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THE WILMINGTON JOURNAL. WILMINGTON, N. C., FEBRUARY 15, 1866. Got. Graham and the Committee on Reatoration. We learn from the Raleigh Sentinel of the 10th inst., that as soon as Governor Graham was ap prised that the United States Senate had adopted the resolution, authorizing the committee on res toration, to take evidence by sending for per sons and papers, he made, application in behalf of himself and colleagues, for leave to be present at the reception of any evidence affecting the State of North Carolina, with the privilege of fcross examining witnesses, and if admissable to intro duce rein.? ting testimony. The Sentinel adds: "We are not aware that there is any thing to the prejudice of the State before the committee, the report of Gen. Carl Schurz relating wholly to the States farther South, as he did not visit North Carolina, and the report of Gen. Grant, transmitted by the President to Congress, being in the highest degree favorable. We rejoice, however, in the hope that if any dis paraging testimony shall be adduced, it will be subjected to those tests of truth so wisely estab lished by our laws, on oath, and a cross-examination with the liberty of contradiction and expos ure. Col. Ferebee's Protest. We give to our readers to-day, the manly and forcible protest of Col. D. D.Ferebee, to the se cond clause of the amendment to the constitution of the United States, in relation to slavery. like everything which emanates from this gentleman, it is strong, eloquent and characterized by devo tion to North Carolina and her people. Although the document is not yet three months old, its predictions are being fulfilled, and we ven ture the assertion, that the day is not distant, when this paper will seem almost prophetic. Al ready the Jacobins in Congress are laying siege to almost every conservative element in the constitu tion, and wo fear, with all the President's devotion to that sacred chart, and his interest in the com mon weal of the entire country, he will be unable to oppose successfully the threatened attack. Our own people should be careful how they sur render into the hands of a body controlled by such radicals as Sumner and Stevens vital subjects. Their legislation will not be friendly or beneficial to us or to the negroes among us. We should, while discharging all our obligations to the feder al government loyally and in good faith, do what "honest action justly owes to intelligent reason, to honor and to humanity." From 3few York to "Wilmington. We learn from the Richmond Examiner, that a bill is before the legislature of Virginia, asking for incorporation of the "Richmond and Peters burg Railroad Connections Company," which, if it becomes a law will enablo passengers to run through from New York to Wilmington without the necessity of changing cars, a consummation most devoutly to be wished. The advantages would be important, and the objections are not worthy of consideration. Petty corporate and local interest might be injuriously affected to some extent, but what are these to compare with the great public conven ience ? Tho Examiner intimates that some ob stacles may be thrown in tho way by the Council of Petersburg. Wo hope in this, that paper may be misinformed. Surely such conduct on the part of that city would not be in keeping with its well earned reputation for enlarged liberality and an enlightened comit ! To subject a very large portion of the country to the discomforts and inconvenience arising from the maintenance of the present system from mere local considerations would be unwise and selfish in the extreme. We are happy to say we have always regarded Peters burg as keenly alive to the necessities of others, while she has ever manifested an enlighted sense to her own requirements. Doolittle- John Pool. Mr. Doolittle, of Wisconsin, in presenting the credentials of John Pool to the United States Sen ate, thus delivered himself, as reported in the Nen York Herald: "That he owed it to the Senate, as well as to himself, to state that Mr. Pool was and always had been, a devoted friend to the Union. That he was the Union candidate for Governor of the State in 18(50, before there was any immediate danger of secession. He canvassed the State and opposed secession by every means in his power, to the last. After the ordinance of secession had passed, he retired to private life, and refused to take any part in political affairs until the peace movement commenced in North Carolina, in which he toe k an active part, and did all in his power to embarrass the rebel authorities." Put out the Latch String. In the course of debate in the House of Repre sentatives a few days since, Mr. Delano, of Ohio, said he was ready to admit the members from Arkansas and Tennessee to this floor, and it was due to the country that this be done speedily. In referring to these remarks the New York 1 imes says: "Her representatives are true and loyal men, and yet they keep knocking in vain at the doors of congress. Why not at once, in a spirit worthy of an enlightened and patriotic people, put out the 'latch string.'" Labor. The labor question is one that seems likely to Rive the future management of the railways in the South the most trouble and anxiety. I am unable to see a satisfactory so lution of the difliciilty. How many negroes in one hun dred will prove reliable and steady laborers' it is hardlv Ht-sible to determine ; but if we could believe there would e one, it would be a hopeful condition of things compared to the present uncertainty. I am confident it cannot reach two in the hundred that now inhabit this section of coun try. The remedy is white labor, if it can be had ; as a conse- 2uence I have authorized the employment of all the in nstrious and sober white laborers on the track, and while we do not get more than three-fourths the amount of work for each hand we formerly obtained, we pay about the same price for it. In constant trials with patience and time, we may iind a solution of this difficulty. The above is an exstract from the annual report, now in press, of the chief engineer and superin tendent of the W. fc W. R. R. Company, Colonel S. L. Fremont, in whose ripe thoughts and mature judgment every one hereabouts have the most un varying confidence. We copy it from the manuscripts of the report, and respectfully, but earnestly, ask general atten tion to the imposing facts which it contains. For the present, we place it, without further comment, in our columns. La bor Food. We cut out and designed publishing, for the benefit of the planting interest, an arrangement effected, or about being effected, with the military authorities of South Carolina, which enabled the agriculturalists to draw rations for their laborers from the United States authorities the planter se curing the government for the advance thus made out of the growing crop. Unfortunately this or der has been mislaid and we are obliged to make the above statement from memory, after a very cur sory perusal, To the Llmbleaa. We are requested to state that Governor Worth has issued a circular (in compliance with the order of the legislature,) to the sheriffs of the different counties of the j State, requesting them to ascer tain the number of men who hare lost a limb, of their respective counties, in the late war. Those unfortunate men will be supplied with artificial limbs, by reporting to the sheriffs of their respec tive counties. Those of New Hanover will report to high sheriff S. R. Bunting, who will take pleas ure in sending their names, &c, to Gov. Wrorth, in order that they may be properly supplied. We wonld suggest as a matter of importance, that each applicant should describe minutely the limb he may wish, giving the length and size minutely, in order that no mistake will occur when it is re ceived. A little care in this matter will save con siderable annoyance, and perhaps complaints in future. From Raleigh. We learn through private sourcess from Raleigh, that the engrossing subjects of conversation in and out of the general assembly, are the freedmen's code and the subject of banking. After a long, warm and earnest debate in com mittee of the whole house, and much vascillation and turning, upon the admissibility of negro testi mony in courts of justice, the committee deter mined by a vote of fifty-seven to fifty-three, to re commend its passage, and did so accordingly. Its success, however, is extremely doubtful in the lower house, and still more so in the senate. On the subject of banking, no settled plan has been foreshadowed out of the multitudinous schemes which have been informally considered and examined on the streets and in the legislative halls. In the absence of all mails, we are not posted as to the exact status of public affairs. So far as we are informed, nothing has yet been said about ad journment. But we doubt not, as spring ap proaches, and the season becomes more favorable for the cultivation of farms, this matter will be seriously considered and speedily acted upon. ' Our readers will recollect that Mr. W. W. Len oir resigned his seat at the Governor's council board. Mr. Simonton of Statesville, has been elected to fill the vacancy thus created. The Farmer. The second number of this monthly is before us. We have glanced over its table of contents, and they so commend themselves to our judgment that we will seize an early opportunity to submit extracts to the consideration of our readers. This magazine is devoted to agriculture, horti culture, the mechanic arts and household econo my. It is published in Richmond, by Elliott & Shields, at three dollars a year postage two cents upon each number. We find also upon our table " The Advocate of Peace," for January and February. We have not had an opportunity to examine its contents. It is distributed gratuitously postage six cents. The President Seta Hia Foot Down. We give much of the space of our crowded col umns this morning to two speeches made by Presi dent Johnson on Wednesday one to a delegation from Montana Territory, and the other to the party of colored persons headed by Fred. Doug lass. These addresses are quite plain enough to avoid mistakes. The President, in some parts, speaks so pat to the factious demonstration in Congress that it might be pronounced the Epistle of Andrew to Thaddeus. Thaddeus would have had Andrew's head in a charger ; but this epistle banishes the "vain thought." We recommend the speeches to our readers. The President rises in dignity as he displays the attributes which befit him for the storm that howls around him. In all history it is shown that miserable political tricksters engaged in hatching troubles and strife for their country always cower and fail before the force of manly courage and determination. The moment plotters of mischief are bravely and firmly met where they had hoped to inspire apprehension and dismay, they are more than half conquered. The President has but to maintain his position, and the conspirators, who are as weak as they are malignant, will soon be incapable of doing him or the country harm. Richmond Dispatch. We have read the speeches above referred to with much interest, and shall, as soon as the con dition of our columns will allow it, lay them be fore our readers. Georgia Senator. Alexander H. Stephens has recently been elected to the United States Senate, for the State of Georgia. "He said a short time since, I can not imagine any probable case in which I would refuse to serve to the best of my ability, the people of Georgia in any position which might be assigned to me by them or their representatives, whether assigned with or without my consent. The University. It appears that the trustees of this time honored institution have asked the State for seven thousand dollars a year, for four years, and a resolution passed the House on the 7th inst., to grant the prayer of the petitioners. Entxbsements. The president's reconstruction policy has been endorsed in the last few days by the states of Maryland, New Hampshire, Connec ticut and Virginia. As was announced under our telegraphic head yesterday, the joint committee appointed by the general assembly of Virginia to wait upon the president for the purpose of making a formal pre sentation of the resolutions passed by the legisla ture, endorsing his policy of reconstruction, were received by him on Saturday. His speech in reply to the chairman, Mr. Bald win, is worthy of the man and the occasion. A Biiiii passed the senate of Virginia fixing the salary of the Governor at five thousand dol lars ; that of the Secretary of State at twenty-two hundred ; Auditor's at three thousand five hun dred ; Treasurer's at two thousand five hundred. The trial of G. B. Lamar, jr., on a charge of complicity with his uncle, G. B. Lamar, in steal ing government cotton, was commenced before a military commission on Thursday last, in Savan nah. J. G. Sinclair, has been nominated by a demo cratic convention for Governor of New Hampshire, and J. E. English has been nominated by accla mation, by a like convention, for Governor of Connecticut. Mr. English has accepted. Valuable Information to Sheriff and Other. It is not generally known that the late conven tion repealed the revenue act in force at the close of the war, and reinstated the act of 1858 '59, as amended in 1860-'6L This is especially interest ing to sheriffs, peddlers, exhibitors of natural and artificial curiosities, et id omne genus. We learn from a Washington correspondent of the Wilmington Herald, that Major Wickersham of the freedmen's bureau for the Wilmington (N. O.) dis trict, has arrived there, and gives a very favorable condition of affairs in his baliwick. So far North Carolina appears in a more favorable light before the reconstruction committee than any other UU, President Johnson. We spread before the readers of the Journal to day, a report of President Johnson's speech to the " Montana" delegation, on Wednesday last. We were just about giving our readers the benefit of such observations as it suggested to us when we picked up the Richmond Dispatch and found its comments so coincident with our own ideas, and so forcibly put, that we hope we may be pardoned for adopting them verbatim. The late speeches of President Johnson to the citizens of MontanaTerritory, and to the deputation of Fred Douglass and others, have more of the "old Roman" about them than any enunciations which have been heard from the White House for many years. In reading them, we could almost imagine that Andrew Jackson, whose likeness hangs in the executive chamber, was once more holding the reins of state, and making the whip crack about the disturbers of the public peace. It is evident that the president has thoroughly considered his position, that he appreciates its obligations and responsibilities, and has marked out his course with equal clearness and determina tion. He says, indeed, that the declaration of the great principles of the government announced in his message to congress "was not the result of impulse," but "was the result of a thorough and calm consideration of those great truths which lie at the foundation of all free governments." "After having gone so far, it is too late for me to turn and take a different direction. They will be my guide from this time onward, and those who un derstand them may know where I shall alwfl ys be found when principle is involved." To clinch the conviction in the public mind that he takes no step backward, but that he will be governed in his action by the principles announced in his mes sage, he declares that his political race is run ; that his work is to restore the government, and not to make combinations with reference to any future candidacy for the presidency of the United States. "I feel that I can afford to do right ; and as far as in me lies I intend to administer this government upon the principles that lie at the foundation of it." Nothing could be more emphatic and signifi cant than these declaration?, nor more manly and appropriate than the spirit in which they are an nounced. It is no ordinary person who thus rises to the magnitude of this occasion. He who traces his career back from the White House to a log cabin demonstrates by such sentiments as these that it was no accident of fortune which bore him to his lofty elevation. A powerfid, sagacious, and practical intellect, and indomitable energy of will, could alcne have achieved such a triumph over adverse circumstances ; and these qualities are so distinctly exhibiting themselves in his adminis tration of public affairs that, unless the whole country goes stark raving mad, it will sustain, without regard to section or party, the principles which Andrew Johnson announces, and catch the inspiration of his comprehensive patriotism and unerring common sense. Not inferior in importance to the views contained in the address to the Montana delegation are those in reply to Douglas, Downing and others. They manifest clearly that the President has no inten tion of sanctioning political experiments, even in the district of Columbia, which, under the name of liberty, would violate the first principles of re publican government, and under . the pretence of improving the condition of the emancipated class es would end in their utter ruin. "It is not for the government of the United States to change the franchise." He administers a pungent thrust at the gentlemen of " handsomely-rounded peri ods and rhetorical talk," and says that " this kind of theoretical, hollow, impractical friendship amounts to but very little." He reminds the blacks that they have gained a great deal by the war, while the white man has lost a great deal, and that if one is to be turned looee upon the other at the ballot-box by a forced state of things, driven on a community in opposition to the majority, it can not but be productive of great disaster. It is to be hoped that these wise and temperate counsels will be heeded. They come from a man who is evidently seeking the best interests of all classes of the community, and who intends to maintain those interests to the full extent of the executive power. Sunday ltuilroading. Forty years ago, in the simple, old-fashioned days of show coaches and mail stages, it would have dumbfounded the whole christian community to have seen a steam engine with a heavy train of cars snorting, puffing and rattling across our coun try on the Sabbath day ; but in these days of fast people and fast things, even christians clamor for Sunday trains. They cannot wait for Monday to get the mail, and though they will not work on Sunday, yet they will take the Sunday train and go to town in order to transact their secular busi ness early Monday morning. The sin of violating the sanctity of the Sabbath day by this species of labor, has become a national sin in this country. It was no doubt inaugurated by the avarice of rail road managers in the outset, and is the result ori ginally of individual transgression, but now it is demanded by public sentiment and becomes a pub lic or national sin. It was the public pressure that forced the managers of this road to put on a Sun day train. All other roads connecting with it had done so, and public sentiment demanded this ad ditional service upon the Atlantic & North Caroli na Railroad. We do not oppose this principle with any hope of correcting it, but merely to call attention to it as one of the great national sins of the day, for which our country has been and is now being so sorely scourged. We are also aware that "Young America " will denounce us as " old fogyish " for expressing these views. But that does not alter the fact that it is a great sin. Just think of it: Thousands of railroads, with hundreds of thous ands of operatives, running all over the United States on the Sabbath day, in utter disregard of the divine command, "Remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy." But the edict has gone forth. The public de mand the running of a train on the A. & N. C. roilroad, and the Directory have ordered it to be done, and to-morrow this service will commence. Newbern Times. Rather squeamish, yet the action of the roads is possibly right at least so decided by public sentiment, as far, we believe, as the preference of ninety-nine out of one hundred of our population is concerned. Shall an ox be removed from a ditch of ntire on Sunday? Why, then, shall not thous ands of anxious and almost penny less travellers be passed along their course ? Would you let them lin ger and suffer twenty-four hours about depots, station houses, and liquor shops along the roads, subjected to all manner of unchristian temptation and disappointment? Rather let them fly upon their way, to the home of their friends and dear ones, thanking Christ for his Sundays, and that he has given power to the railroad companies to teach them the lesson of true gratitude. State Agent. Why members of the legisla ture should desire to create such an office at Wash ington, we are at a loss to determine. Surely "rea son has fled to brutish beasts," when such silly farces are enacted in the General Assembly. Wheat Crop. We are pleased to hear that the wheat crop is looking well in tie Western coun ties. Protest of D. D. Ferebee, Esq., Senator from the Second District, to the action of, the Sen ale in adopting the Second Section of the Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, in relation to Slave ry, December 2d, 1865. I desire to set forth briefly, and to have the same spread j upon the journals of the Senate, some of the reasons why I non-concur in the action of the Senate, in adopting the j proposed amendment to the constitution of the Uhited States, on the subject of slavery. In doing so, it is my desire to act and to be so understood in good faith and j proper loyalty, in the discharge of all my duties and obli gations to the federal government, and at the same time, not toforget the obligations I owe, in an equal degree, to my state, to truth, and to humanity. The amendment proposed to the constitution of the Uni ted States, and which is "submitted to us for our approval, is in the following words: " Sec. 1st. Neither slavery, nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the partv shall have been duly convicted shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. Sec. zd. Congress snail nave power io eniurce uus arti cle by appropriate legislation. " Appboveo, i ebruary 1st, isto. It is not denied that each of the Southern States, in obe dience to the plan of reconstruction proposed by the Presi dent or the Unitea states, actea m gooa iaun m aooiisn ing and forever prohibiting the institution of slavery with in its borders. It was a necessity required of them for readmissicn to the Union, and they accordingly submitted to it. In his relation to government, the slave bore a two-fold character as property, and as a human being. The former has been given up it has ceased it will not again exist. In regard then to that relation of the negro, but little leg islation is needed. If, therefore, the first section alone was proposed and adopted, the objection to it would not be so great, or so serious. All legislation for the negro in either relation would still be by the states. The federal government could have nothing to do with him in his con dition as property, except through the judiciary, and lim ited indeed would be the field over which that tribunal would be called to exercise its jurisdiction. But the second section of the proposed amendment pre sents another and quite a serious question. It proposes to legislate for the colored race within the State, in all matters where it may be supposed they are restrained in their rights and privaleges. If adopted it is clearly seen what a boundless field will again be opened, where restless politicians invited by ambition may act as trumpeters to animate the populace to discontent, turmoil and confu sion. It would open afresh, and with increased irritation in the body politic, the wounds, which all lovers of peace and order and constitutional liberty, had fondly hoped, were soon to be restored to permanent health and vitality. The Congress of the United states never has had, and unquestionably should not now have, the right to control, bv its legislation the municipal regulations of a State, either as to individuals or classes of individuals. These are properly and exclusively the subjects of State legisla tion. The power to legislate over such subjects is among the reserved rights of the States. It is a legacy which the wisdom of our fathers did not deem proper to bestow on the federal government. They did not desire or con template a consolidated government. The philosophy of government and of history they had studied with much profit and wisdom. Hence it was that the history of ages was so success fully laid under requisition to furnish principles for a gov ernment, which, while it guaranteed to each the greatest personal liberty compatible with happiness and the rights of man, under secure, at the same time, uniformity and per manency in its institutions and laws. That form of govern ment wrought up by their skillful hands, Minerva-like, seem ed to have sprung into existence in full shape and maturity. Under that government, the right to legislate for our own domestic institutions the right to make and enforce laws for the protection of our lives, our hearths, and our fire sides 1 say who shall testify in our courts, or sit in the jury box, or on our judicial benches who shall be invest ed with the elective franchise, or whether the negro may be permitted to intermarry with the white race; these rights truly constitute, to the states, the very keystone in the arch upon which rests the temple of liberty. The power to exercise all these rights, by the congress of the Unit ed States will doubtless be claimed and used under that sacred section. The freedom of the negro is a question of fact, which every one will decide according to his pe culiar idoas as to what constitutes freedom. The advo cates of negro equality will, under this amendment, con tend that he is not free, so long as there is a distinction or discrimination between him and the white man ; they will insist that there shall bo but one law, common to both races. It is further urged that the constitution of the southern states, by reason of their sanction of slavery, are therefore anti-republican, and that we must approve this amend ment in order to be restored to the Union, and to be enti tled to the protection of the government. The occasion furnishes a pretext rather than a reason for this action of the federal congress. Jf the people of the southern states were lawfully in the possession or slave property, and were entitled to the protection and regulation of the same under the constitution, what circumstances have made that right a wrong ? The war could not do it. What was constitu tionally right before the war, cannot, abstractly, be other wise after it. The war settled no principle of interpreta tion of the constitution. If the constitution of any state that sanctioned slavery was for tha t reason anti-republican after the war, it must have been equally so before the war.. If otherwise, what excuse could bo reudered by the federcl government for delaying so long to guarantee to the southern states a republican form of government? It was a criminal neglect in them if the present position be true. But why cail the national government a republic, if the toleration of slavery by the constitution of a state makes it anti-republican ? There was a time in the history of the country when the constitutions of all the states per mitted slavery, and therefore by present logic they were not then republican in their form of government. The federal government being composed of ' powers delegated" by tne people or tne states tor the good or all, cannot, in its tnbstanco and spirit, differ from the doners. The argu ment, therefore, so often used and persistently urged, that these southern states are anti-republican, because of their pro-slavery constitutions, proves too much and ac cordingly fails. By giving our assent to this constitutional amendment, we yield into the hands of Congress the right of a state to legislate for itself. When that right is once granted, it can never be recalled. By this donation the states exhaust their powers, and render themselves ever afterwards impotent for self-protection. If Congress once begins to legislate for the states, it will never stop until the power of the states to make laws for themaelvKs is entirely swept away. The beginnings- of confusion may, indeed, be feeble enough; yet, in the history of this lmtiou we know not but that we may see an infancy till more feeble, growing by movements into a strength to heap mountains upon mountains, and to wage war with Heaven itself. Better be despis' d for too anxious apprehensions than ruined by too confident a security. To cany out the idea conveyed by this amendment, and such others of like import as will undoubtedly be propo sed, and our sanction asked, to change the character of the government entirely. A revolution is demanded of us in all our social relations. II will not theti be the gov ernment of our fathers, but something new, set up by indiscreet reformers, under the guidance of passion; nor will it be the fruit of calmness and reflection,but 'f that spir it of innovation which is generally the result of a selfish temper and confined views. " People will not look for ward to pasterity, who never look backward to their an cestors. But why should the right to legislate for the freedmen be transferred to the Congress of the United States ? To do so, is not alone to yield an important right which our ancestors wisely reserved to the states, but it is to be stow it where there is less probability of its being exer cised judiciously than by the states. The negro will not be benefitted by it; it will add nothing to his comfort or his happiness. Here, he has grown up with his former owners; was the playmate of many of them. " His habits, his peculiar temperament, his wants, both physical and moral, are better understood by us than they possibly can be by strangers. Nor should we forget the moral tie which, at tho south, binds the two races together. The southern people are impulsive, with warm hearts and gen erous motives. Their sympathies are deeper and more lasting active over a wider field, and not so readily ex hausted as those of a people in a northern c!ime. it is concluded therefore, that the happiness of tho negro, in all that constitutes his moral and physical comforts, and hia general welfare, will not be promoted by yielding to the Congress of the United States the right to legislate for him within the states. But there is another serious objection, just now, to adopting this amendment. It is proposed at a time when the Southern States are helpless to resist, and are there fore bound, to a great extent, to submit to dictation. Freedom of thought and action is not permitted to them. A rod is held over the Southern States, to force them into abject submission. In this great and momentus crisis we should feel our way hesitatingly and cautiously through the untried path, to a dark and eventful future. In this turmoil of passion and the consequent confusion of ideas, an effort is made to allure the States into the sanction of a proposition which, in the home of quiet and reflection of peace and order, they would not hesitate to re ject. Nothing is to be gained "by this concession. The yielding of our out-posts will but increase the desire and augment the power for another attack upon reserved rights. But what if after all our concessions after the full and undisguised evidence of our loyalty to the federal gov ernment and of our efforts to be re'stored to the Union, that we may participate ia its legislative councils, our motives shall, even then, be impugned our acts dispised our voice of entreaty be listened to with indifference be rejected be spurned? It would indeed be a cheap consolation to say, we have been imposed upon that for our obedience and our loyalty, we have been rewarded, in turn, by bad faith. We stand in position of great peril. It is not the part of wisdom to suffer ourselves to he entrapped into giving up the sovereign right of a State to make its own laws. I cannot in this or any other instance, suffer any cause out side of a vital sense of duty, to control my action. No extraneous circumstances no supposed contin- Eency can exempt me from the obligations imposed y truth and justice. Neither the hand of power, nor the allurements of place shall work a forfeit of that obligation which, in my judgment, honest action justly owes to intel ligent reason, to honor and humanity. For the reasons above assigned, I do protest against the action of the Senate, in adopting the second section of the proposed amendment to the constitution of the United States upon the subject of slavery, and ask that the same may be spread upon the journal of the Senate. D. D. FEREBEE, Senator from the second district. The negroes on the Sea Islands, near Charles ton, refuse to permit the whites to land. In a crowd pf pickpockets be on your watch, or your watch won't be long pa you, - From the Washington Intelligencer of the 8th. Important Speech of the' President -Interview of v Delegation from Montana.. Yesterday morning a large number of the citi zens of Montana Territory now in Washington City, called on the President. B. M. Pinney, Esq., U. S. Marshal for the Territory, Chief Justice Hos mer; General Barrows, and twenty-five or thirty others, were among the number. Mr. Pinney addressed tne 1'resident on oenaii of the delegation. He said : Mr. president, it becomes my duty as a member of this delegation to assure you that the principles announced in vour annual message to eongress;and your policy in relation to tne present political condition oi this country, have gladdened the hearts of the people of our own mountain land, Montana. Ave are using no iaie or unnecessary woras wnen we assure you that we take the greatest possible plea sure in saying that we recognize in you, as the chief magistrate of this great nation, a person who possesses that sound mind, that general knowledge, that firm and patriotic devotion to the real interests and welfare of the whole country which are necessary to carry it safely over the ocean of political speculation and debate. We attach no great importance to this asseveration of our feelings in relation to yourself, bnt we should be doing injustice to ourselves, injustice to the people of the Territory of Montana, and should merit their severest censure if we did not say that we firmly believe that if you meet with a cordial and generous support on eveiy hand, this nation would come forth from the present political crisis a stronger and better nation, prepared to take a higher stand and do a nobler work on the platform of history than has ever yet been allotted to any nation of the earth. Motana has scarcely had a two years' political existence, and already numbers fifty thousand inhabitants. Places of habitation and of business are dotted all over our fertile valley's and our nu- merons thoroughfares are constantly trembling with the crush of merchandise. The gold and silver which the Almighty had long kept hidden and garnered in our hills and ravines, have been revealed or discovered at a time when the nation needs new channels of flowing wealth to supply her treasury; and Montana possesses, as well as great mineral wealth, all those agricultural resour ces so well calculated to make her early populous and powerful. At the same time we trust we are not unmindful of the vast importance of promul gating correct political sentiments. We believe that we are starting right, aud will be starting right, if we advocate zealously those great political truths which you have proclaimed to this country and to the world, and which we understand to lie at the foundation of all good governments. The President ieplied as follows : Gentlemen : It is no ordinary pleasure for me to meet you here on this occasion and to hear the sentiments you have announced. To receive so large and respectable a body of intelligent gentle men from that remote region of the country from which you come, is extremely gratifying to me. In response, sir, addressing Mr. Pinney, to the elo quent manner in which you have expressed the sentiments and feelings of those you represent on this occasion, I might content myself with simply returning my thanks for your kind expressions. But you have made some allusions to which, under the circumstances which surround us, I cannot be indifferent. You have alluded to the great princi ples of our government having been enunciated by me in a paper sent a short time since to the Congress of the United States. The declaration by me of those principles was not the result of im pulse. It was the result of a thorough and calm consideration of those great truths which lie at the foundation of all free governments. Those who understood those truths, and have laid them down as their guide, cannot fail to understand the doctrines enunciated in the message. It is not necessary to inquire whether they emanate from this man or that man. Those who understand and believe in those principles, no matter from what standpoint they look at them, will find themselves involuntarily, and imperceptibly it may be, but surely coining together in all great struggles that may take place in regard to them; while those who disclaim them, who are willing to repudiate them, and set them at naught, will be found dssintegra ting and traveling in a divergent direction. For this reason there may be many now coming to gether without any previous concert or arrange ment, but imperceptibly, because they agree on the same great principles. I think, gentlemen, there is no one who can mistake the great cardinal principles that are laid down in that message. I hey comprehend and embrace the principles upon which the government rests, and upon which, to be successful, it must be administered. I care not by what name the party administering government may be denominated the union party, the republican part-, the demo cratic party, or what-not no party can adminis ter the government successfully unless it is admin istered upon the great principles laid down in that paper. You would meet with about the same suc cess in attempting to cany on the government upon any other principles than those which are found in the constitution, as you would if you should take hold of a piece of machinery that had been constructed and trained to run harmoniously in one direction, and attempt by reverse action to run it in the opposite direction. I say again that I think no one can mistake the doctrines of that message. It is very easy for persons to mis represent it and to make assertions that this, that, or the other had taken place or will take place; but I think I may be permitted to say to you on this occasion that, taking all my antecedents, going back to my advent into political life, and continuing down to the present time, the great cardinal jrinciples set forth in that paper have been my constant and unerring guide. After having gone so far, it is impossible for me to turn and take a different di rection. They will be my guide from this time onward, and those who understand them may know where I shall always be found when princi ple is involved. Here let me say to you, and in order to disabuse the public mind as far as it is possible for an indi vidual to do so, that my public career is well-nigh done. The sand of my political glass has well-nigh run out. If I were disposed to refer to myself, I might trace my career back to the log cabin, then an alderman and a mayor in a village, then throughout both branches of the state legislature, then for ten consecutive years in the national house of representatives, then through the gub ernatorial chair to the Senate of the United States, then provisional governor, with a slight participa tion in military affairs, then vice president, and now in the position I occupy before you; and now in this position, if I can be instrumental in restor ing the government of the United States, in re storing to their true position in the union those states whose relation to the national government have been for a time interrupted by one of the most gigantic rebellions that ever occurred in the world, so that we can proclaim once more that we are a united people, I shall feel that the meaure of my ambition has been filled, and filled to overflow ing; and at that point, if there be any who are en vious and jealous of honor and position, I shall be prepared to make them as polite a bow as I know how, and thank them to take the place I have oc cupied, for my mission will have been fulfilled. In saying this, in the performance of my duty, and in response to the encouragement you have giv en me, I feel that I am in a condition not to be arro gant, not to feel imperious or supercilious. I feel that I can afford to do right, and so feel ing, God being willing, I intend to do right, and so far as in me lies I intend to administer this government upon the principles that lie at the foundation of it. I can inform all aspirants, who are trying to form their combinations for the future, who want to make one organization for one purpose, and another for another, that they are not in my way ; I am not a candidate for any position, and hence I repeat I can afford to do right, and, being in that condition, I will do right I make this an nouncement for the purpose of letting all know that my work is to restore the government not to make combinations with any reference to any fu ture candidacy for the Presidency of the United States. I have reached the utmost round ; my race is run, so far as that is concerned; my object is to perform my duty, and that I will endeavor to do. Let us all, then, join in this great work of re storation ; and while we are restoring and repair ing the breaches that have been made, let us also unite in the work of making new states and pop ulating them, with a people who are worthy of tho government which protects them, and let thoe new state, governments bo founded on princi ples in narmony wnn tne great machinery devised by our own fathers. So fur . rpminla assistance that can be given here in the progress ;iuu m iiie consummation ot tins great work of building up new states, as well as i'n the restora tion of all former states, you will find me a wil- I" "1 i ung unu coraiai neiper. Gentlemen. I did not expect tl X vivfiibiUHUJJj but you will please accept my thanks for the com- imuiejui, you nave paia me on tins occasion, and the encouragement you have given mo in the dis charge of my duty. All I can say in conclusion is to any assistance you may need from this miarter ue mosi cneeriimy given, to advance the in terests of the community you represent. reported for the journal. Remarks of Mr. Hymnn of Kl- oinl , hi committee of the whole House, February SA, on the bill alltroing negro testimony, to which he oJfWed the following amendment: "provided that the prorisians of this act shall not qo into operation until military lato shall cease to ctist in the State" Mr. Chairman : I have not introduced this amendment with the view of altering the effect of the bill now before the committee, but with the view of allaying to some extent the passions and prejudices of some of its opponents. I am aware, sir, how difficult it is to get the mastery of passions produced in early youth, which have strengthened within our breasts, as time has passed Over our heads; and which have been instilled into our na ture, to such an extent as to influence our opin ions and control our actions. I have received those same passions and prejudices as other gen tlemen, but I have earnestly endeavored to com prehehd the present emergency, to look facts in the lace, and to act as becomes the situation, yielding not to my fellings, but to my judgment. I have great sympathy for the negro in his pres ent unfortunate condition. Freedom lias been suddenly bestowed upon him, by an agency over which he had no control. He has lost the protec tion and fostering care of a master, to whom he was accumstomed to apply in all cases where his right of person or property was the subject oi controversy. I, sir, opposed this change of hi.- condition with all the might that was in me, with all the power that I could command. I approved of the position taken by the south four years ago. I entered the army of the Confederate States among the first, and was present when the last gun was fired at Appomatox, and I have no remorse of con science believing then, as I do now, that duty to my native state and south, required my services in the late civil war. I considered the points at issue as vital to the best interests of both classes in the south. But, sir, when our armies surrender ed, our experiment failed, and our independence was lost, I accepted the situation as I found it, and shall strictly conform to the requirements of the obligations I have since contracted. I favor this bill, Mr. Chairman, both as an a. t of justice to the negro, and one of policy for our selves. The negro, in my opinion should be al lowed to appear before a juiy of white men, with white justices, or a white judge on the bench, ami testify as to any injury he may have received, either in person or property ; for to deny him tliat right may induce him by exasperation to commit retaliatory acts of violence. It is not the honest and upright man that need fear aught from ncgn evidence, for the character and bearing of the wit ness, and all the circumstances under which his testimony, is given, have their effect either one way or the other, both with judge and jury. Now, sir, I ask gentlemen, if it is not just and "right in the present condition of things, for us to allow negro testimony, and not close the doors of onv courts of justice on that unfortunate race? lb must either meet force with force, or be. tho vic tim of every evil minded person who may choose to defraud him. Nothing, sir, in my humble opin ion, is more calculated to bring trouble between the races, tho deplorable effects of which will 1. acknowledged by all, than to force this convict inn upon the negro, that there is no legal way in which he can make know n his injuries, or have his wrongs redressed. I believe that policy imperatively demands thai we should concede this much to satisfy the pres ent congress. Tho victors, on the surrender el our armies, were in a situation to exact any con ditions or terms of us, and had tho power 'to en force the demands. I am happy, however, to sir. sir, that President Johnson has been magnanimous and liberal in his policy towards us. He has been kind and conciliatory. He has stood as a wall of adamant betw een us and the radicals and fact ion -ists of the north, who, disregarding every consid eration of liberality and humanity, are striving to confiscate our lands, and are thirsting for our blood. This spirit of agrarianism received its birth in puritanical New England. It had few supporters at first, but its advocates were energet ic and persevering. It gathered strength little be little, until It has become a mighty torrent that our puny arm, unsupported by the power and mor al influence of the established government, can never hope to resist. It is a spirit of Jacobinism of jealousy between property and non-property holders as radical as ever entered the breasts of a Danton or Murat. The president is acting a sincere part towards us; and is striving with all the means in his power to re store the state to its former position in the union. Can any sane man deny to the president that moral siqjport which an honest and manly co-operation with him in his policy of reconstruction would give to his administration? Can any one afford t weaken him in the mighty political struggle, tin result of which will be an infinity of weal or wo. to the south? Should the radicals succeed, and the president fail in his policy, upon our devote. I heads will fall all the horrors which hatred and malice could inflict. I ajipeal, sir, in the name of justice, strengthen ed by policy, to gentlemen on this floor, to giant this boon so necessary to the protection of the negro in his new condition, and to the present tion of the peace and good order of society-. I! we grant this gracefully and promptly, ft place us in a strong moral position, as men who comprehend the present condition ot affairs; who feel the weight of their responsibility to their country, and who have the boldness toswt prompt ly on this important question now under dimen sion. This, sir, in my opinion, will have its influ ence upon the destiny of this country. The Georgia Senators. Preferring to the re cent election by the legislature of Georgia, of the Hon. A. H. Stephens and the Hon. H. V. John son as United States senators, the Washingt on City National Intelligencer say " It were better h r the republic if men of their stamp of politics in other days, and of their great and experienced ability, were on the floor of congress, in the place of so many who hold their positions by the con cert of small politicians, and by caucus intrigue, bargaining and corruption." The Intelligencer expresses in the foregoing what is the common sentiment of the conservative papers and men at the north, while the radical press an 1 men, denounce the election of the distinguished Georgians as only another evidence of persistent disloyalty in our state. For our own part, we do not hesitate to affirm that there are no two men in the whole United States that are more loyal to the government than our two recently elected senate r-: and no two men better qualified to promote it prosperity and restore a harmonious union of th states north and south, if permitted to take their seats in the senate of the United States, than tin ,. are, let radical abolitionists say what they may ! Atlanta Intelligence?: A Cold IN THE Head. A T)r. Pnliore of St France, has discovered a new method of curi IK' tne special malady of JNew liugland cold in t head. Herewith is the description: "It consftfits in inhnlinrr tlironcrli tlm ms( tii- emanations of ftmmnnin contained in n. sm. Uii bottle. If the sensnof smell is eomnlotelviiblitei - ated, the bottle should be kept under the nose un til the pungency of the volatile alkali is felt. The bottle is then removed, but only to be re-apphed after a'minnte: the second application, however. should not be long, that the patient may bear it. lhis easy operation ueing repeated seven or eight ii Tripsin the eonrse of fivft minnf.r Imf nlmivs vel'V rnnirllv. exeeTlt the first tim thf nostrils become free, the sense of smell is restored and the secre tion of the irritating mucous is stopped. This remedy ia said to be peculiarly advantageous to singers,"
Wilmington Journal [1844-1895] (Wilmington, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Feb. 15, 1866, edition 1
2
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