicable, to reform abuses, to correct errors, to cultivate fraterr.ity and to sustain iu the people' a iust confidence in the Government if the r choice. To that confidence and to the unity acd s'jlf-sacrificing patriotism hitherto displayed is due tbe success which has marked the unequal contest, and tu brought our country into a condition at the present time such as the most sanguine w;uld not have ventur ed to predict at the commencement of our stinggle. Onr armies arc larger, better disciplined and moretb roughly armed end equipped than at any previous peri od of tte war. The energies of a while nation, devo ted to the single object of success in this war, have ac complished marvels, and many of our trials have, bj a benifient Providence, been converted into blessings. The mngnitule of the perils whjch we encountered bare developed the tins qualities and illustrated the heroic character of cur people, thus gaining for the Confedera cy from its birth a just appreciation from the otbtr ca tions of the earth. The injuries resulting from the in terruption of foreign commerce have received compen sation by the development of our internal renources Cannon crown our fortresses that were cast from tL products of mines opened and furnaces built during tbe war. Oar mountain caves yield much of the nitre for the manufacture of powder and promise increas; of pro duet. From oar own foundries and laboratories ; Iron ojr own armories and workshops we derive, in a great measure, the warlike material, the ordoaoce and ord nance stores which are expended eo profusely in the nu merous acd desperate engagements that rapidly sucoetd each other. Cotton and woollen fabrics, shjes aud har ness, wagons and gui carriages are prodaced in diily iccreosii g quantities by the factories springing into ex istence. Oar fields, no loncrer whitened nv cotton ti. cannot be exported, are devoted to the production of ccreafs and the growth of stock formerly purchased with the proeoeda of cotton. Ia the homes ol our nole n4 devoir-! women, without whose sublime sacrifices c- success tvouH have btea impossible, tbe noise olN loom and of the spinning wheei may be beard through out the land. With hearts swelling with grati'ude let ua then join in returning thanks to God and in bcn mg the contb.u mce of bi3 protecting care over oor cause aud the restoration of peace with its nianit blessings to oar belovtd country. JEFFERSON DAVIS. Riciimond, January 12, 1863. For tb Joirn'.. Little Kiveb, Jan. 8 h, 1863 Mkssfs Kdttoks : Ueir SusA little nfljir 6 ! curred hetc Let Monday night tbat creited cousidera- ol jnsation ia this region, and, peibaps would ie in teresting to some of your readers. Some five a :k from the bar, it the mouth of Little River, lay lbe schooners Argile and Janus Bailey, bo'h bavag court ia to Little River through the blockade nd having loaded for some foreign port. Tbe blockaders, havitg been inlorimd by srms runaway iiegroed of tben'O lioa of these vessels, determined to burn tbem ; acrd inly, just afer dark on Monday ntgbt, tbe 8ot'oel oa fh.ire, at a place called tbe Port, observed three b ats loaded with armed men going up the rivnr, atd fired ou them. They immediately came on shore where uk sentinel bad fired. Cupt. Gahoway, with a part of his company, (y.fB; teen men,) were at their place ot eccmpm tt J05 back, and being arcused by th gan cf the eentiml, p ou their implements ot war and started out. Calcu lating tbat the object of the blockaders was to dtstro; tbe vessels, Capt. Galloway took his men cp the river to a place where the Federals must pass close to Icel and waited for tbem. Soon the boats came aIorg.BJi at the proper time, the command to fire was pivta, into them went the shot from Capt. Galloway's The Federals returwd the fire and exebat ged iwj twenty rtunds, whea tbey started back for tbe birc ader in hot haste. The only damage to Capt-U loway and men was that Capt, Galloway was bit in u breast, but the wound was slight, and one man ona boot shot through. It is thought from the screams j groans, tbat considerable execution was done on Federals. We all here feel under deep obligation Capt. Galloway and his brave Coast Gaard, ana also feel very much safer from tbe thieving, onKJ 5 raids of the em my in this quarter than we did bewr Very respectlnlJy, A SUBSCRIBER- Abbivu,. Captain S. Winthrop, a young cJj distinction, and late of the British army, aSP" .Da this city by a late arrival at a Confederate yvi' cilb taken roe ms at tfcfa Charleston Hotel. He in,eD " t0 three brother effi. ers wbo are expected to follow d, offer their semces to the Southern Confederaey. . Charltston nintr mcesaitieti ot nr of the Secretary to this effect are tempered by nrm lions ior irjeir amelioration and the men'ftd by tie Secretary, under due regulation olkw a ttvuujujci'u iu iuim connection
Wilmington Journal [1844-1895] (Wilmington, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Jan. 22, 1863, edition 1
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