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THE WILMINGTON JOURNAL. WILMINGTON, N. C., MARCH 1, 1866. AGENTS. Roskbt M. Houston, Marion, 8. C. Stably Robehtsos, Fair Bluff, N. C. B. L. Dabk, Samter, 8. C. J. W. Whitfield, Shoe Heel, N. C. W. O. L. Southaix, Tarboro. N. 0. A. J. Galloway, Goldsboro', N. 0. W. O. Jobdaj. Vil8on, N. C. 5L McPhattl, Whiteville, N. C. D. G. Mormset, vVarsaw, N. C. J. H. Osbors & Co., Rockingham, N. C. Messrs. Cars & Blaxs, Harrell's Store, New Hanover County, N. C. Thos. H. Holxri, Clinton, N. C. Gbxxslet X Co. Wadesboro', N. C. Receipt from the above Agents for Subscriptions, will be ralid. Popular Movement. The heart of every patriot swells with gratitude to God as it receives intelligence of the demon strations made all over the North, where the Pres ident's policy in not only recognized but endorsed. He seems to have touched the popular heart, and they are respoudingin am inner to make the radicals feel that an earthquake is threatening to swallow them. It would he better for Sumner, Stevens, Wade.ef idomne genus, that a millstone werehanged About their necks and they were thrown into the bottom of the sea, than wake the vengeful anger of an offended people. The President in his reponse made to the peo ple of Washington, (who waited upon him and presented, in person, the resolutions passed at Grover's Theatre,) paid his respects to these Jaco bin worthies, denouncing them by name in terms of unmeasured severity. He said " the Southern rebellion had been put down, and that the rising rebellion in the North must be put down." He pledged himself to protect "the people, the Constitu tion and the Union." A meeting was to be held at Cooper Insti tute, New York City, on the same night, pre sided over by the Hon. F. B. Catting. Secre tary Seward and Mr. Deuuison, of the Cabi net, nad left Washington to attend it, and to ad dress the vast assemblage in defense of the Pres idential policy. Mr. Raymond, of the New York Times, will do likewise, besides many other gen tlemen of national fame. The meeting is an up rising of the people, irrespective of cliques or par ties, to bold the nation harmless from its open or secret foes. In looking over the list of those who called it, the first name upon the list was Wm. C. Bryant, of the Evening Post. In speaking of the call, the New York Times says only a brief time was given to obtain signatures, aud it received thous ands. Few hesitated and scarcely one refused. The unanimity of sentiment in favor "f the Pres ident is equally a surprise and a gratification, nor does it come too soon. The recklessness of Con gress required this admonition. Well for those who have surrendered their judgment and their votes to a caucus dictator, if they open their eyes and assert their individuality in season. Having received no paper from New York and no teleraphic dispatch since the time of the meet ing, we will have to possess ourselves in patience until we do. On Sunday we received no North ern mail, so that we can not communicate the pro ceedings of the meeting at Cooper Institute to-day. It will be perceived by the reader that the presentation of the resolutions of the Wash ington City meeting, and the accompanying ad dress, was made by our old friend Phillip Fendall, of National Intelligencer fame. Mr. Seward at t ooper Institute We have just risen from reading Mr. Seward's speech, delivered at the Cooper Institute, N. Y., on the evening of the 22nd inst., before an imposing audience. It may be characteristic of the man, but it was unequal to the occasion. While not deficient in ability, it was unmarked by that sturdy, robust and defiant tone, which characterise the President's address to the people of Washington upon the same day. It wants man liness, it is too much emasculated for the times. It savors of rose-water. Whilst a large portion of this country, in the administration of which Mr. Seward holds the se cond place, is slowly recovering from the throbs and throes ever incident to a state of war; while we are being taxed, and not represented, to be mockingly told, we say by the Secretary of State, upon snch an occasion "I feel sure (hat loyal men, of the note loytd Stales trill, sooner or Liter, tit this Session, or some other session, bt this Congress or tome other Congress, be received into the legist dure- f the tuition" is cool, very! We have ever been truck with admiration by the undisturbed equa nimity with which individuals and nations bare the sufferings and afflictions of others. But lest suspicion might alight upon us for misrepresent ing Mr. Seward, he may speak for himself: 'I have said that I apprehend no serious diffi culty or calamity. This confidence arises from the conviction which I entertained that there never was and never can be any successful process for the restoration of union and harmony among the States, except the one with which the President has avowed himself satisfied. Grant it that the rebellion is dispersed, ended and exhausted, dead even at the root, then it follows necessarily that the States sooner or later must be organized by loyal men in accordance with the change in our fundamental law, and that, being so orgauized, they should come by loyal representatives and re sume the places in the family circle which, in a fit of caprice and passion, they rebelliously vacated. All the rebel States but Texas have done just that thing, and Texas is doing the same thing just now as fast as possible. The President is in harmony with all the States that were in rebellion. Every Executive Department and the Judicial Depart ment are in operation, or are rapidly resuming the exercise of their functions. Loyal representatives, more or less, from these States men whose lov alty may be tried by any constitutional or legisla tive test which will apply even to representatives of the States which have been loyal throughout are now standing at the doors of Congress, and have been (standing there for three months past, asking to be admitted to seats which disloyal rep resentatives, in violence of the rights and duties of the States, as well as of the sovereignty of the Union, had recklessly abandoned. These repre sentatives, after a lapse of three months, yet re main waiting outside the chamber, while Congress passes law after law, imposes burden after burden and duty after duty upon the States which, thus against their earnestly-expressed desires, are left without representation. So far as I can judge of human probabilities, I feel sure that loyal men from the now loyal States will, sooner or later, at this session or at some other, by this Congress or com other, be received into the Legislature of the nation." The Cut Council of Baltimore have passed resolutions most heartily endorsing the Presi dent' Tfcto. The Late Speech.. The evidence continues to accumulate of the favorable impression made by the President upon the popular mind, in his speech delivered to the people of Washington, from the portico of the White House, on the 22d inst. North and South, East and West, they are expressing their determi nation to support him while discharging the du ties of his high office, after the manner declared by him upon that occasion. His bold, ardent and manly bearing, his readiness to meet the issues thrust upon him, his noble declaration to protect the people from the mal-practices of reckless dem agogues, and to preserv e the constitution and the Union were received by thunders of applause. Mr. Seward's speech in New York, upon the contrary, was'oo cool, too philosophical, too pas sionless for the times. His unruffled equanimity, unsuited to the occasion. It wears too much the appearance of toying fiddle-faddle. While speaking of it, the Petersburg lade.? indulges in the following remarks : THE NEW YORK MEETING. We surrender our space to-day to the address of Mr. Seward before the Mass Meeting, held to en dorse the Great Veto, in New York, last Thursday niirht. We do not regard, it as mast of our con servative cotemporaries seem to do, as a frank and statesmanlike - .pport of Andrew Johnson. It is not that, and nothing like that. No one can read it attentively without becoming convin ced that Mr. Seward was there for the purpose of preventing a breach with the radicals. There is a Mark Tapley "jollity" about this effort that is as painful as the melancholy effort of our Mark when sick of the fever. The whole speech is full oi the soothing phrase "nobody is hurt," no dan ger, gentlemen but, especially, " there is no ne cessity for a breach in the party." Postmaster General Deuuison was there for the same purpose, and f jr that alone. He said : He (the speaker) did not believe there was any necessity for a difference of opinion between the President and the Congress of the United States in relation to the matter which now agitated the country, and he regardc d this meeting as an au gury that the dangers which now portend would soon pass away. Banish the idle dream, gentlemen. There is a wide gulf between the President and the Congress, and while you were applying your bland rhetorical poultices to the wound in the party, Andrew John- sou was thundering denunciation on the heads of the leaders of that party, and pointing every shaft he launched by stamping it with the Lame of the destined v ictim. Some partv may survive, but it is not the party of Stevens, and Sumner, and Wade, and the lesser frv, down, down, down to that corrupt hireling of the Senate, Jeremy Didler Forney or, if it does, it must do without Andrew Johnson. He will have none of it. The XV. & V. Railroad Company Have received two of the four first class passen ger cars, and one of the four first class passenger train engines contracted for by the Superintendent in October last. One of the remaining engines is ut Lynchburg, where it has been detained some weeks, but is ex pected here now in a few days. The other two engines are ready for shipment from Mason's celebrated locomotive works at Taunton, Mass. The first two engines were built by Rogers, at Patterson, N. J. The cars were built by Harlan, Hollingsworth & Co., Wilmington, Del., where the remaining two are now nearly ready for delivery. These engines and cars are of the very best quality of workmanship for strength, durability and beauty. No cost has been spared to make them,first class in every particular. No contract has been or will be made, we un derstand, for any but the very best articles, think ing, as the President and Superintendent do, that the best articles are the cheapest. This, they say, is their experience. The engines are named, respectively, Wm. A. Wright and A. J. DeKosset. The latter named happened to reach here first. The cost of these engines was about 820,000 each, and the cars cost $5,500 delivered here. North C'aioliiui nnd Atlantic Railroads. Before taking final action upon the proposition to combine the North Carolina and Atlantic Rail roads, it will be hoped the General Assembly will act with that deliberation which the important interests involved require; and that they will not by hasty and inconsiderate legislation injuriously affect interests which should be carefully guarded by them. The question is one of moment to Wilmington, and we hope no step may be taken calculated to jeopard or impair her commerce. We will recur to this subject again. Spring. We heard yesterday morning the sweet notes of the blue bird, as he carolled his morning saluta tions to the sun. It reminded us of the gradual approach of spring, with all its accompanying blandishments. The plum trees are already la dened with buds, just bursting into beauty and fragrance fiLiug the air with their sweet aroma and the ear with the soothing murmur of bees. Spring time is coming, I nsecto are humming, &c. Adjournment of the legislature. We learn that the joint select committee on ad journment presented their report to the Senate on Saturday last, 24th inst., and recommended the adoption of a resolution adjourning the General Assembly on Monday, the 12th inst. At Wheeling, West Virginia, a salute of one hundred guns were filed in honor of the Presi dent s veto. The radicals of the West Virginia Senate have refused by a vote of 15 to 4 to eudorse the Presi dent's veto. A friend of ours allowed the negroes belonging to a plantation ten miles below town, situated up on Town creek, to remain, on the plantation, pro vided they would cultivate it and allow him one third, which they agreed to do. There were 4.2 negroes all told. His third, upon a division of the products, consisted of 4i bushels of corn, 275 pounds of fodder, 30 lbs. 7 ounces of clean rice, 4 roasting ears and a few tomatoes. Comment is innecessary. . Missouri Legislature. Both houses of the Missouri Legislature have passed resolutions op posing the President's veto of the Freedmen's Bu reau bill. This is the only public demonstration against the veto that we have heard of . The Rev. P. N. Lvnch. cathnlfa bibnr nf Charleston, has made arrangements which will shortlv permit him to commence the ennafrnrttinn of a new and elegant church edifice, in the Gothic style, to take the place of St Finbar'g cathedral, which was so unfortunately destroyed in the con flagration of 1861. GREAT SPEKCH or PRES1W EST .1 O H t S We publish below, tho great &ietwh Of Presi dent Johnson, at the moss meeting on the 22nd of February. On tho procession reaching the Executive Man sion, where an immense crowd had preceded it, Mr, Fendall, the President of the meeting presen ted to the President the resolutions which had passed the meeting, with a brief aud pcrtinet ad dress, in which he informed him that the jissembly had adjourned to the Presidential Mansion to pay their respects to him. Tho President was then formally conducted to the front portico, from whence silence having been obtained iii the vast assemblage, he addressed them substantially as follows; THE PRESIDENT'S SPI2KCII. Fellow-citizens for I presume I have a right to address you as such to the committee who have conducted and organized this meeting so far, I have to tender my sincere thanks for the compli ment and approbation they have manifested in their personal address to myself, aud in the reso lutions they have adopted. At this point a tire man's procession attracted the attention of a por tion of the crowd, and created such a disturbance that the President was unable to proceed for seve ral minutes. Mr. Fendall, chairman of the com mittee, in vain endeavored to restore order. Hon. Green Clay Smith then took the stand, and suc ceeded in making himself heard, and in bringing the crowd to something like silence. The Presi dent proceeded : Fellow-citizens, I was about to tender my thanks to the committee who waited upon mo and pre sented nic with the resolutions adopted on this occasion resolutions, as I understand, compli mentary to the policy pursued by this Adminis tration since it came into power. I am froe to say to you, on this occasion, that it is extremely gratifying to mo to know that so large a portion of my fellow-citizens approve and endorse the policy that has been adopted' and is intended to be car ried out. Applause. That policy has been one which was intended to restoro the glorious Union of these States to their original relations to the Government of the United States. (Prolonged applause. Washington's pay. This seems to be a day peculiarly appropriate for such a manifestation the day that gave birth to him who founded this Government the Father of his Country of him who stood at that period, when all these States entered into this glorious Confederacy The fire-men's procession again succeeded in creating sufficient disturbance to make the President unable to be heard. Tho President good humoredly remarked, ''Don't in terfere with them, thev are right, and alwavs were right." He proceeded : This day, I say, is peculiarly ap propriate to endorse the restoration of the Union of these States, founded by ' the Father of his Country." Washington, whose lianio this city bears, is embalmed in the hearts of all whojove free government. A voice, " So is Andrew John son." Washington, who, in the language of one of his eulogists, was "first in peace, first in war, first in the hearts of his countrymen." No peo ple can claim him, no nation can appropriate him. His reputation and lovo are commensurate with the civilized world, with all those who love free government. I have recently visited the associa tion which is directing its efforts to the comple tion of the monument erected to his memory. I was proud to meet them, and, so far as 1 could, to give them my humble influence and patronage a monument being erected to him who founded the Government almost within a stone's throw of the spot from which I address you. Let it be comple ted. Cheers. Let the pledges which all these States, associa tions and corporations have placed in that monu ment of their faith in and love for this Union be preserved. Let it be completed. And in this connection let me refer to tho motto upon tho stone sent from my own State God bless her a voice, "and bless you" a State which has struggled for the preservation of the Union in the field and in the councils of the nation, now strug gling in embarrassment in consequence of the in terruption that has taken place with the Federal Government growing out of the rebellion, but struggling to renew her relations with the Gov ernment, aud take her stand where she has stood since 17lJG. Cheering. Let me, I say, repeat the sentiment inscribed upon the stone sent here to be placed in that monument of freedom, and in commemoration of Washington. I stand by that sentiment, and she is now willing to stand by it. It was the sentiment enunciated by the immortal Andrew Jackson, "The Federal Union, it must bo preserved." Were it possible for that old man, who in statue is now before mo, and in picture behind me, in the Capitol, to be called forth, or were it possible for us to communicate with the illustrious dead, and he could be informed of or made to understand the progress and working of faction, rebellion, and treason, the old man would turn over in his grave. Laughter and cheers. He would rise, and, shaking oft' the habiliments of the tomb, stand erect, and extending his long, bony finger, would reiterate the sentiment he once spoke : "The Federal Union, it must be jre served." THE EXTREMISTS NORTH AND SOUTH. But we see and witness what has transpired since his day. We remember what he did in 182", when treason, treachery, and infidelity to the Government and Constitution of the United States then stalked forth. It was his power and influ ence that went forth then and crushed the treason in its infancy. It was then stopped, but only for a time. The spirit continued; there were men disaffected to the Government both North and South. We had peculiar institutions of which some complained aud to which others were at tached. One portion of our countrymen advo cated that institution in the South, another op posed it in the North, and it resulted in creating two extremes. One in the South reached the point at which they were prepared to dissolve the Gov ernment of the United States, to secure and pre serve their "peculiar institution." And in what I may say on this occasion I want to be under stood. There was another portion of our country men who were opposed to this peculiar institution in the South, and who went to the extreme of be ing willing to break up the Government to get clear of it. Applause. J I am talking to you to day in the common phrase, and assumo to be nothing but a citizen, and one who has been fighting for the Constitution and to preserve tho Government. These two parties have been arraved against each other; and I stand before you to-day as I did in the Senate in 1860, in the presence of those who were making war on the Constitution, and who wanted to disrupt the Government, to denounce, as I did then in my place, those who were so engaged as traitors. I have never ceased to repeat, and as far as efforts could go to. carry out, the sentiments I then uttered. Cheers. HIS CONSISTENT STAND AGAINST DISUNION. I remarked that there were two parties, one for destroying tho Government to preserve slavery and the other for breaking up the Government to destroy slavery. The objects to be accomplished were different, it is true, so far as slavery is con cerned, but they agreed in one thing, and that was the breaking up of the Government. They agreed in the destruction of the Government, the precise thing which I have always stood up to op pose. Whether the disunionist comes from the South or from the North, I stand now where I did then, to vindicate the union of these States and the Constitution of the country. Applause. The rebellion, or treason, manifested itself in the South ; I stood by the Government. I said I was for the Union with slavery or I was for the Union without slavery. In either alternative I was for my Government and the Constitution. HIS SPIRIT TOWARDS THE SOUTH. The Government has stretched forth its strong arm, and, with its physical power, has ; put down treason in the field ; yes, the section of country which has arrayed itself against the Government has been put down by the Government itself. Now what had we said to those people ? We said "no compromise ; we can settle this question with the South in eight and forty tours." "How?" "Disband vour armies, acknowledge the Constitu- I placed my feet from ;m advent into public iitvS obey; the lawndtholueX They may traduce me; .may derme whole question is? settled' WeU, ; their armies have been disbanded ; they come forward I now in ; a spirit of .magnanimity,, and say, 5We were niis ! taken ; we made an effort to carry out the doctrine ! of secession and dissolve this Union ; in that we 1 have failed, and, having traced this thing to its i logical and physical consequences and results, we i now again come forward and acknowledge the flag i of our country, obedience to the Constitution, and ' the supremacy of the law." Cheers. I say, then, ; when you have complied' with the-Constitutiou, i when you have yielded to the law, when' you ac i knowledge vour allegiance to the Government, I am ready to open the doors oi tne union- ana restore you to your old relations to the Govern ment of our fathers. Prolonged applause. LENIENCY AND FORGIVENESS THE TRUE POLICY. Who, I ask, has suffered moro for the Union than I have? I shall not now repeat the wrongs or sufferings inflicted, upon me ; but it is not the way to deal with a whole people in the spirit of revenge. I know there has been a great deal said about the exercise of the pardoning power so far as the executive is concerned. There ia no one who lias labored harder to have the principal, in telligent, conscious traitors brought to justice, to have the law vindicated, and the great fact vindi cated that treason is a crime, than I who stand before you to-day. Yet while conscious, intelli gent traitors are to be punished, should whole States, communities and people be made to sub mit to and bear the penalty of death? I have, perhaps, as much hostility and as much rescntmeut as a man ought to have, but wo should conform our action and our conduct to the example to Him who founded our holy religion not that I would liken this to it, or bring any comparison, for I am not going to detain you long. But, gentlemen, I came into power under the Constitution of the country and by the approbation of the people. And what did I find? I found eight millions of people who were in fact condemned under the law, and the penalty was death. Under the idea of revenge and resentment they were to be annihila ted and destroyed. O, how different this from the example set by the holy founder of our reli gion, whose divine arm touches the horizon and embraces the whole earth. Yes, He who founded this great scheme came into the world and found our race condemued under the law, aud the sen tence was death. What was His example? In stead of putting the world or a nation to death, He went forth with grace and attested by His blood and His wounds that Ho would die and let the nation live. Let them repent, and let them acknowledge their allegiance ; let them become loyal and willing supporters and de defenders of our glorious " stiipes and stars "and the Constitution of our country ; let their leaders, the conscious, intelligent traitors, suffer the pen alty of the law, but for the great mass, who havo been forced into this rebellion and misled by their leaders, I say, leniency, kindness, trust and confi dence. Enthusiastic cheers. THE SECOND REBELLION. But, my countrymen, after having passed through the rebellion, and given such evidence as I have though men croak a great deal about it now laughter) when I look back through the battle-fields and see many of these brave men, in whose company I was, in localities where the con test was most difficult and doubtful, before the smoke of battle has scarcely passed away, before the blood shed has scarcely congealed, what do wc find ? The rebellion is put down by the strong arm of the government in the field ; but is that the only way in which wo can have rebelion ? They struggled for the breaking up of your gov ernment, but before they uro scarcely out of the battle field, and before our brave men have scarcely returned to their homes, to renew the ties of af fection and love, wo find ourselves almost in the midst of aucther rebellion. Applause. The war to suppress one rebellion was to prevent the separation of the States, to prevent them from flying off, and thereby changing the character of the government, and weakening its power. Now what is the struggle ? There is an attempt to concentrate the power of tho government in the hands of the few, and thereby bring about a con solidation which is equallv dancrerous and objec tionable with separation. Enthusiastic applause. We find that powers are assumed and attempted to be exercised of a most extraordinary character. What are they ? THE REVEIUTlONAKY ACTION OF TUE RADICALS IN CONGRESS. We find that Governments can be revolutionized, can be changed, without going into the battle field. Sometimes revolutions, the most disastrous to tho people, are effected without the shedding of blood. The substance of government may be ta ken away, while the form and shadow is still ad hered to. Now, what are the attempts ? What is being proposed ? We find that, in fact, by an ir responsible, central directory, nearly all the pow ers of Government are assumed, without even consulting the legislative or executive departments of Government. Yes ! and by a resolution re ported by a committee, upon w hom all the legis lative power of the Government has been confer red, that great principle in the Constitution, which authorizes and empowers each branch of the leg islative department, the Senate and House of Representatives, to be the judges of the election and qualification of its own members, has been virtually taken away from those departments of Government, and conferred upon a committee, who must report before they can act under the Constitution, and allow members duly elected to take their seats By this rule they" assume that there must be laws passed, that there must be recognition in respect to a State in the Union, with all its practical relations restored, before the respective houses of Congress, under the Consti tution, shall judge of the election and qualifica tion of its own members. What position is that? You have been struggling for four years to put down the rebellion. You denied in the beginning of the struggle that any State had the right to go out ; you said that they had neither right nor power. The issue has been made, aud it has been settled that a State has neither the right nor the power to go out of tho Union ; and when you have settled that by the executive and military power of the Government and by the public judgment, you turn round and assume that they are out, and shall not come in. Laughter and cheers. nis OWN FOLICY. I am free to say to you, as your Executive, that 1 am not prepared to take any such position. I said in the Senate, in tho very inception of the re bellion, that States had no right to go out, that they had no power to go out. That question has been settled, and I cannot turn round now, and give the lie direct to all I profess to have done in the last five years. Laughter and applause. I can do no such thing. I say that when they com ply with the Constitution, when they have given sufficient evidence of their loyalty and that they can be trusted, when they yield obedience to the law, I say extend to them the right hand of fellow ship, and let peace and Union be restored. Loud cheers. HIS OriNION OF SUMNER, STEVENS & CO. HE DOESN'T MEAN TO DE BULLIED. But then, gentlemen, as we swing round the circle, I have fought traitors and treason in the South; I opposed the Daviaes, the Toombs, the Slidells, and a long list of others," whose names I need not repeat, and now, when I turn round, at the other end of the line, I find men, I care not by what name you call them, a voice, "Call them traitors,"! who still stand opposed to the restora tion of the Union of these States, and I am free to say to you, that I am still for the preservation of this compact; I am still for tho restoration of this Union; I am still in favor of this great Gov ernment of ours going on and following out its destiny. A: voice, "Give us the names." A gentleman calls for the names; well, suppose I should give them. A voice, "We know them." I look upon them, I repeat it, as President or citi zen, as much opposed to the fundamental prin ciples of this Government, and believe they are as much laboring to prevent or destroy them, as were the men who fought against us. A voice, "What are the names?" I say Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, tremendous applause; I say Chas. Sumner, great applause; I say Wendell Phillips, and others of the same stripe, are amongst them. A voice, "Give it to Forney. ' 'J Some gentleman in the crowd says ? 'Give it to Forney." I have onlviust to say that I do not waste my . ammunition upon dead cocks. Laughter anJ applause. I stand lor my country, I stand for tho Coratitution, where they may vituperate; but let me ay to you that it has no effect upon me.--tvaeers.j-. auu ick mo say, in addition, that I do not intend to be over aweclby reason of pretended friends, nor do I in tend to be bullied by my enemies. Applause, and a cry of "The people will sustain you. "J HIS FAITH IN THE MASSES OF HIS COUNTRYMEN. I know, my countrymen, that it has been insin uated and not only insinuated but said directly (the intimation has been given in high places) that if such a usurpation of power had been exer cised two hundred years ago, in a particular reign, it would have cost a certain individual his head. What usurpation has Andrew Johnson been guilty of ? "None !" "none !" The usurpation I have been guilty of has always been standing between the peoileund the encroachments of power ; and because I dared say iu a conversation with a fellow citizen and a Senator, too, that I thought amendments to the Constitution ought not to be so frequent ; that their effect would be that it would lose all its prestige and dignity ; that the old instrument would be lost sight of in a small time ; because I happened to say in a conversa tion'that, if it was amended such and such amend ments should be adopted, it was a usurpation of power that would have cost a king his head at a certain time. Laughter and arjplause.l And, in connection with this subject, it wrs explained that wo were inthe midst of earthquakes, that they trem bled and could not yield. Yes, thero is an earth quake coming ; there is a ground swell coming of popular judgment and indignation. "That's true.'.' The American people will speak by their instincts, and they will know who are their friends and who their enemies. HIS RECORD. What positions have I occupied ? I have occu pied all positions under this Government, be genning with an alderman and running through all branches of the legislature. A voice "From a tailor up." Some gentleman says I have been a tailor. Tremendous applause. Now, that did not discomfit me in the least, for when I used to be a tailor I had the reputation of being a good one, and of making close fits Great laughter always punctual with my customers and always did good work. A voice "No patchwork. "J No, I do not want any patchwork ; I want a whole suit. But we will pass by this little facetiousness. My mends may say, "lou are President, and you must not talk about buch things. " When principles are involved, my countrymen, when tho existence of my country even is imperilled, 1 will act as I have on former occasions, and speak what I think. I was saving that I had held nearly nil positions from akicrman, through both branches of Con gress, to that which I now oecnpy, and who is there ihat will say Andrew Johnson over made a pledge that he did not redeem ? or made a promise that he did not fulfill? Who will say he has ever acted otherwise than in fidelity to the great mass of the people ? They may talk about beheading and usurpation, but when I am beheaded I want the American people to be the witnesses. I do not want by inuendoes, by indirect remarks in high places, to sec the man who has assassination brooding in his bosom exclaim, "This Presidential obstacle must be gotten out of the way." I make use of a very strong expression when I say that I have no doubt the intention was to incite assassi nation, and so get out of the way '"the obstacle" from place and power. Whether by assassination or not, there are individuals in this Government, I doubt not, who want to destroy our institutions and change the character of the Government. Are they not satisfied with one murder we have had ? Does net the murder of Lincoln appease the ven geance and wrath of the opponents of this Govern ment ? Are they still unslaked ? Do they still w ant more blood ? Have they not got honor and cour age enough to attain their objects otherwise than by the hands of the assassin ? "No ! no!" HI MEWS ON ASSASSINATION. I am not afraid of assassins attacking me where a brave and courageous man would attack another. I only dread him when he would go in disguise, his footsteps noisless. If it is blood they want, let them have courage enough to strike like men. I know they are willing to wound, but they are afraicl to .strike. Applause. If my blood is to be shed because I vindicate the Union and the preservation of this Government in its original purity of character, let it be shed, but when it is shed, let an altar to the Union be errected, and then if it is necessary, take me and lay mo upon it. and the blood that now warms and ani mates my existence shall be poured out as a last libation of tribute to the Union of these States. Great applause.) But let the opponents of this Government remember that when it is poured out, " the blood of the martyr will be the seed of the church." Cheers. I CONVERSATION WITH MR. LINCOLN THE LATE PRE SIDENT'S VIEWS ON REPRESENTATION. Gentlemen, this Union will grow ; it will con tinue to increase in strength and power, though it may bo cemented and cleansed with blood. I have talked longer now than I intended to speak. Let me thank you for the honor you have done me. So far as this government is concerned, let me say one other word in reference to tho amendmeuts of the Constitution of the United States. When I reached Washington for the purpose of being in augurated as Yice President of the United States, I had a conversation with Mr. Lincoln.- We were talking about the condition of affairs, and in re ference to matters in my own State. I stated that wc had called a convention, and amended our Constitution by abolishing slavery in the State a State not embraced in his proclamation. All this met his approbation and gave him encourage ment, and in talking upon the amendment to the Constitution he said : "When the amendment to the Constitution is adopted by three-fourths of the States we shall have have done all or pretty nearly all I am in favour of in amending the Constitu tion, if there was one other adopted." Said I, "what is that Mr. President ?" Said he, "I have labored to preserve this Union ; I have toiled four years ; I have been subjected to calumny and misrepresentation, yet my great desire has been to preserve the Union of these States intact, under the Constitution as they were before." But, said I, "Mr. President, what amendment do you refer to ?" He said ho thought there should bo on amendment added to the Constitution which would compel all the States to send their Senators and Bepresentatives to the Congress of the United States. Yes, compel them. The idea was in his mind that it is a part of tho doctrine of secession to break up the government by States withdraw ing their Senators and Representatives from Con gress, and, therefore, he desired a constitutional amendmend to compel them to be sent. How now does the matter stand ? In the Constitution of the country, even that portion of which pro vides for the amendment of the organic law, says that no State without its consent, shall be deprived ' oi its representation. A FLEA FOR SOUTHERN REPRESENTATION. And now what do w e find ? We find the position taken that States shall not be represented, that we may impose taxes, that we may send our tax gathers to every region and portion of a State, that the people are to be oppressed with taxes, but when they come here to participate in the legisla tion of the country, they are met at tho door and told, "no ; you must pay taxes, you must bear the burdens of the Government, but you must not participate iu the legislation of the country, which is to affect you for all time." Is this just ? "No, no." Then I say let us admit into the councils of the nation those who are unmistakably and un questionably loyal ; those men who acknowledge their allegiance to the Government, and swear to support the Constitution. It is all embraced in that. The amplification of an oath makes no dif ference if a man is not loyal ; but you may adopt whatever test oath you choose to prove their loy alty that is a matter of detail for which I care nothing let him be unquestionably loyal, owning his allegiance to the Government, and willing to support it in its hour of peril and of need, and I am willing to trust them. I know that some do not attach so much importance to this principle as I do, but one principle we carried through the Revolution was that there should bo no taxation without representation. I hold to that principle laid down as fundamental by our fathers. If it was good then, it is good now. If it was a rule to stand by then, it is a rule to stand by now. It is a fundamental principle that should be adhered to as long as free government lasts. HE UNROLLS THE CONSTTrUTION. ! X know it was said by some during tho rebellion that our Constitution had been rolled upas piece of parchment, and laid away ; that in the time of war and rebellion there was no Constitu5 tion. Well, we know that sometimes from the very great necessity of the case, from a great emer gency, we must do unconstitutional things in or der to preserve the Constitution itself. jlu n while tho rebellion was going on the Constitution was rolled up as a parchment ; if it was violate , in some particulars to save the Government, there may have been some excuse to justify it. now that peace has come ; now the war is over we want a written Constitution ; and I say tin: time has come to take the Constitution down, un roll it, re-read it, and understand its provision.. Now, if you have saved tho Government by Ut. lating tho Constitution in war, you can only saw it in peaco by preserving tho Constitution, and the only way to preserve it is by a strict adherence t, the Constitution of our fathers as it is now unfoM ed. It must now be read and understood by the American people. I come here to-day, as far as I can, in makingthese remarks, to vindicate the (v,n. stitution and to save it, for it does seem to me that encroachment after encroachment is proposed, j stand to-day, prepared, so far as I can, to resist these encroachments upon the Constitutioa aid Government. Now that wo have peace, let us vu force the Constitution ; let us live under and bv its provisions ; let it be published ; let it be print, ed m blazing characters, as if it were in the heav ens, punctuated with stars, that all may read and understand ; let us consult that instrument ; let us digest its provisions, understand them, and un derstanding, abide by them. I tell the opponents of this Government, (I can not from what quarter they come, whether from tho East, West, North or South,) you who are en gaged in the work of breaking up the Government by amendments to the Constitution, that the prin ciples of free government are deeply rooted in the American heart. All the powers combined, I can not of what character thoy are, cannot destroy that great instrument that great chart of free dom. They may seem to succeed for a time, but their attempts w'iil bo futile. They might as well undertake to lock up the winds or chain the wave. of the ocean, and confine them to limits. The; may think now it can be done by a concurrem resolution; but when it is submitted to the popu lar judgment and to the popular will, they will find that they might as well undertako to intro duce a resolution to repeal tho law of gravity a to keep this Union from being restored. THE PEOPLE TO DECIDE THE OUESTION. It is just about as feasible to resist tho great lav. of gravity which binds all to a common centre, ; that great law of gravity which will bring hm-l these States, and replace them in their relations. All these conspiracies and machinations, North and South, cannot prevent it. All that is wanted is time until the American people can get to know what is going on. I would the whole Americuu people, could be assembled here to-day, as you arc I wish we had an amphitheatre capacious enough to hold these thirty million people, that they could be here and witness the struggle that is going on to preserve the Constitution of their fathers. They would settle this question. They could neo wh.i it is, and how it is, and what kind of spirit is mani fested iu breaking up this great principle of fn . government. Yes! when they came to see th struggle, and to understand who is for and wit against them, if you could make them perform th" part of gladiators, in the first tilt you would find the enemies of the country crushed and heph-.. HIS riDFXITV TO THE PEOPLE. 1 have detained you lunger than I intended "Go on. " We arc in a great struggle. 1 am your instrument. Who is there I have not toiled or laboured for ? Where is the man cr woman, cither in public or private life, who has not al ways received my attention or my time ? Pardon the egotism, they say that man Johnson is a lucky man ; that no man can defeat me. I will tell yo i what constitutes good luck. It is doing right and being for the people ; that is what constitutes good luck. Somehow or other the people w di find out and understand who is for and who i against them. I have been placed in as many trying positions as any mortal man was ever placed in, but, so far, I havo not deserted the people, and T believe they will not desert me. What prin ciplo have I violated ? What sentiment have I swerved from? Can they put their finger upon it ? Have you heard them point out any discrep ancy ? Have you heard them quote my prede cessor, who fell a martyr to his country's cause, aL going in opposition or in contradistinction to any thing that I have done V The very policy which I am pursuing now was pursued under his ad ministration, w-as being pursued by him when that inscrutable Providence saw fit to remove him. I trust, to a better world than this. Where i there one principle adopted by him, in reference to this restoration, that I have departed from V " None ! none !" Tho war, then, is not simply upou mc, but upon my predecessor. I have tried to do my duty. I know that some peoile in their jealousy have made the remark that the White House is President. Just let me say that the charms of the White House, and all that sort t flummery, has less influence with me than with those who are talking about it. Tho little I eat or wear does not amount to much. That required to sustain mo and my little family is very little, for 1 am not feeding many, though in one sense ot consanguinity or affinity I am akin to everybody. Tho conscious satisfaction of having per fo red nn duty to my country is all the reward I have. niS CONCLUDING APPEAL. Then, ill conclusion, let me ask this vast com course, this sea of upturned faces, to go with m in standing round the Constitution of our country. It is again unfolded, and tho people are invited t read, to understand, and to maintain its provision-. Let us stand by the Constitution of our father, though the heavens themselves may fall. Let u stand by it. Though faction may rage, though taunts and jeers may come, though vituperation may come in its most violent character, I will be found standing by the Constitution as the chief rock of our safety, as the palladium of our civil and religious liberty. Yes, let us cling to it as the mariner clings to tho last plank when the night and tempest closes around him. Accept my thanks for the indulgence you haw given me in making the extemporaneous remark I have upon this occasion. Let us go forward, forgetting the past and looking to the future, and try to restore our country, trusting in Him who rules on high and in tho earth below that ere lontr our Union Avill bo restored, and that we will haw peace not only on earth but especially with the people of the United States, and good will. I thank you, my countrymen, for tho respect yon have manifested on this occasion. When yom country is gone, if you aro about that place, 'loo!, out and you will find tho humble individual v.h ' now stands before you weeping over its final di solution. The Labor Question in Florida. -The M Courier, Feb. 1st, says : We have conversed freely with farmers, in y gard to the present state of free labor on the plan tations, and aro pleased to record that the fear heretofore entertained by a majority, were ill'.! ry. The laborer for the most part has set in with an interest and apparent determination to perform his labor well and faithfully. Contractors will tin d it the best policy to deal openly and fairly, with the laborer, that he may know at tho end of th1 year that his labor has not been in vain: to con trol him by good advice as to his earnings, am i instruction to be caieful and econemical. shall recur to this subject from time to tinm -may be necessary. Tcxav State Convention. Galveston, Feb. IT. The Convention is still in tession. Tho report of the committee encouraging immigration and opposing stay laws, and against a special law pro hibiting the intermarriage of whites and blacks was adopted. A report was made in favor of tho following al teration to the Constitution : "That no slavery or involuntary servitude shall exist iu tho State ot Texas except as a punishment for crime. Negroes shall have the right to sue and be sued, to make contracts, hold property and bo tried by the court s, and in suits between whites and blacks they im testifHn their own behalf." A resolution was introduced to prevent the ob taining of damages for imprisonment under Con federate rule. Bees and politicians are always busy the former in gathering honey, tto latter, gall.
Wilmington Journal [1844-1895] (Wilmington, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
March 1, 1866, edition 1
2
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