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THE WILMINGTON JOURNAL. WILMINGTON, N. C, FEBRUARY 22, 1866. Sampson County Rectus Incuria. Our readers will recollect that sometime since an allegation was preferred against the county court of Sampson for selling free negroes into bondage. The facts are, as we understand them sometime before Christmas, Mr. Rich'd Holmes, the Captain of the county police, having reasons to apprehend an insurrectionary movement was afoot, sent a communication to the general com manding this district, apprising him of the condi tion of affairs, and asking for instructions in the premises. He was directed to exercise discretion ary powers. Sometime after, a negro fellow was brought before him,in his official character,and he was sentenced to be imprisoned for costs and fees until the amount was paid. The negro very natu rally, wishing to avoid close confinement, made some outside arrangement to labor for some one unknown to the writer, until the amount duo was liquidated. The very head and front of Mr. H's of fending hath thi3 extent no more. Upon the charges preferred against Mr. Holmes an investi gation was instituted and carried to its just con clusionthe exoneration and commendation of Mr. Holmes. The Wilmington Herald of the 13th say? this is considered as the final decision of the affair, and it is a matter of congratulation to all good citizens that the result has proven Captain Holmes to have acted in such a manner throughout the whole af fair, as to merit the hearty approval of the gov ernment authorities. The following is the extract referred to: "I find upon a thorough investigation of all the allegations made against Capt. Holmes, that not one of them has any foundation in fact. "Every exertion was made to arrive at a perfect understanding of the whole matter, that all facts might be presented to the bureau in the proper light, and after a rigid examination of all the facts in the case, I feel fully justified in saying that Capt. Holmes is exonerated from any blame in the premises, but on the contrary froin sufficient evi dence, I am convinced that he is the right man in the right place, and that no man could better sub serve the interest of the county or the govern ment." Artificial Limbs. Tho Wilmington journal in referring to this matter eug gesta an early measurement of the liruba, &c, in order to immediate supply. This i9 premature. Governor Worth's object in the circular is first to ascertain as soon as possi ble, what number of aoldiera there are in each County of the State, who lost an arm or a leg or both, while engaged i n the late war. in order that he may act advisedly in m akuig hia contract with the makers of artificial limbs. He de sires to furnish each one with the best and most usefid limbs extant, and on tho best terms for the State. Hence the first thing to be ascertained, is tho number that will be needed in this State. After the contract is made, then the necessary arrangements will be adopted for tho meas urement, Ac, of limbs, of which tho public will be duly in formed. It is important therefore, that all soldiers de prived of limbs by the war in the service of the State or of the late Confederacy, shall at once give their names and the limb or limbs lost, to the Sheriffs of their several Coun ties. As the term soldiers, embraces both oftic rs and privates, of course both are included Raleigh Sentinel. When we penned our remarks to which the Sentinel alludes, we thought the idea of taking measure-nerd at the time the applicant gave his name, would not only save time, but also expense to the State. Individually it makes but little difference to ushow the thing is accomplished, but it seems to us when a contract is to be made, specifications are necessary to its faithful fulfil ment. Governor Worth, it is true, asked for noth ing more than the number in each County, who have lost a leg or an arm, or both. Wo thought then, and still think, that the legs and arms of human beings are not all the same length. Henco our suggestion. We hope our- ideas will be understood, whether they are appreciated or not We do not think we were premature in the suggestion. The Richmond Enquirer says President John eon has very much encouraged the-hopes of the Southern people, by the kind and firm conversa tion held with the Virginia delegation. He has renewed his assurances of firm determination to conduct the government upon the sound principles laid down in his annual message. He has indeed exhibited a boldness, a truthfulness and anun blenching determination which is at once cheering to the patriot and alarming to the black republi can hosts. His reply to Fred Douglas' delegation was a decided damper to the traders in negro suf frage. In speaking upon this subject, the New York ITeucs says the partisans of the majority in Con gress, have been startled by the words of Mr. Johnson, as by a peal of thunder. They have be come alarmed. In their anxiety to temporize, they seek to break the effect of bis language on the country. Yv'hat effect the President's recent utterances will have upon the elections which are soon to bo held in New England, remains to be seen. The Charleston S. C. Weekly Record, says: "The Bt. Bev. Thomas F. Davis, D. D., has been in our city on a visitation to the Episcopal churches here. He preached a sermon of great clearness and power at St. Paul's on Sunday, the fourteenth, and administered the apostolic rite of confirmation to eight candidates, white. In the afternoon he preached at Calvary Church, to an attentive congregation of negroes, and confirmed seven. On Wednesday, seventeenth, he confirm ed seventeen whites at St. Luke's. On Sunday, twenty-first he preached to an immense congrega tion a sermon of marked ability at Grace church, and confirmed twenty-three whites. In the after noon he preached again at St. John's chapel, and confirmed twenty-seven whites. At night he preached to an overwhelming congregation at St. Mark's church (the new colored congregation) and confirmed thirty. On Wednesday, he ordained to the holy office of deacon Mr. Thomas Gadsden, Bon of the late Bt. Bev. Christopher Gadsden, D. D., and confirmed two persons in private, making in all one hundred and fourteen added to the com munion of the church, and one ambassador sent forth to preach the Gospel in the same. The con gregations have all been large, and the number of candidates greater than on any occasion of an Episcopal visitation before. "Bishop Davis is perfectly blind, and his con dition gives peculiar seriousness and solemnity to the performance of his Episcopal ministrations. His health seems feeble, but his intellect burns with increased light and heat, whilst the depth and earnestness of his spiritual instruction and ex ample make him a blessing to the church over which he presides. He has left the city for a short visitation to adjoining parishes, but expects to re turn on the twelfth of February, when tbe Dioee si n Council will meet at Grace church on the four tetnth. He will preach, ordain, and administer confirmation at the church of Holy Communion on Sunday, the eighteenth of February." Banking. We see that our cotemporary, the Raleigh Sen tinel, is advocating a banking scheme based upon landed estate. That is to say, the capital will con eist of the lands of the stockholders. Now we are not familiar enough with banking projects to give oracular advice, but it does seem to us that all banks should be based upon a specie basis. Specie is the barometer, it is the sttinJard of ex change of the world. There is no blinking that aM. All other standards are fictitious, whether national or iaie. The world recognises specie. 1 j -James Ireleli Wnddcll. The subjoined letter from CaptAVaddell, of the Shenandoah, will not be without peculiar interest to his many relations and friend", who reside in this, his ancestral region: I am now in exile, but far from being k ruined man. I won't go to sea any more if I can help it. Tho feeling shown toward me through the restric tion placed on my wife is decided. It is just the feeling I like, though the tyranny to her is humil iating to the nature of man. I have written her to release her bondsmen and inform the govern ment that she ow es her allegiance to her husband. As my case now stands, I do not think the bond is worth the paper it is written on. In a court of law, I know it would fail. W,n lisivfiKpen MY. Wells'-vpiiort. I 8UDtose. He does me justice when he writes that I "ceased my depreciations wnen l nearci Mr. lavis was - pris oner." He wilfully lie3 when he writes that I continued "cruising against unarmed whale ships when I knew that ihc armies of the south had sur rendered." The facts are these: After reaching Behring'a Sea, I captured the ships William Thompson and Susan Abigail. Both had left San Francisco in April last. These cap tures were made about the 23d of June, and from each I received the San Francisco papers. These professed to have the correspondence between Generals Lee and Grant, concerning the surren der of Gen. Lee's army. They also stated that Mr. Davis and cabinet were in Danville, to which the Confederate Government had been removed, and that Mr. Davis had issued a proclamation in forming the southern people (hat the war would bo carried on with renewed 'vigor. I was made possessor of as late news by these two captures as any the whalers had, and I con tinued my work until it was completed in the Arc tic Ocean on the 28th of June, when I had suc ceeded hi destroying or dispersing the New Eng land whaling fleet. I left tho Arctic on the 29th of June, and shipped from some of the whalers eight men on that very day men of intelligence, all trained soldiers. It is not to be believed those men would have taken service in the Shenandoah if they believed the war ended. After leaving Behring's Sea, I fell in with no vessel until I communicated with the British bark Barracouta, from San Francisco 2d August, four teen days, bound for Liverpool. She informed me of the capture of Mr. Davis and a part of his Cab inet ; also of tho surrender of Generals Johnston's, Smith's and Magrudcr's 'armies." The Barracouta furnished that news the first time I had heard it, and I instantly ceased to cruise, and steered for Cape Horn. Before communicating with theBar- racouta I intended to look into tho Gulf of Lower California, and then to await the arrival of a Cali fornia steamer bound for Panama. The Barra couta's news surprised us, and among some of the officers I witnessed a terror which mortified me. I was implored to take the vessel to Australia; that to try to reach a European port would be fatal to all concerned ; petitions were signed by three fourths of the officers asking to be taken to Cape Town, arguing and picturing the horrors of cap ture, and all that sort of stuff. I called the officers and crew to the quarter deck and said calmly to them : "I intend taking this ship to Liverpool; I know there is risk to be run, but that has been our associate all this time. We will be sought after in the Pacific and not in the Atlantic." They supported my views, and then followed a letter from the crew signed by 71 out of 110 saying that they had confidence in me, and were willing, nay, desired to go with me wherever I thought best to take the vessel. I had, of course, a very anxious time, painfully anxious, because the officers had set a bad example to the crew. Their conduct was nothing less than mutiny. I was very decided with some of them; I had to tell one othcer 1 would be captain or me on ciecK, anu rue vessel should go to no other port than Liverpool. So ended my trouble with complaints and suppli cations from the officers. The men behaved no bly, and stood firmly to their decision. " ' THE SHENANDOAH ran from the Arctic to Liverpool in 130 days; from the line on the Pacific side to the cape in 2G days; from the line to Liverpool in 24 days. Two of my crew' died of disease when nea- Liverpool; other wise nothing happened to mar our cruise; no ac cident occurred during the cruise. So ends my naval career and I am called a "pi rate !" I made New England suffer, and I do not regret it. I cannot be condemned by any honest thinking man. I surrendered the vessel to the British government, and all are unconditionally released. My obstinacy made enemies among some of the officers, but they now inwardly regret their action in the Cape Town affair. The banking house, belonging to "the bank of North Carolina," situated in Wilmington, upon the intersection of Front and Princess streets, and until recently, iised in part for a postoffice, was sold yesterday.at public auction, for seven thousand six hundred dollars gold rates one-third of the purchase money to be paid down; the payments to be made in specie or in the notes of the corpora tion, at the rate of four for one. Mr. D. Kahn weiler became the purchaser. If the rest of the lot could be purchased and a hotel built upon it.it would be a capital investment. The site is better adapted for mch a purpose than any other in Wil mington, and a good hotel is the great necessity of the town. Daily Journal, 16th iust. - coT3rr-ic.vrED. Liberality Acknowledged. Washington, N. C, Feb. 5, 1866. Messes. Editors : We desire to acknowledge through the columns of your paper.- the great kindness and liberality of our former townsman, W. II. Willard, Esq., to those in our community who have suffered severely by the war and its con sequences. After the evacuation of Washington and its par tial destruction in the spring of 1864, Mr. W. con tributed the sum of $.",000 to the relief of the suf ferers. 'In the ensuing fall, in view of the neces sities of winter, he gave the additional sum of 81,000. During the present w inter lie has forwarded 250 lbs. of cotton yarn, for the same benevolent pur pose. -This has all been done in the most private and unostentatious manner. As we arc unable to make any return, except our grateful thanks, it will bo a pleasure o us, and we think duo Mr. W.. to express them publicly. Many Recipients. Genekai. Khekman makes a Speech. General Sherman was honored with a public reception in Detroit last week, when he concluded a speech as follows: "I never expect to again command a military force. We are too powerful for our peace to be destroyed in tho future by a domestic war or a foreign foe. The country has too many men such as those whom I now see around me, some of whom accompanied me through the pine forests of Georgia and the Carolinas, for its quiet to be lightly disturbed. Applause. Michigan herself alone, and certainly w hen backed up by Illinois, Indiana and Wisconsin, could raise an army large enough to not only repel, but crush any force or power that should dare infringe upon our borders. Cheers. Our national affairs will shortly be re stored to a safe and permanent basis. Congress, when it has finished a certain amount of talk, as all popular assemblies must, will speedily settle all questions. Applause. A year ago you were anxious for the army which I had the honor to command. It had disappeared from your sight; you heard nothing from it, and knew not where it was, nor where it was going. Exercise equal faith now, and matters will come out as well. Cheers. I know the man at the head of affairs at Washing ton, and all we have to do is to trust him. Ap- mause.j mtercise ioroearance ana patriotism, applause and give the president our hearty and earnest support. Applause. We certainly have a bright prospect before us." At the seventh regiment ball, New York, last week, the flowers alone for decorating the "Colo- i uci a xjua. cost cuw. vju it uut uiere wiu vts a . 1 T t A Artrtrt "I 'i 1 i A.1 Ml 1. - round turn before long. Visit or Colored Delegation to tho PresidentSpeech of Fi ed, DouglassReply or the President. The telegraph has already briefly announced the views of the President on negro suffrage, as expressed to a delegation of colored men, who re cently had an interview with - him. Th delega tion consisted of thirteen person?, from different portions of the union ramong the Calvin Pepper (white,) and John M. Brown and Alexander Dun lap (colored) from Virginia. The president shook hands kindly with each member of the delega tionFred. Douglas first advancing for that pur- . rry j.1 1 A, .1 1. pOSC tjeorge X. UOWlllIlg Viitii uurpsistu iuc president, saying: Mr. President: We come to you in the name of the colored people of the United States. Ve are delegates from Illinois, Wisconsin, Alabama, Florida. Maryland, Pennsylvania, New York, the six New England states, ana tne jjisnicc 01 Co lumbia. We are not satisfied merely with an amendment prombitingslavery, but we want it en forced. We are Americans and citizens of the United States, and bear no doubtful record, uu this fact we base our hope. We also cherish the hope that we may be fully enfranchised,- not only here in this District, but throughout the land. Fred. Douglass then said: "Mr. President, we are not here to enlighten you, sir, as to your du ties as the chief magistrate of this republic, but to show our resnect. and to present, in brief, the claims of our race to your favorable consideration. In the order of Divine Providence, you are placed in a position where you have the power to save or destroy us to bless or blast us. J. mean our wnuie race, lour uooie aim uiui!Kut.'ii:uciramu iv. in our hands the sword to assist in saving the na tion, and we do hope that you, his able successor, will favorably regard the placing in our hands the ballot with winch to save ourselves. The fact that we are the subjects of government, and subject to tamtion. subieet to volunteer in the service of the country, subject to being drafted, subject to bear tho burdens of the state, makes it not improper that we should ask to share in the privilege of this condition. I have no speech to submit on this occasion. I simply submit these observations as a limited expression of the views and feelings of the delegation with which I have come." The president soul: It liiave not given eviueiice. in mv nast course that I am a friend to humanity, and especially to the colored population, then I can give no evidence lor wnat 1 may no nereaner. F.vprrthincr that I have had, both as regards life and property, has been periled in this cause, and I feel and think that I understand what should be the true direction of this question, and what course of policy would result in the amelioration and ultimate elevation, not only of the colored, but the great mass of the people of the United States. I say, that if I have not given evidence that I am a friend of humanity, and especially the friend of the colored man in my past conduct, there is nothing that I can do now that would be a guarantee for the future. I repeat, all that I possessed, in life, liberty and property have been put up in connection with that question, when I had every inducement held out to take the other course by adopting which I would have accomplished!, perhaps, all that the most ambitious might have desired. If I know myself, and the feelings of my own heart, they have been for the colored man. I have owned slaves and bought slaves, but I never sold one. I miaht sav. however, that practically,- to far as my connection with slaves has gone, I Jiavn been their slave instead of their being mine, borne nave even followed me here, while others occupying and enjoying my property with my consent. I or the colored race, my means, my timo;tmy all have been perilled, and now, at this late day, after giv ing evidence that is tangible, that is practical, 1 am free, to say to yon, that I do not like to be ar raigned by some' who can get up handsomely rounded periods and deal in rhetorical talk about abstract ideas of liberty, who never perilled life, liberty or property. This kind of theoretical, hn!lnw. nrmractical friendship, amounts to but very; little. While I say that I am a friend of the colored man, I do not want to adopt a policy that I believe will end in a contest between the races, which, if persisted in, will result in the extermi nation of one or the other. God forbid that I should be engaged in such a work. Now it is best to talk practically and in a com mon sense way. Yes, I have said, and I repeat here, that if the colored man in the United States could find no other Moses that would be more able and efficient than myself, I would be his Moses to lead him from bondage to freedom ; that I would pass him from a land where he had lived in slave ry, to a land if it were in our reach of freedom. Yes, I would be willing to pass with him thro.ugb the Red Sea to the land of promise the land ot bbertv. But I am not willinr. under either cir cumstance, to adopt a policy which I believe will only result in the sacrifice of his life, and the shed ding of his blood. I think I know what I hay, I feel what I say, and Pfeel well assured that if the noliev urffed bv some be persisted in, it will re sult in great injury to the white as well as to the colored man. There is a great deal of talk about the sword in one hand accomplishing an end and the ballot accomplishing another. We talk about justice, and say that the white man has been in the wrong in keeping the black man in slavery as long as he was. That is all true. Again, we talk about the Declaration of Indepen dence and eaualitv before the law. We under stand all that, and know how to appreciate it. Let us look each other in the face. Suppose we should, bv some macric. tell every colored man he could vote to-morrow, how would that ameliorate their condition to-day ? But let us get closer up to this thincr. I was opposed to slavery on two ground. First, it was a great monopoly, enabling those who controlled and owned it to constitute an aristocra cy enabling the few to derive great profits and rule the many. I was opposed to it secondly up on the abstract principle of slavery. It has now been abolished. A great nation's guarantee has been (riven on the subject, and cannot be revoked In Tennessee there are twenty-seven non-slave holders to one slaveholder, yet the slaveholding Dower controlled that btate. Have you never lived on a plantation? Addressing Douglass. Douglass. I have, sir. The President. When you looked over and saw a poor white man with a large family of children, did vou not think less of that man than ot your master's negroes? Don't ve know, furthermore, to get at this great idea and run it out distinctly, that on a New Year's day they would hire to a man who owned slaves in preference to one who did not own them? We all know that such was the case with a large majority of you in those sections. Where such is the case we know there is an enmity, we know there is a hate. The poor white man, on the other hand, was opposed to the slave and his master, for the colored man and his master combined kept him in slavery hy depriving him of a fair partici pation in the labor and productions of the rich land of the country. Don't you know that a col ored man is going to hunt a master, as they call it? For the next year they will prefer living with a man who owned slaves rather than with one who did not. I know the fact, at all events. Mr. Douglas. Because they treated him bet ter. The President. They did not consider it quite as resp&ctable to hire to a man who did not own negroes, as to hire to one who did. Mr. Douglas. Because he would not be treated as well. The President. Then that is another argument in favor of what I am going to say. It shows that the colored man appreciated the slaveholder more highly than he did the man who did not own slaves ; hence the enmity between the colored man and the non-slaveholder. The white man was permitted to vote before the government was derived from him. He is a part and parcel of the political machinery. Slavery was not the cause of this war, its aboli tion was one of the natural incidental results in the great work of suppressing the rebellion. The non-slaveholder, who was as loyal as those beyond the State, and who was forced into the rebel armies, gained nothing, but lost everything. On one hand the black man has gained a great deal, while the white man has lost a great deaL Now, j should one be turned loose upon the other at the ballot box with all this hatred between the races ? I think I understand this thing.' Suppose, for instance, here in this political community, in the District of Columbia, we take into consideration tho former condition of the white and colored man, and suppose we give the franchise to all without regard to qualification, is it right to force it upon them in opposition to the majority ? We must have a controling power somewhere. If we should go to the State of Ohio with the intention of changing the franchise there, would it be right ? It is not for the government of the United States to do. Each community can determine their own affairs better. It is for the legislature and people of Ohio to say who shall vote, and not the Con gress of the United States. Now is anything wrong ? - -' Douglass. Yes, Mr. President, with all due re spect to you, I think a good deal iswrong. The president. If I know the feelings of my own heart I believe that a forced state of things, driven on a community, will result in their ruin. God knows, anything I can do I will do to elevate the race and soften and amelioi-ate their condition. The president urged upon the delegation to cul tivate the idea that the black man has the right to emigrate from the state where he has been held in bondage, if he is not properly treated ; he is not obliged to live on the old plantation. Mr. Douglass. We thank you, Mr. President, for kindly giving us an interview. We did not come to argue, sir; but if your excellency would be pleased to her. I would bike to say a word in re gard to the enfranchisement of the blacks, and to show you that the difficulties can only be avoided by the very measures we propose. Let the black man once have a right to vote, and he will raise up a party in the southern states who will rally with him. There is this conflict that you speak of between the wealthy slaveholder and the poor man. Mr. President: You touch right upon the point there. There is this conflict, and hence I suggest emigration. If he cannot get employment in the south, ho has it in his power to go where he can get it. In parting, the president said that they were both desirous of accomplishing the same ends, but proposed to do so by following different routes. Mr. Douglass, on turning to leave, remarked to his fellow delegates: The president sends us to the people, and we will have to go and get the people right, The president: Yes, sir. I have great faith in the people. I believe they will do what is just, and have no doubt they will settle this question right, and hope that it will be submitted to them for final action. The delegates then bowed and withdrew. From tho Richmond Dispatch. Onr Young Men. It is stated by DeBow that at least fifty thousand Southern men have been added to the population of New York city since the close of the war. We regret that so many of our young men should deem it necessary to leave their native section, which stands so much in need now of all her children. We have no doubt that the desire-: of employment, the necessity of it inmany cases, h?is compelled this large emigration from the South. But where it is not essential to life itself that is the duty of all who love their native soil to stand by it in its adversity as in its prosperity. The pride which they feel in the spot of their birth, the ob ligations of gratitude and affection, sympathy with its sorrows, and aspirations for its future happi ness, unite to invoke them not to desert their old mother in the hour of adversity. The young men of the South are its jewels all of its treasure that a desolating war has left. Much of this treasure has gone forever, buried be neath the soil which it once adorned, and making that soil dearer than ever before to its possessors. Hundreds of thousands of these 3roung men have gone to a land from which there is no return. Will those who remain leave the family hearthstone, shrouded as it is in tho weeds of mourning, utterly solitary and desolate ? They would have deemed it an ignominious thing to desert their colors in the hour of battle, and would have pre ferred death to such a deed of shame. Is it less ruinous to forsake now the land for which they have ruado such struggles ? Can they not exer cise, in the peaceful efforts she is making for a restoration of her former prosperity, the same self denial, patience, perseverance, and energy, which they exhibit in war ? At a time when we are en d' avoring to invite immigration from all the world , and when our great necessity is labor, shall the emigration from the South far surpass that which is entering her borders ? Is the land that was once the garden of the earth to become a solitary and desolate place,, abandoned by the flower of its enterprise and energy, and left to relapse into a wilderness ? As southern men, we care not so much for the decline in material greatness which must be in volved in the abandonment of the South by any considerable number of its young men. Our peo ple have never been ambitious of great wealth. They have borne with heroic fortitude the loss of their worldly possessions. They look without a tear upon the havoc which the "ar has made in their personal fortunes. The natural emotions which such losses might arouse are swallowed up in the deeper grief over the loss of their best and bravest in the battle. But if to these is to be ad ded the loss by emigration of those who survive, the South may well be inconsolable. Then, in deed, may she take up the plaintive lamentation of the patriarch Jacob when, in the famine of Ca naan, he refused to permit his youngest son to go down to Egypt. "Me have ye bereaved of my " children ; Joseph is not, and Simeon is not, and " ye will take Benjamin away : all these things are " against me. If I be bereaved of my children, I " am bereaved." If, indeed, the Southern people, like the Jewish patriarch, could move the whole Southern house hold, with their women an 1 little ones, to a land of peace and plenty, we might look with more com posure upon such an exodus. But these must re main. The old men and the children, the mothers and sisters of the South must be left behind to share its fortunes for weal or woe. Every gener ous, chivalric, and manly sentiment demands that those who are their protectors, and the main stay of the future of Southern society, should remain. If, indeed, this grand old fabric of Southern so cial life is threatened with dissolution, if tho ship that has sailed so proudly on the seas is going down, if the storm that howls through the rigging and the waves that clamor for her destruction must prove victorious, let the crew still remember that there are women and children on board, and that it is nobler and more honorable to go down with the sinking wreck than to crowd into launches and life-boats and abandon the helpless ones to a hor rible fate. But the southern vessel is not going down. The tempest is sent, not for our ruin, but to- try our manhood. The land that gave birth to Washinton, that displays in its brief annals a galaxy of genius and public virtue such as the world hasj-arely seen, that is so evidently marked by the hand of nature for a sublime destiny, is not to be given over to anarchy and barbarism. We boast in the south of the number of our churches and of the pervad ing influence of religion on the mass of our popu lation. What is our religion worth if it does not teach us the virtues of faith and hope; if it gives way before the blasts of misfortune, and leaves us to act practically as if there were behind the storm no Divine Intelligence and Benignity directing the affairs of men? It does not follow because we- have lost the cause in which we lately embarked that we are forsaken of Heaven. If it had not been best for us that such should be the result, we would have triumphed. We have lost our slaves, but we are still left on an equality with the rest of mankind; we have our strong right arm; we have energy and will of onr own, or ought to have; the same genial heavens smile upon us from above, and the productive earth pours forth its treasures at our feet. Here are the graves of our fathers and of our friends, and here an atmosphere irra diated by the halo of their illustrious example. If we will only stand to our posts, and have faith in Heaven, an4 show our faith by works of every kind, and, chief of all, by self-denying, patient, and hopeful industry, the south has yet before it a future brighter and more glorious than it has ever seen. Nothing, in our mind, is more certain than that this southern land, producing the great staples upon which the commerce and manufactures of the world are dependent, embracing the productions of both the tropic and the temperate zones, having a mild and healthful climate, great rivers and hai bors, and incalculable mineral wealth, will not be left to turn to a wilderness, but will, on the con trary, become one day the chief seat of American population and power. If her own sons abandon her, their places will ere long be filled by men of ft&otbsr nee. The crowded population, ci Europe will pour; its overflowing waters " through . the de serted channels, and cause the . waste places of the land tb bloom and blossom like the rose. The en terprising emigrants of the northern states will come here by tens of thousands. Is any one mad enough to dream that such a land as this is to be given over to its aboriginal condition? It is much more likely that the barren north will be surren dered to such a condition than the fertile and sunny south. If we will not regenerate our land, if we willnot stand to our colors and develop the material greatness of our own soil, there are enough who can and will. Even foreigners show a more intelligent confidence in our future, as exhibited in the plans of the French company, under the auspices of Napoleon, than those of our own peo ple who forsake their native land. But if they will give up their country to others, let them not com plain that they can never recall that gift. If they will part with their birth-right for a mess of pot tage, let them remember that, like Esau, they will find no place for repentance, though they seek it earnestly with tears. They may come back to the land they have deserted, but it will be no longer their own. They will be strangers amid the graves of their kindred. They will find the south a land of stirring life and activity, with great cities, and harbors crowded with the shipping of the world; but the race that once inhabited it will have pas sed away. Its peculiar social life will have ceased to exist. Other men, other customs, and even other languages, will prevail in their ancient home. The south will be dead; and once dead, where is the Premethean spark that can that light relume? From tho North Carolina Planter. Fixed Facts In Agriculture. These mny be assumed as fixed facts in agricul ture: 1. All lands on which clover, or the grasses are grown, must either have lime in them, naturally, or the mineral must bo artificially supplied. It matters but little whether it be supplied in the form of stone-lime, oyster-shell lime, or marl. 2. All permanent improvement of lands must look to lime as its basis. 3. Lands which have been long in culture, will be benefitted by applications of phosphate of lime, and it is unimportant whether the deficiency be supplied in the form of bone dust, guano, native phosphate of lime, composts of fish, ashes, or in that of oyster shell lime or marl if the land needs liming, also. 1. No lands can be preserved in a high state of fertility, unless clover and the grasses are cultiva ted in the course of rotation. 5. Mould is indispensable to every soil, and a healthy supply can alone be preserved through the cultivation of clover, and the grasses, the tnrn ing in of green crops, or by the appplication of composts, rich in the elements of mould. G. All highly concentrated animal manures are increased in value, and their benefit prolonged, by admixture with plaster, salt or pulverized char coal. ' 7. Deep ploughing greatly improves the produc tive powers of a variety . of soil that is not wet. 8. Subsoiling sound laud, that is, land that is not wet, is eminently conducive to increased produc tion. 9. All wet land should be drained. 10. All grain crops should be harvested several days before the grain is thoroughly ripe. 11. Clover, as well as other grasses, intended for hay, should be mowed when in bloom. 12. Sandy lands can be most effectually1 im proved by clay. When such lands require liming, or marling, the lime or marl is more beneficially applied when made into compost with clay. In slacking lime, salt brine is better than water. 13. The chopping, or grinding of grain, to be fed to stock, operates as a saving of at least twenty five per cent. , 14. Draining of wet lands and marshes, adds to their value, by making them produce more and better crops by producing them earlier, and by improving the health of neighborhoods. 15. To manure or lime wet lands, is to throw manure, lime and labor away. 16. Shallow ploughing operates to impoverish the soil, while it decreases production. 17. By stabling and shedding stock through the winter, a saving of one-fourth of the food may be eff jcted that is, one-fourth less food will answer, than when such stock may be exposed to the in clemencies of the weather. 18. A bushel of plaster per acre, sown broadcast over clover, will add one hundred per cent to its produce. . ; 19. Periodic?! applications of ashes tend, to keep up tho integrity of soils, by supplying most, if not all of the inorganic substances. 20. Thorough preparation of land is absolutely necessary to the successful and luxuriant growth of crops. 21. Abundant crops cannot be grown for a suc cession of years, unless care be taken to provide, and apply an equivalent for the substances carried off the land in the products grown thereon. 22. To preserve meadows in their productive ness, it i3 necessary to harrow them every second autumn, apply top-dressings, and roll them. 23. All stiff clays are benefitted by fall and winter ploughings ; but should never be ploughed while they are wet. If, at such ploughings, the furrow be materially deepened, lime, marl or ashes should be applied. 24. Young stock should be moderately fed with grain, in winter, and receive generous supplies of long provender, it being essential to keep them in f iir condition, in order that the formation of mus cle, bones, &c, may be encouraged and continu ously carried on. 25. Milch cows, in winter, should be kept in dry, moderately warm, but well ventilated quar ters, be regularly fed and watered three times a day, salted twice or thrice a week, have clean beds, be curried daily, and, in addition to their long provender, should receive succulent food, morn iug and evening. 26. Full complements of tools, and implements of husbandry, are intimately connected with the success of the husbandman. 27. Capital is not only necessary to agricultural success, but can be as profitably used in farming as any other occupation. 28. Punctuality in engagements is as necessary to an agriculturist as is it to a merchant. 29. Every husbandman should carefully read and digest matters connected with his business ; his success being as dependent upon a full knowl edge of its principles and details, as is that of the lawyer or physician with a knowledge of the science of law, or physic. 30. Wheat, rye, oats and barley, should never follow each other in a course of rotation ; there should always bo an intervening hoo crop between them. 31. Weeds should never be permitted to mature their seed on a farm, but be pulled up or cut down as often as they show themselves, such being the only effectual method of eradicating them. To ensure, this result, the ground should be planted in corn, and that kept clean. 32. Time and labor devoted to the collection of materials, to be converted into manure, are the most fruitful sources of profit in the whole range of farm economy. 33. The orchard, to be productive of good, fair fruit, requires to be fed as much as does a field of grain. The soils of each require that the substan ces abstracted by the crops should be restored. The soil should be kept clean and open to the meliorating influences of the sun, the dews, the rain and the air. An Impoktaxt Obdeb from the President. The president has issued an order restoring all the churches and parsonages within the bounds of the Baltimore Annual Conference, embraced in the State of Virginia, to the M. K Church of the Uni ted States, held by said church prior to 1861. This order farther states that such possession shall be valid until the civil courts shall have determined in whom the legal title vests. The effect of the order will be to take from under the control of the conference now sittincr in Alexandria nil onv. property and place it in the possession of the Bal timore Annual Conference of tho M . "R nhnrn the United States, which will meet the last of this monin in Baltimore city. Baltimore Sun. The Coxfedicrate T ui .London of jthe English holders of Confederate States bonds, a statement was made by one of the sufferers, that the Messrs, Erlanger, Paris bank, ers, who' engineered th Inan 4 - vo.M, UOTC netted the sum of two and a half millions of dol lars out of the affair, but how it was done is not 1 stated. ... First Grief. The following poem was written by James Hedderwick a Scottish poet, but little inown in this cocntry. Who that ever lost a brother or a sister could read these lines without a falter in the voice or tear in the eye ? They tell me first and early love Outlives all after dreams ; ... But the memory of the first great gner . To me more lasting seems. The grief that marks our dawning youth To memory ever clings, And o'er the path of future years A lengthened shadow flings. j Oh I oft my mind recalls the hour When to my father's home . Death came, an uninvited guest, From his dwelling in tho tomb. I had not seen his face before I shudder at the sight ; And I shuddered yet to think upon The anguish of that night 1 A youthful brow and ruddy cheek Became so cold and wan : An eye grew dim in which the light Of radiant fancy ehowu. Cold was the cheek, and cold the brow. The eye was fixed and dim ; And there I moaned a brother dead, Who would have died for him. - I know not if 'twas summer then, I know not if 'twas spring ; But if the birds sang in the trees I did not hear them sing. ' If flowers came forth to deck the earth, Their bloom I did not see ; I looked upon one withered flower, And none else bloomed for me ! A sad and silent time it was Within the house of woe : All eyes were dim and overcast, And every voice was low. And from each cheek, at interval, The blood appeared to btavt, As if recalled, in sudden haste, To aid the sinking heart I Softly we trod, as if afraid To mar t ho sleeper's sleep, And stole last looks of hi.s sad face For memory to keep. With him the agony was o'er, And now the pain was ours, As thoughts of his sweet childhood rose, Like odor from dead flowers. And when at last he was homo afar From the world's weary strife, How oft in thought did we again Live o'er his little life. His every look, his every word, His very voice's tone, Come back to us like things whoso worth Is only prized when gone ! The grief has passed with years away, And joy has been my lot ; But one is long remembered, And the other soon forgot. The gayest hoxirs trip lightly by, And leave the faintest trace, But the deep track that sorrow wcarn No time can e'er efface. Trial of Mit. Davis. The following is the let ter of Attorney General Speed, to which reference has already been made, stating the reasons why the evidence adduced against Mr. Davis should not be published. The spirit of the letter gives us reason to hope that Mr. Speed is disposed to grant a fair trial to the distinguished captive. The text of the letter is as follows: "Attorney General's Office, ( Washington, Jan. 31, 186G. Sir: Sundry reports of the facts going to show that Jefferson Davis and other rebels have been guilty of high crimes have been made to you as the chief executive officer of the government. Most of the evidence upon which they are based was obtained ex parte, without notice to the accused, and whilst they were in custody in military prisons. Their publication might wrong the government, or the accused, or both. Whilst I see that much wrong may flow from the publication, I cannot see that any good would come from' it. In my opinion, then, public and private justice alike demand that they should not be made pub lic. I am, sir, very respectfully, JAMES SPEED, Attorney General. To the President." Grant's Pass to the Gallant MosBY.r-Somo small fry officials have been bothering Moby lately, arresting him and wanting to know whether lie was worth $20,000, etc., whereupon General Grant sent him the following pass: ' Headquarters Army of the. U. S., Washington, D. C, Feb. 2, 18CG. j J ohn S. Mosby, lately of the southern army, will hereafter be exempt from arrest by military au thorities, except for violation of his parole, unless directed by the president of the United States, secretary of war or from these headquarters. : His parole will authorize him 'to travel freely within the state of Virginia, and as no obstacle has been thrown in the way of paroled officers and men from pursuing their civil pursuits or travelling out of their states, the same privileges will bo extend ed to J. S. Mosby, unless otherwise directed by competent authority. U. S. Grant, Lieutenant-General. A very learned and compassionate judge, in Texas, on passing sentence on John Jones, who had been convicted of murder, concluded his re marks as follows : The fact is, Jones, that the court did not in tend to order you to be executed before next spring, but the weather is very cold; our jail, un fortunately, is in a very bad condition; much of the glass in the windows is broken; the chimneys are in such a dilapidated state that no fire can be made to render your apartments comfortable; besides, owing to the great number of prisoners, not more than one blanket can be allowed to each; to sleep sound and comfortable, therefore, is cut of of the question. In consideration of these ci rcumstances, and wishing to lessen your sufferings as much as possible, the court, in the exercise of its humane compassion, hereby orders you to be executed to morrow morning, as soon after breakfast as may be convenient to the sheriff and agreeable you." b to A Useful Table. Counting plants one foot apart each way, wo shall forty-three thousand five hundred and six'cy upon an because an acre contains that number of iiprlicial Take the figure in the first column of the following have acre, feet. tabl nuiu- a wm viu awoiv, auu ttu B,crO Wm COlll alii oer oi piania in tne second column: U feet. 19,360 12 feet.. 2 feet.. feet. . a feet.. .302 .193 .134 .1UU .82 . .C,(J . A . .27 . .21 ...10,890 ....6.9C0 ... .4,840 . . . .3,555 . . . .2,722 ...1,742 ....1,200 680 .....435 15 18. 20 23 25 30 35 40 45 feet. . ' feet.., feet. . feet. . feet. . feet. . feet.. , feet. . . feet.. ? 5 6 8 10 feet. . feet. . feet. . feet. . , feet. . , feet... Jacob Babkeb, recently elected to congress from the first district of Louisiana, is a marked char acter. He was born on Swan Island, what is now the town of Perkins, Maine, in December, 1780, and is therefore eighty-five years of age. He i coeval with the foundation of the republic, as he was a witness eighty years later of its attempted subversion, and now of its restored unity. He had seen two foreign wars and four rebellions, count ing in Shay's, Dorr's, and the Whiskey, to say nothing of the Canadian rebellion, with the prin cipal actors in which he was at the time person ally acquainted. ' Raxuroad to Danville, Va; The Virginia house of delegates have passed a bill athorizing the open ing of books of subscription to raise money, not to exceed S2.600.000. to build Jjynchburg to Danville, and incorporating the nam company wnen ciuu.uuy snail Have been scribed. sub- In Habmont with the Ttaees. ' Do you enjoy going to church now," asked a lady of Mrs. Parting ton. "Law me, I do," replied Mrs. P, "Noth ing does me so much good as to get up early on Sunday morning, and go to church and hear a populous minister dispense with the gospel" Mra. P. c&a bt easily suited these days.
Wilmington Journal [1844-1895] (Wilmington, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Feb. 22, 1866, edition 1
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