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THE PHILADELPHIA. CONVENTION. DECLARATION OP- PRINCIPLES. Mr Cowan, on behalf of the committee appointed to prepare resolutions and an address, said : After a very careful and elaborate consideration of the same, lasting all day and a good part of the night, I beg leave to report the following b declaration of prmciples, adopted unani mously by the commit, which the secretary of the con vention will read ; and also, an address to the people of the counTrv, which will be read by the Hon. Mr. Eaymond, of New York Applause. , The Secretary then proceeded to read the Declaration of Principles, each one of which was loudly applauded The last one, which endorsen the President, was greeted with prolonged cheers, in which both audience and dele crates united. After the vote had been taken it was found that the reading of the seventh resolution had been omitted by ac cident. This fact was announced by Mr. Doolittle. The resolution w as then read and adopted with applause and unanimity. DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES. The National Union Convention, now assembled in the city of Philadelphia, composed of delegates from every State and Territory in the Union, admonished by the sol emn lessons which for the last five years it has pleased the Supreme ltuler of the Universe to give to the Ameri can people ; profoundly grateful for the return of peace ; desirous as are a large majority of their countrymen in all sincerit to forget and forgive the past ; revering the con stitutknras it comes to us from our ancestors ; regarding the Union in its restoration more sacred than ever ; look ing with deep anxiety into the future as of instant and continuing trial, hereby issues and proclaims the follow ing declaiation of prmciples and purposes on which they have, with perfect unanimity, agreed : First. We hail with gratitude to Almighty C'od the end of war and return of peace to an atdicted and beloved land. Second. The war just closed lias maintained the au thority of the constitution with all the powers which it confers and all the restrictions which it imposes tipon the general government, unabridged and unaltered. And it !:a preserved the Union with the equal rights, dignity and authority of the States perfect and unimpaired. Third. Representation in the Congress of the United States and in the Electoral College is a right recognized by the constitution as abiding in every Stale, ana as a hity imposed upon its people, fundamental in its nature :i nd" essential to the existence of our republican institution.--. And neither Congress nor the general government has az:y authority as a power to deny this right to any State, or to withhold its enjoyment, under the constitu ti u, from the people thereof. Fourth We call upon the people of the United States t'i elect to Congress, as members thereof, none but men Mho admit thin right of fundamental representation, and who Mill receive; to treats therein loyal representatives from every State in allegiance to the United States, sub n t tl to constitutional right of each House to judge of 'the election returns and qualitications of its own mem bers. Filth Tito constitution of tho United States and the laws made i:i pursuance thereof are the supreme law of the land, anything in the constitution or laws of airy State to the- contrary notwithstanding. All the powers not con ferred bv the constitution upon the general government, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States or to the people thereof; and among tho lights thus reserved to tho States is the right to prescribe the qualification fur the elective franchise therein, with which right Congress cannot interfere. No State or convention of States ha.- the right to withdraw from the Union, or to clude, through their action in Congress or otherwise, i.nv other State or States from the Union. The union of ih. -e States is perpetual. S;xth Such amendments to the constitution of the I'nited States may be made by the people thereof as they i. ay deem expedient, but only in the mode pointed out by la provivioiiM, and in the proposition and exposition of -;ch amendments, whether by Congress or Convention, and in ratifying the name, all the States of the Union iiae an equal and undeniable right to a voice and a vote ; herein. Se venth Slavery is abolished and forever prohibited ; mill there is neither desire nor purpose on the part of the Southern States that it should ever be re-established upon tho soil or within the jurisdiction of the United Slat- : and the emancipated slaves in all the States of ihu Union should receive, in common with all their in habitants, equal protection in person and property. F.igr til While we regard as utterlv invalid, and never tu be assured or made of binding force, any obligation incurred or undertaken in making war against the Unitrd States, wo hold the debt of the nation to bo sacred and inviolable; and mo proclaim lour purpose in discharging this, as in the discharging all other national obligations, to maintain unimpaired and unimpeached the honor and the faith -f the repubilc. Ninth It is the duty of the national government to recognize the services of the federal soldiers and sailors in the contest just closed, by meeting promptly and fully all their just and rightful claims for tho services they have rendered to the nation, and by extending to those of them mIio have served, and to the widows and orphans of those who have fallen, the most generous and consid t rate support. Tenth In Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, who has proved steadfast in his devotion to the constitution, the laws, and the interests of his country, unmoved by persecution and undeserved reproach, having faith unassailable in tho people and in the principle of free government, we recognize a Chief Magistrate worthy f the nation, and equal to tho great crisis upon which his lot i- cast. And we tender to him, in his high and responsible duties, our profound respect and assurance of our cordial and sincere support. 1H(I, as th.' smd all the ADDRESS T t!: Pi I'ple of (he United States: Having met in Convention at the city of Philadelphia, i:i the State of Pennsylvania, this, 15th dav of August, representatives of the people in all sections. States and lemtones of the Union, to consult upon the condition and the wants of the common coun try, we address to yon this declaration of our principles an 1 of the political purposes v.e seek to promote. Since the meeting of the last National Convention, in m;ii. cvmts have occurred which have changed the char acter of our internal politics and given tho United States a new place among the nations of the earth. Our gov eminent has passed through the vicissitudes and the per Hs of civil war ; a war which, though mainly sectional in its character, has neertheless decided political differences iiial from the very beginning of the government had threatened the unity of our national existence, and has left its impress deep and ineffacable upon all the interests, sentiments ami the destiny of the Republic. While it has inllicied upon the whole country severe .--s in life and in property, and has imposed burdens rthich must weigh on its resources for generations to -ejiie, it has developed a degree of national courage in the rest nee of national dangers, a capacity for military or ganization and achievement, and a devotion on tho part of the people to the form of government which they have ordained, and to the principles of liberty which that gov ernment M as designed to promote, which must confirm the contidence of the nation in the perpetuity of its Re publican institutions and command the respect of tho civ ilized world. Like all gr at contests which rouse the pas sions and test the endurance of nations, this war has giv en iicw scope to the ambition of political parties anil fresh impulse to plnrcs f innovation and reform. Amidst the chaos of connecting sentiments inseparable from such an era, win e the public neart is Keenly alive to ail the pas sions that can sway the public judgment and affect the public ac.ions ; while the wounds of war are still fresh breeding on either side and fears for the future take iin u4 proportions from the memories and resentments of , i:o past.it is a dit'iicult but imperative duty which, on ur bhulf, avc who are hero assembled have undertaken u. perforn.. For the lirst time after six long years of alienation and f -ontlict, Me have come together, from every State and every section of our laud, as citizens of a common coun try, urdt r that flag, t lie symbol again of a common glory, in consult together howjiost to cement and perpetuate that union v.luch is again the object of our common love, nd thus secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity. In the lirst place we invoke you to remember always in-! everywhere that tho war is ended, and the nation is again at peace. The shock of contending arms no longer assails the shuddering heart of the republic. The insur rection against-tho npreine authority of the nation has en suppressed, and that authority has been again ack nowledged by word and act in every State and by every viti.e'i within its jurisdiction. We are no longer required or permitted to regard or treat each other as enemies Not only have the acts of Mar been discontinued and the weapons of war laid aside, but the state of war no longer exists ; and the sentiments, the passions, the relations of war have no longer lawful or rightful place anvwhere throughout our broad domain. We are again people of the United States fellow-citizens of one country, bound by the duties and obligations of a common patriotism, and having neither rights nor interests apart from a cou jiion destiny. The duties that devolve upon us now are again ho duties of peace, and no longer the duties of war. We have assembled hero to take council concerning the interests of peace ; to decide how we may most wisely and effectively heal the wounds the war lias mido, and perfect :uid perpetuate the benefits it has sceured and the bless ings which, under a wise and benign Providence, have lri.n 5 up iu a iierv track. This is the work not of pas muu, but of calm and sober judgment. ; not of resentment r past offences, pn. longed beyond tho limits which jus-ii-e and reason prescribe, but of a liberal statesmanship AvLich tolerates what it cannot prevent and builds its plans and its hopes for tho lutuie rather upon a community of interest and ambition than upon distrust and the weapons "f force. In t're next place, we call upon you to recog P'ze. in their full significance, and to accept with all their H'itimate cense piences, the political results of the war jnt closed, in the most important particular, tho victory achieved bv the national government has been final and decisive. First, it has established, beyond all farther controversy, and bv the highest of all human sanctions, he absolute suDreinacv of the national erovernnient, as O-etined and iimited by the constitution of the Utited fitate!;' an(l tlie permanent integrity and indissolubility of tne Federal Union as a necessary consequence. And -ond, it has put an end finally and forever, to the exis Vi'nT f f fclaverv uoon the soil or within the jurisdiction of the United States. ai (l tU0fi0 points came directly involved in the contest, lv'l v ultroversy upon both was ended absolutely and final utmVf -rt"sult- In the third place, we deem it of the L 1T11Vortance that the real character of the war, undHr Jtr!'?0171 which it was closed, should bo accurtely upon it, either in express terms or by facts and necessary implication, by the constitution of the United States. It was that power and that authority which the rebel lion sought to overthrow, and the victory of the federal arms was simply the defeat of that , attempt. The gov ernment of the United States acted throughout the war on the defensive. It sought only to hold possession of what was already its own. Neither the war, nor the vic tory by which it was closed, changed, in any way, the constitution of the United States. The war was carried on by virtue of its provisions and under the limitations which they prescribe, and the result of the war did not eitner enlarge, aianage, or in any w ay cnange or aixecttne powers it confers upon the federal government, or release that government irom the restrictions winch it has lm nosed. The constitution of the United States is to-day precisely as it was before the war, " the supreme law of me tana, anyining m me constitution or laws oi any state to the contrary notwithstanding." And to-day, also, pre cisely as before the war, " all powers not conferred by the constitution upon the general government, nor prohibited by it to the States, ia reserved to the several State, or to the people thereof." This position is vindicated not only bv the essential na ture of our go vemment, end the language and spirit of the constitution, but by all the acta and the language of our government in all its departments and at all times. From the outbreak of the rebellion to its final overthrow, in every message and proclamation of the Executive, it was explicitly declared that the sole object and purpose of the war was to maintain the authority oi the constitution, and to preserve the integrity of the Union. And Congress more than once reiterated this solemn declaration, and added the assurance that whenever this object should be attained the war should cease, and all the States should retain their equal rights and dignity unimpaired. It is only since the war was closed that other rights have been asserted on behalf of ov.e department of the general gov ernment. It has been proclaimed by Congress that in ad dition to the powers conferred upon it by the constitution, the Federal government may now claim over the States, the territory and the people involved in the insurrection, the right ot conquest ana of confiscation ; the right to ab rogate all existing governments, institutions and laws, and to subject the territory conquered and its inhabitants to such laws, regulations and deprivations as the legisla tive departments of the government may see fit to im pose. Under this broad and sweeping claim, the clause of the constitution which provides that "no State shall, without its consent, be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Sen ate of th United States " has been annulled, and ten States have been refused and are still refused representa tion altogether, in both branches of the Federal Congress, and the Congress, in which only a part of the States and of the people of the Union are represented, has asserted the right thus to exclude the rest from representation and all share in making their own laws, or choosing their own rulers until they shall comply with such conditions and perfom such acts as this Congress, thus composed, may itself prescribe. That right has not only been asserted, but it has been exercised, and is practically enforced at the present time. Nor does it find any support in the theory that the States thus excluded are in rebellion against the government, and therefore precluded from sharing its authority. They are not thus in rebellion. They are one all in an attitude of loyalty towards the gov ernment and of sworn allegiance to the constitution of tho United States. In none of them is there the slightest in dication of resistance to this authority, or the slightest protest against its just and binding obligation. This con dition of renewed loyalty has been officially recognized by solemn proclamation ot the Executive Department ; the laws of the United States have been extended by Congress over all these States and the people thereof ; federal courts have been re-opened and federal taxes imposed and levied ; and, in every respect, except that they are de nietl representation in Congress and the electoral college, the States once iu rebellion are now recognized as holding the same position, as owing the same obligations and sub ject to the same duties as the other States of our com mon Union. It seems to us, in tho exercise of tho calmest and most candid judgment w e can bring to the subject, that such a claim, so enforced, involves as fatal an overthrow of the authority of the constitution and as complete a destruc tion of the government and Union as that which Mas sought to be effected by the States and people in armed in surrection against them both. It cannot escape observa tion that the power thus asserted to exclude certain States from representation is made to rest wholly on the wiii t.nd discretion of the Congress that asserts it. It is not made to depend upon any specified conditions or circumstances, nor to be subject to any rules or regulations whatever. The right asserted and exercised as absolute, without qualification or restriction not confined to States in re bellion nor to States that have rebelled it is the right of anv Congress, in formal possession of the legislative au thority, to exclude any State or States, and any portion of the people thereof, at any time, from representation in Congress and in the electoral college, at its own discre tion, and until they shall perform suel acts and comply with such conditions as it may dictate. Obviously the reasons for such exclusion, being wholly within the discretion of Congress, may change as the Con gress itself shali change. One Congress may exclude a State from all share in the government for one reason ; and, that reason removed, the next Congress may exclude it for another. One State may be excluded on one ground to-day, and another be excluded on the opposite ground to-ro irrow. Northern ascendancy may exclude Southern States from one Congress. The ascendancy of Western or of Southern interests, or of both combined, may ex clude the Northern or Lastem States irom the nxt. Improbable as such usurpations may seem, the estab lishment of the principle now assertetl and acted upon by Congress will render by no means impossible the charac ter, indeed the very existence of Congress, and the Union is thus made dependent solely and entirely upon the partv and sectional exigencies and forbearances of the hour. We need not stop to show that such action not only finds no warrant in the constitution, but is at Mar with every principle of our government, and with every exis fence of free institutions. It is, indeed, the identical prac tice which has rendered fruitless all attempts hitherto to establish and maintain free government in Mexico and the States of South America. Partv necessities assert themselves as sTiperior to the fundamental Jaw, which is set aside in reckless obedience to their behests. Stability, whether in the exercise of power, in the administration of government or in the enjoy ment of rights, becomes imppossible and the conflicts of party, which under constitutional governments, are the conditions and means of political progress, are merged in the conflicts of arms, to which the- directly and inevitably tend. It was against tnis peril, so conspicuous antl so fatal to all free governments, that our constitution was intended especially to provide. Not only the stability, but the very existence of the government is made, by its provisions, to depend upon the right and the fact of representation. The Congress, upon which is conferred the legislative power of the national government, consists of two branch es, the Senate and House of Representatives, whose joint concurrence or assent, is essential to the validity of any law. Of these, "the House of Representatives," says the Constitution, article 1, section 2 " shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States. JNot omv is the right ot representation thus recognized as possessed bv all the States and by every State, without restriction, qualification or condition of any kind, but, the duty of choosing representatives is imposed upon the people ot caen ami every fotate alike, without distinction, or the authority to make distinction among them, tor any reason or upon any grounds what ever. And, in the Senate so careful is the Constitution to secure to everv State this right of representation it is expressly provided that "No State shall, without its con sent, be deprived of its equal suffrage" in that body, even by an amendment of the Constitution itself. When, therefore, any State is excluded from such rep resentation, not only is a right of the State denied, but the constitutional integrity of the Senate is impaired, and tho validity of the government itself is brought in qr.es tion. But Congress, at the present moment, thus ex cludes from repiesentation in both branches of Congress ten States of the Union, denying them all share in the enactment of all laws by which they are to be governed and all participation m the election oi the rulers by which those laws are to bo enforced. In other words, a Con gress in which only twenty-six States are represented, as serts tho right to govern absolutely, and in its own dis cretion, all the thirtv-six States which compose the United States : to make their laws and chooses their rulers, and to exclude me otner ten ironi ail snare in tneir own gov ernment until it sees fit to admit them thereto. What is thereto distinguish the power thus asserted and exer cised from the most absolute and intolerable tyranny? Nor do these extravagant and unjust claims on the part of Congress to powers and authority never conferred upon the government by the constitution find any warrant in the arguments or excuses urged on their behalf. It is al leged : wave, in his own discrerion. ' To this we reply that the , the bereavements and Tosses of this war, they have faWec ekchi- mivaiu4ucDiiuuiciw) ojiviy, ou jii w me rignts tney .nnoij uyuu ueuuer secuoii. .ami upon neu ner party ; tnat tiiey ierstood. the Umtr defence of its TV. -i i xl, i. of the I'r.,7 i war was carneu on oy mo gueiiuueud ; -,u states in maintence of its y the authority and in wn existence, both of which were menaced insurrection n-l.,.1. n onnnrnan. Thft uppression of tha. . ? i,ot r.a,iit rfd..i.- " ""s r. . . : The frnv m, V1" insurrection accomplisneu tnat result the government of the United snte maintained by for arms ttie sunrpmn n iv.a oi over -ill im c aumoruv over &u me wiihwj " tKnBlffn?- 4 8 an,a pePle within it9 jurisdiction, which no n w f t u.n COUtf 8 nV fc- But it acquired thereby tf tmitm?.i I ; "S jurisdiction; no rights either no toS , ii? 88e?vIOQ ?r of civil authority, which it did fvd wifr beore the "hellion broke out. All the right wtr "can ever posceujs that which, is conferred First. That these States by the act of rebellion, and by voluntarily withdrawing their members from Congress, for feited their right of represent at i in, and that they can only receive it again at the hands ot the supreme legislative au thority of the government on its own terms and at its own discretion. If representation in Congress and participation in the goverenient were simplv privileges conferred and held by favor, this statement might have the merit of plausi bilitybut representation is, under the constitution, not only expressly recognized as a right, but it is imposed as a duty, and is essential m both aspects, to the existence of the government and to the maintenance of its authority. in iree governments fundamental and essential rignts cannot be forfeited, except against individuals, by due pro cess of law. Nor can constitutional duties and obliga tions be discarded or laid aside. The enjoyment cf rights may bo for the time suspended bv the failure to claim them, and duties may be evaded bv'the refusal to perform them. The withdrawal of their memVn rs from Congress by the States which resisted the general government was among their acts of insurrection was one of the means and agencies by which t hey sought to impair the authority and defeat the action of the government. And that act was committed, and rendered void when the insurrection it self was suppressed. Neither the right of representation nor the duty to be represented M'as in the least impaired by the fact of insurrection. I'.ut it may have been that by reason of the insurrection, the conditions on which the enjoyment of that right and the performance of that duty f jr the time depended could not be fulfilled. This was in fact the case. An insurgent power, in the exercise of usurpation and unlawful authority in the ter ritory under its control, had prohibited that allegiance to the Constitution and laM-s of the United States which is made by that fundamental law the essential ondition of representation in its government. No man within the in surgent States was allowed to take the oath to support the Constitution of the United States, and, as a necessary consequence, no man covdd lawfully represent those States in the councils of tho nation. But this was only n obstacle to tho enjoyment of the riffht and to the discharge of a duty. It did not annul the confer are concerned, to wars waged between alien and independent nations, and can have no place or force, in this regara in a war waged by a government to suppress an insurrection of its own people, - upon its own soil against its authority. If we had carried on successful war against any foreign nation, we might thereby have ac quired possession and jurisdiction of their soil, with the right to enforce cur laws upon their people, and to impose upon them such laws and such obligations as we might choose. , But we had before the war complete jurisdiction over the soil of the Southern States, limited only by our own constitution. Our laws were the only national laws in force upon it ; the government of tho United States waa the only government through which those States and their peo ple had relations with foreign nations, and its flag was the oniy nag ty which tbey were recognized cr Known any where on the face of the earth. Iu all these respects and in all other respects involving national interests and rights, our possession was perfect and complete. It did not need to be acquired, but only to be maintained, and victorious war against the rebellion could do nothing more than maintain it could ouly vindicate and re-establish the disputed supremacy of the consti tution. It could neither enlarge nor diminish the authority which that Constitution confers upon the government by which it was achieved. Such an enlargement or abridgement of constitutional power can be effectetl only by the amendment of the Constitution it self, and such amendment can be made only in the modes which the Constitution itself prescribes. The claim that the suppression of an insurrection against tha government gives additional power and authority to that government, especially that it enlarges the jurisdiction of Congress and gives that body the right to exclude States from rep resentation in the national councils, without which the nation itself can have no authority and vo existence, it seems to us at variance alike M ith the principles of the Constitution and with the public safety. Third. Hut it is alleged that in certain particulars the consti tution of the United Stat es fails to secure that absolute justice and impartial equality which the principles of our government require. That it was iu these respects, the result of compromise and concessions, to which, howeer necessary when the consti tution wa formed, we are no longer compelled tosubir.it, and that now !..''ng the power, through successful war, ami just warrant U. i'- exercise, in the hostile conduct of the in-mrgcit section, the actual (iovermneiit of the Tinted States may impose its own condition and make the constitution conform, in all its provisions, to its own ideas of ( quality and the rights of man. Congress, at il.s last session, promised amendments to the con consliiution, enlarging in some very important particulars the authority of the general government over that of the several States, and reducing by indirect disfranchisement the represen tative power of the States in which slavery formerly existed. And it is chined that these amendments may be made vtlid as parts of the original constitution without the concurrence of the States to be most seriously alt'ected by them, or may be imposed upon those States by three-fourths of the remaining Stares as conditions of their readiniission to representation in Congress and in the electoral college. It is the unquestionable right of the people of the United States to make such changes in the constitution as they, upon dun deliberation, may deem expedient. But we insist that they shall be made in the mode which the constitution itself points out, in conformity with the letter and the spirit of that instrument, and with the principles of self-government and equal rights which lie at the basis of our republican institutions. We deny the right of Congress to make these changes in the funda mental law without the concurrence of three-fourths of all the States, including especially those to be most seriously alloc ted by tin m, or to impose Lbem upon States for people, as conditions of representation or of admission to any of the lights, duties or obligations which belong, under the constitution, to all the Slates alike. And with still greater emphasis do we deny the right of any portion of the States to exclude the rest of the States from any share in their councils, or to propose or sanction changes in the constitution which are lo atfeei permanently political relations and c.onirol or coerce the legitimate action of the several mem bers oi 'the common Union. Such an exercise of power is sim ply a usurpation just as unwarrantable when exercised by Northern suites as it would be if exercised by Southern ; and not to he fortified or palliated by anything in the past history, either of those by M hom it is attempted or of those upon whose rights and liberties it is to take effect. It rinds no warrant inthe constitution, it is at Mar with the fundamental principles of our form of government, and if tolerated in one instance, it becomes the precedent lor future invasion of liberty and constitutional right, dependent solely upon ttie will of the party in possession or power, and thus leads, by direct and necessary sequence, to the most fatal and intolerable of all tyrannies the tyranny of shifting and irresponsible factions. It is against tius, ffie most fori ii if table of all dangers which menace the stability of free government, that the Constitution of the United States was in tended iiKst carefully to provide. We demand a strict and steadfast ahereiice to its provisions, in this, and iu this alone, can we lind a basis ofperuiaueut union and peace. Fourth. Hut it is alleged, in justification of the usurpation which Me condemn, that the condition of the southern States and people is not such as renders safe their readmission to a share in the government, of the country : that thy are still dis loyal in sentiment and purpose, and that neither the honour, the credit, l. or the interest of the nation would by safe if they were readinrted to a share in its councils. We might replv to this : First. That we have no right for such reasons to deny any portion of the States or people rights expressly conferred Upol: them by the constitution of die United States. Second. That so long as their acts are those of loyalty: so long as they conform in all their publick conduct to the require ments of the constitution and laws, we have no right to exact from them conformity in their sentiments and opinions to our own. Third. That we have no right to distrust the purpose or the ability of the people of the Union to protect and defend, under all contingencies and by whatever means may be requited, its honour and its welfare. These would, in our judgment, be full and conclusive answers to the plea thus advanced for the exclusion of these States from the Union. But, we say further, that this plea rests upon a complete misapprehension or an unjust perversion of existing facts. We do not hesitate to affirm that there is no section of the country where the constitution and the laws ot the United States lind a more prompt and entire obedience than in those States and among those people who were lately in arms against them, or where there is less purpose or danger of any future attempt to overthrow their authority. It would seem to be both natural and inevitable that in States and sections so recently swept by the whirlpool of war, where all the ordinary modes ami methods of organized industry have been broken up, and the bonds and iutlueiice that guarantee so cial order have been destroyed, w here thousands and tens of thousands of turbulent spirits have been suddenly loosed from the discipline of M ar and thrown, without resources or restraint, upon a disorganized and chaotic society, and where the keen sense of defeat is added to the overthrow' of ambition and hope, scenes of v iolence should defer, for a time, the imposition of law, and excite anew the foreboding of the patriotic and well disposed. It is unquestionably true that local disturbances of this kind, accompanied by more or less of violence, do still oc cur, but they are confined entirely to the cities and larger towns of the Southern States, where different races and interests are brought most closely in contact, and where passions and resent ments are always most easily fed and fanned into outbreak. And even these are quite as much the fruit of untimely anil hurtful agitation as of any hostility on the part of the people to the authority of the national government. Hut the concurrent testimony of those lost acquainted M ith the condition of society and the state of public sentiment in the South, including that of its representatives in this Convention, established the fact that the great mass of the Southern people accept, with as full and sincere submisson as do the people of the other States, the re-established supremacy of the national authority, and are prepared, in the most loval spirit, and with a zeal quickened alike by their interest ami their pride, to co-ope rate with other States and sections in M hatcver may be necessa ry to defend the rights, maintain the honor and promote the weitare oi our common counti v , have fallen indeed with a far greater weight upon those with n noui uiu var wgan. 'i nat m trie iteatn or relatives and m nds, the viispersion of families, the disruption or social systems and social ties ; overthrow of governments, of law : and o order : the destruction of property and M forms and modes and means m muusrry : me loss of political, commercial, and moral influ ence, in every shape and form which great calamities can as sume, the Slates and people which engaged in the war against the government of the United States have suffered tenfold more than those who remained in allegiance to its constitution and laws. These considerations may not, as they certainly do not, justify the action of the people of the insurgent States': but no just or generous mind will refuse to them very considerable weight in determining the line of conduct whicli the government of the United States should pursueUowards them. They accept, if not with alacrity, certainly without sullen resentment, the defeat ami overthrow they have sustained. Tiiev acknowledge andac- qmesce m uie result to themselves and the country" which that defeat Invoh es. They no longer claim for any State the right to secede from the Union. They no longer assert, for anv State, anv allegiance paramount to that which is due to the general gov ernment. They have accepted the destruction of slavery and aiKdished it by their State constitutions, and concurred with the States aial people of the whole Union in prohibiting its existence forever, upon the soil or within the jurisdiction of the Unit ed States. They indicate ami evince their purpose just so fast as mav Im possible and safe to adapt their domestic laws to the changed condition of i heir society, and to secure by t ho law and its tri bunals equal and impartial justice to all classes of their inhabi tants. They admit the invalidity of all the acts of resistance to the national authority, and of all debts incurred in attempting its overthrow. They avow their willingness to share the bur dens and discharge a!i the duties and obiigal ions M hich rest upon them, in common with other States and other sections of the Union; and they renew, through their representatives in this Convention, by all their public conduct in everv wax, and by the most solemn acts by which States and sx-ieties"can pledge their faith, their engagement to bear true faith and allegiance through all time to come to the constitution of the United States, and to all iav. s that may be made in pursuance thereof. Fellow countrymen We call upon you, in lull reliance upon your intelligence and your patriotism, to accept with generous and ungrudging contidence, this full surrender on the part of those late!y in arms against your authority, and to .share with them the honor and renown that await those M ho bring back peace and concord to jarring States. The war just closed with all its sorrows and disasters has opened a new career of glory to the nation it has saved. It has swept away the hostilities of sentiment and of interest M hich were a striding menace to its peace. It has destroyed the insti tution of slavery, always a cause or agitation and strife, and has opened to our country the May to unity of interest, of principle, and of action through all time to come. It has developed, m both section.', a military capacity and aptitude lor achievements of M ar, both uy sea and land, before unknown even to ourselves, and destined Lo exercise hereafter, under united councils, an im portant mrluence upon tho character and destiny of the conti nent and l he world. And while it has thus revealed, disciplined and compacted our power, it has proved to us, beyond contro versy or doubt, by the course pursued toMardsboth contending sections by foreign powers, that Me must be the guardians of our own independence, and that the principles of republican free dom we represent can lind among the nations or the earth no friends or defenders but ourselves. We call upon you, therefore, by every consideration of your OM'ii dignity and safety, and in the name of liberty throughout the world, to complete the M'ork of restoration and peace wliich the President of the United States has so well begun, and which the policy adopted and the principles asserted by the present Congress alone obstruct. The time is close at hand M hen mem bers of a new Congress are to be elected. If that Congress shall perpetuate this policy, and by excluding loyal States and ieople from representation in its halls, shall continue the usurpation by M hich the legislative powers of the liovcrnmeiit are now ex ercised, , common prudence compells us to anticipate and aug ment discontent ; a sullen withdrawal from the duties and obli gations of the Federal Covernmeiit : internal dissension and a general collision of sentiments, and pretensions which may re new, in a still more fearful shape, the civil M ar from M hich we have just emerged. We call upon you to interpose your power to prevent the re currence of so transcendant a calamity. We call upou you in every congressional district of every State, to secure the election of members who, w-hateer other difference may characterize their political action, -will unite in recognizing the right of every State of the Union to representation in Congress, and Mho will admit to seats in either branch every loyal representative from every State in allegiance to the Government who may be found by each lloiiee, in I he exercise of the power conferred upon it by the Constitution, to have been duly elected, returned and qualified for a m at therein. When this shall have been done, the Government will have been restored to Its integril v, the Coiisiituiiou oi the United States will have been re-established in its full supremacy, and the American Union will have again become what it was de signed to t4 I y those M ho formed it a sovereign nation, coin posed of separate states, each like its-ell, moving in a distinct and independent sphere, exercising powers defined and re served by a common Const it ul ion, and resting upon the assent the confidence and co-operation of all the States and all the peo ple, subject to its authority. Thus reorganized and restored to their constitutional relations, the States and the General Gov eminent can enterin a lraternai spirit, with a common purpose and a common interest, upon whatever reform lor the security oi personal rignts, the enlargement oi popular liberty and per lection oi our repunncan institutions may uemanu The resolutions and Address were unanimously adop ted by the Convention in the United States thai no w require to be free.. They have the ehackels upon then? limbs and are bound as rig idly as though thev were in fact jn slavery. I repeat, then, that your declaration is the second proclamation of einan- crpaiion to ine people vi uie uiiueu mates, auu is oners a common ground, upon, which all patriots can stand. Ap plause. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, let me, in this connection, ask, what have I to gain moro . than tho advancement of the public welfare ? I am as much opposed to the indul gence of egotiam as any one, but here, in a conversational manner, while formally receiving the proceedings cf tliis Convention, I may be permitted again to ask, what haye I to gain consulting human ambition more than I have gained, except in one thing ? My race is nearly run. I have been placed in the high oflice which I occupy under the Constitution of the country, and I may say, held from the lowest to tho highest, almost everv rtosition to wluch a man may attain in our government; and surely, gentlemen, this should be enough to gratify a reasonable ambition. If I wanted authority, or if 1 wished to perpetuate my own power, how easy it would have been to hold and wield that which was placed in my bands by the measure called the freedman's bureau bill, Laughter and applause. With an armv which is placed at mv discretion. I could have remained at tha Capitol of the nation, and with 50 or CO millions of appropriations at my disposal, with the machinery to ie worked by my satraps and dependents in every town and village, and then with the civil rights bill following as an auxiliary. Laugh ter. In connection with all the other appliances of the Government, I could have proclaimed mvself Dicta- torj but, gentlemen, my pride and my ambition have been to occupy that position which retains all power in tho hands of the people. It is upon that I have always relied ; it is upon that I rely now ; and I repeat that neither the taunts nor jeers of Congress, nor of a subsid ized calumniating press can drive me from my purpose. Great applause. I acknowledge no superior except my God the author of my existence and tho people of the United States. Prolonged and enthusiastic cheering. For tho one, I try to obey all his commands as best 1 can, compatible with my poor humanity; for the other, in a political and representative sense. The high behest of the people havo always been respected and obeyed by me. Applause. Mr. Chairman, I have said more than I intended to say. "For the kind allusion to myself, contained in your address, and in the resolutions adopted by the Convention, let me remark, that in this crisis, and at the present period of my public hfe, I hold them above all prize, and shall ever recur with feelings of profound gratification to the last resolution containing the indorsement of a Convention emanating spontaneous from tho great mass of the peo ple. I trust and hope that my future action may bo such that yon, and the Convention you represent, may not re gret the assurance of confidence you have expressed. Be fore separating, my friends, one and all, please accept my sincere thanks for the kind manifestations of regard and respect you have exhibited on this occasion. I repeat, that I shall always continue to bo guided by a conscientious conviction of duty, and that always gains one courage, under tho Constitution which I have made my guide. At the conclusion of the President's remarks three en thusiastic cheers were given for Andrew Johnson, and three more for General Grant. The President then took a position near the door opening into the Hall, with Gen eral Grant by his side, where, as the gentlemen of the committee and the members of the Convention passed out, he grasped each by the hand and had a smile or cheering word for all ; after which they passed on to take General Grant bv the hand. one nor abrogate the other, and it ceased to exist when oveniment of the United States maintained by force Lthe usurpation by whicli it was created had been over thrown, and t he States naa again resumed tneir auegiance to the Constitution and laws of the United States. Second. But it is asserted, iu support of the authority claimed by the Congress now in possession of power, that it flows directly from tho laws of war ; that it is arhong the rights which victorious war always confers upon the conquerors, and which the conqueror xny xerciw ,or History affords no instance where a peoale so power ful in numbers, in resources and in publick spirit, after a war so long iu its duration, so destructive in its pro gress and so adverse in its issue, have accepted defeat and its consequences with so much of good faith as has marked the conduct of the people lately in insurrection agriust the Ucitcd States. Beyond all question, this has been largely due to the wise generosity with which their enforced surrender was accepted by the President of the United States and the generals in immediate command of their armies and to the literal measures which were afterwards taken to restore order, tranquility and law to the States, whore all had lor a time been overthrown.- No steps could have been better calculated to command 1 . . . , A , 1 ' 1 1 ,1 . . - the respect, win tne conuaence, revive ine patriotism rnd secure the permanent anj .afTectionate allegiance of the people of the South to the constitution and laws of .1 TT it il ' I. ' V-A-l'l A1 ine uuion man tuose wuicu naye ueeu so mmiy laiveu and so fcteadfastly pursued by Uie President of the Uni ted Stgtes And if that confidence and loyalty have been since impaired if the people of the oUth are to-day less cor dial in their ahegiance than they were immediately upon the close ot the war we believe it is due to the changed tone of the legislative department of the general govern ment towards them; to the action by which Congress has endeavoured to supplant and defeat the President's wise and beneficent policy of restoration ; to their exclu sion from all participation in our common government : to the withdrawal from them of rights conferred and guaranteed by the constitution, and to the evident pur pose of Congress, in the exercise of a usurped and tin lawful authority, to reduce them from the rank of free and equal members of a republick of States, with rights and dignities unimpaired to the condition of conquered provinc s and a conquered people. In all things subor dinate and subject to the will of their conquorors free only to obey l&ws, in making which they are not allow ed to share. No people has ever yet existed whose loyalty and faitb, such treatment, long continued, would not alienate and impair, and the ten millions of Americans who live in the South, would be unworthy citizens of a free country, degenerate sons of an heroick ancestry, unfit even to be come guardians of the rights and privileges bequeathed to us by the fathers and founders of this republick. if they would accept, with uncomplaining submission, the humiliations thus sought to be impressed upon them. Resentment of injustice is always and everywhere essen tial to freedom ; and the spirit which prompts the States and people lately in insurrection, but insuruent now no longer, to pi'otest against the imposition of unjust and degrading conditions, makes them all the more worthy to share in the government of a free commonwealth, and gives still firmer assurance of the future power and free dom of the republick. For whatever responsibility the Southern people may have incurred in resisting authority of the national government, and in taking up arms for its overthrow, they may peheld to answer as individuals before the judicial tribunals of the land, and for that conduct, as societies and organized communities, they have already paid the most fearful penalties that can fall on offend- ! ing Spates in the losses, the sufferings and hunuliations of mi: successful war. But, whatever may be the guilt or the punishment of the con scious authors of the insurrection, candor and common justice ; demand the concession thai the great mass of those who be- j came involved in its responsibility ' acted upon what they be lieved to be their duty, In defence of what they had been taught to believe to be thep: rights, or under a compulsion, phy sical and moral, which they were powerless to resist Nor can it be amiss to remember, that terrible aa have been Great Addics of President Johnson on ttie Pre ten tation of the Resolutions and Proceeding of the Philadelphia Union Convention. Washixgtox, D. C, Aug. 18 P. M, There was a great crowd to-day to hear the President in response to Iieverdy Johnson, who presented the official proceedings ot uie Convention. Ihe President said, referring with feeling, to the scene represented of youth Carolina aud Massachusetts entering the Con vention together, he was overcome, and couid not but conclude, that an overruling providence was direct ing us aright. He said our brave men have per formed their duties in tho held and have won laurels imperishable ; but, turning to Gen. Grant, he continued, there are greater and more important duties to perform. and while we have had their co-operation in the field, we now need their cfTorts to perpetuate peace. Applause. Ihe Executive Department had tried to pour oil on the wounds and restore the Union, but it had not entirely succeeded w e nave seen in one department ot ucvernment every effort to prevent? the restoration of peace and harmony in the union, we nave seen hanging upon the Verge upon the Government, as it were a body called, or which assumed names, to be the Congress of the United States, while in fact it is a Congress only of a part of the States. We have seen this Congress assume and pretend to be for the Union, when its every step and act tended to perpetuate disunion and make a disruption of the States inevitable. instead ot promoting reconciliation antl harmony, its leg islation has partaken of the character of penalties, retal iation and revenge. I his has been th6 course and policy ot one portion oi your government. Ihe humble mdi vidual who is now addressing you is the representative of another Department ot Government. The manner m whicli he was called upon to occupy tho position, I shall not allude to on this occasion. Sumce it to say, that he is here under the Constitution of the country, and being hero by virtue of its provisions he takes his stand upon that character of our liberties, as the great rampart of civil and religious liberty. Prolonged cheering. Having been taught in my early life to hold it sacred, and having practiced upon it during my whole public ca reer, I shall ever continue to reverence the Constitution of my fathers and make it my guide. Hearty applause. The President proceeded and denied the charge that he had ever been tyranical or despotic. But such charges was simply intended to deceive and delude tho public mind into the belief that there ia some one in power who is usurping and trampling upon the lights of the Consti tution. It is done by those who make such charges for the purpose of covering their own acts. That's so and applause. I have felt it my duty, in vindication of the principles and the Constitution of my country to call the attention of my countrymen to these proceedings. When we come to examine who has been playing the tyrant, by whom do we find despotism exercised. As to myself, the elements of my nature the pursnits of my life, have not made me, either in my feelings, or in my practice, oppressive. My nature, on the contrary, is rather defensive in its charac ter, but I will say, that having taken my stand upon the broad principles of liberty and the Constitution, there is not power enough on earth to drive me from it. Loud and prolonged applause. Having placed myself npon that broad platform, I have not been awed or dismayed, or intimidated by either threats or encroachments, but have stood there in conjunction with patriotic spirits, sounding the toctdn of alarm when I deemed the citadel of liberty in danger. Great applause. I eaid, on a previous occasion, and repeat now, that all that was ne cessary in this great struggle, against tyranny and despo tism, was that the struggle should be sufficiently au dible for the American people to hear and properly understand. They did hear, and looking on and seeing who the contestants were, and what the struggle was about determined that they would settle this question on che side of the Constitution and of principle. I proplaim here to-day, as I have on pevious occasions, mat my iaitn is in tne great mass of the neonle. in the darkest hour of this atruerele. when the clouds seem to be more lowering, my faith, instead of giving away loomed up through the clouds, beyond which I saw that all would be well in the end. My countrymen, you all know that tyranny and despot ism, in trie language oi i nomas jenerson, can oe exer cised and excited more effectually by the many than by one. We have seen a Congress gradually encroach, step by step, and violato day after day, and months after months, Unconstitutional rights and the fundamental prin ciples of the Government. We have seen a Congress that seemed to forget that there was a limit to the sphere aDd scope of legislation. We have seen a Congress in a mi nority assume to exercise power which, if allowed to be carried out, would result in despotism or monarchy itself. This is truth, and because others, as well as myself, have seen proper to appeal to the patriotism and republican feeliner of the country, we have been denounced in the se verest terms. Slander upon slander, viturperation upon viturperation of the most villainous character has made its way through the press. What, gentlemen, has been your and my sin ? What has been the cause of our offen ding ? I will tell you : Daring to stand by the constitu tion of our fathers. I consider the proceedings of this Convention. Sir. aa more important than those of any Convention that ever assembled in the United States. Great applause. When I look with my mind's eye upon that collection of citizens coming together, volunta ily, and sitting in council with ideas with principles and views commensurate with ad the States, and co-extensive with the whole people, and contiast it with the collection of persons who are trying o destroy the country, l regard it as more important than anv Convention that has sat. at least since 1787. Re newed applause. I think I may also eay that the decla rations that were there made are equal to tfto Declaration of Independence itself, and I here, to-day, pronounce them a second declaration of Independence, lunes of glorious and a most entnusiastic and prolonged applause.! Your address and declarations are nothing more nor less than a re-affirmation of the Constitution of tb.e United States. Yes, I will go farther, and say that the declare -. tions you have made, that the principles you hae enun ciated in your address are a second mlamation of eman cipation to the people of ihe United States. fltn wed aoplause For in proclaiming and rerproclaiming these great truths you have laid down a constitutional platform, upon which all can ' make com moD eanse and' stand united together for the restoration of the States and preservation of the Govern ment, without reference to party. . The question is the only salvation of the country, for our country rises .above all party consideration or influences.- How xuany are there The Labor Convention In Baltimore. Baltimore, Aug. 19. The National Labor Congress as sembles in this city, in the Front Street Theatre, to-morrow. Delegates from various States are arriving, and the proceedings promise to be interesting. The Presbyterian Convention. St. Loris, Aug. 17. Dr. Vandyke forwarded a letter to the Presbyterian Conference here, whieh has been pub lished. He sympathises with their grievances, but coun sels moderation. It was resolved this morning not to form a new church organization, but to appeal to the churches to correct the errors ot the General Assembly, and hold another conference. Report of the Board of Health. As will be seen by the following report, no cases of cho era have occurred in the city within the last twenty-four hours, and with prudence in diet and sanitary precautions, there will be no more cases to report : Office of the Board of Health, ) Richmond, Aug. 20, 18GU G o'clock, P. M. ) Sir No cases of cholera have been reported within the last twenty-four hours. Respectfully, F. W. HANCOCK, President of the Board of Health. Judge Crump, Chairman Sanitary Committee of the Coun cil. Rich. Tiniest, MARRIED. At Myrtle Grove, on the 21st inst., bv John J. Conolev, Esq., Mr. HEN Y A. MAKTINDALE, to Miss SIDNEY ANN HORN, all of this county. In Dallas county, Alabama, on the 2oth July, Captain HAMILTON C. GRAHAM, C. S. A., of Newborn, N. C, to Miss MARY MOSELY, daughter of Louis B. Mosely, Esq. sriBrrs J. UBrEJiTixE uuimg tho wejci iusfc endei Mk.lrni lift, wi.ln.1 n A rt V ' . ; . ' 1 . I J luai act nao iiiitu oituujr avi 1.11m ai llCie,-CTid priCOS Tt m.'Mll about the samo as quoted incur last report the suh- having been at a range of from 43 to 4(i cents gallon p.r white, according to packages. Tho sales have been hi in -what restricted for the want of shipping, but tho arrival of three steamers to-day (Thursday) will enable purcha sers to ship, and the market exhibits rather mor firmness at tho close. We quote sales for the week as follows : Friday 280 bbls. at 4", cts V gallon for while. Saturday.. 37 " 42 " " Do 41 " U) " " Monday. ..140 454fi Tuesdav.. CI " 45 Wednes'day.Ct " 45i Do 85 " 454(J" Rosin Tho market during tho past week 1ms ruled quiet for ail grades, and if anything ('notations oi the liner qualities are a shado lower. The demand from buyers ha been limited, owing mainly to tho difficulty in shipping, and the sales for tho week have been quite small. We quote sales ns follows: 584 bbl. Common nt fl 7V:I 80 ; 98 do. strained Common at 2f?2 12 i ; 45;J do. No. -at $2 12.$2 25, $2 50(2 75; 5km do. No. 1 at $:5 r,or,f.: i 25, as in quality ; and 103 do. Pule at $5 73 t bbl. of 280 lbs. Tar Is in moderate request for shipping purposes, and none coming in. In tho absence of receipts and sales we quoto nominally at $2 1 bbl. Befv Cattle and yuEEP For beeves there is a fair de mand from butchers for a prime article, wliich sells read ily, but nearly all brought to market are of inferior qual ity and dull of sale. We quoto on tho hoof nt fW.li) cents lt. net, as in quality. Sueep are scarce and in demand, and would lind quick sale. We quote at ?2 to ;3 each, as in quality. Barrels For empty spirit barrels there has been a brisk demand since last report, and the market is almost, bare in consequence of the moagro receipts for some weeks past. We quoto oidv smaU sales from wharf al15iK : $4 75 for second hand, aud $5(f?5 50 for new, according to quantity and quality. Beeswax Bells at 3033 cents y ih. Cotton We have no material alteration to notice in tb.e market for this article since our last report. Tho unfa vorable advices from tho Northern market lias imparted considerable dullness to the market here, and bnvcrs i-diow no disposition whatever to purchase unles at reduced ti:,' ures, Mhich sellers refuse to accept. On Tuesday 11 bales changed hands at 31 cents for middling and 32 i Vents U r good middling. No other transactions reported, and the market closes nominal a 3031 cents for middling. One bale of new crop (tirst of tho season) was received on Fri day and sold at 35 cont. Corn Meal Is in modcrato supply, and only a retail enquiry. Wo quote in tho small way from tho niilli at $1 55&U GO r bushel. Eocs Sell from tho carts at 22(323 cents i dozen. Flour. Wo have nothing new to report in this article. The market ii very well supplied with Northern brands, and we notice merely a retail demand, consequently wo have to report only small sales from store at Ssw.fS 25 for fine, $9$10 for superfine, aud 12 WOUll t i bbl. for family, (Wilmington inspection.) Stato brands are scaive, and sell at $151G for superfine, and $lti$17 for family. Fertilizers Of nearly all descriptions aro in moderato supply, and sell from storo at the following quotations : Peruvian Guano per ton of 2,000 lbs., $000($ 107 5o I'acinc KettlewelPs Manipulated Guano E. F. Coe's Superphosphate of Lime Ober's Cotton and Corn Com pound Baugh's Raw Bone Phosphate, Grain For Corn tho market rules about tho as reported in our last. The receipts, however. been rather ligiit, and m consequence tho supply in deal ers hands has becomo somewhat reduced, though it ap pears fully adequato for present wants, as there is merely a local demand. Wo have no cargo sales to report. Wo quote from store, in lots as wanted, at $1 bW.fd 20 for mixed and yellow, and $1 25f$$l 35 bushel for bin , as in quality. Oats. The supply on market has be come nearly worked off in the absence of receipts, and wo note a fair enquiry. We quote cargo price nominal at CO cents y bushel. Peas. Scarcely anv on market, and we notice an active demand. Parcels "would find ready salo at high figures. We quote at $1 40&.H 50 bushel for Cow. Rice. Clean is in limited supply and sells f rom the storo by the package at 1311 cents itt for Carolina. Hay. Tho receipts have been meagre for some weeks past, and in consequence tlic supply on market has be come very light. There is a fair demand from dealers, and full rates aro readily obtained. Last sale of North ern was at $1 12J y 100 lbs. Lime. No late receipts, and tho supply in dealers hands at present is quito small. Wo quoto lioni storo at ''"5 $2 25 y cask, as in quantity and quality. Lumber River Is in limited request at present, ai 1 sales difficult even at knv figures. Wo ref r to our f al for quotations. Molasses Iain moderate supply, and only a retail busi ness doing at quotations in table. Potatoes Irish sell at fl 50r?5 y bbl. New erop sweet aro coming in, and sell froiu carts at $2(u;?2 50 i bushel. Poulty The market is rather poorly supplied at pres ent. We quoto live chickens at 23W3j cent-, and m ow;.' fowls at 3515 cents each, as to size. Pea Nuts Are in some enquiry, and but few arriving. A lot of 700 bushels sold from storo on Monday at $2 .50 I bushel, bags included. Provisions. For N. C. cured Bacon tho market, h:v; ruled quiet sinco last report, llio arrivals per railroad have been moderate, and tho supply in lirst hands lias aeen mulated somewhat, while the demand has becomo checked and is only for small lots for retailing purposes. Wo quoto sales from store during tho week, in lots as wanted, at prices ranging from 22 to 23 cents for hog round, and 2424J cents y lf. for hams, as in quality -tho market closing" rather dull. Western cured is in moderate supple, and sells from store by tho package at 22 cents for shoul ders, and 2323 cents y 11. for sides. Lard. The market rules steady for both N. (I and Northern, and wo note a moderate demand for retailing purposes. Wo qnofe at 2324 cents y lt Pork For Northern we repoi t a moderate enquiry, and only a light supply on market. We refer to our table for storo prices. Salt. Several parcels of Liverpool ground havo been received coastwise for the past week or two. and wo quoto small sales from wharf at 12 50?j)?2 00, and from storo at $2 75t3 y sack, as in quantity. Wo quoto alum from store at 7580 cents y bushel. Shingles. There has boon some demand during the past week, and wo quoto sales at $2 50(3 for Common and $4$5 y M, for Contract. Timber. Owing to the continued low stago of tho wa ter courses little or no timber can now reach market, and consequently we have but few sales to report. The stock in millers' hands has becomo considerably reduced, but is t only 3'"",! J i ( JM tor ided tho cc It il cc ii ( ti !;o oo 00 DIED. In Wilmington, N. C, August 21st, 18GG, JOSEPHINE WARD, of dysentery, only daughter of Capt. Joseph W. and Sarah F. Morse, aged 11 months and 20 days. She came into the world to see, An emblem of our mieery ; Sho turned her little head asido And dropt a tear or two and died. At Chapel Hill, on tho lGth, at tho residence cf her son-in-law, Capt. J. M. Walker, Mrs. M. M. GIBBS, relict of the late Robert Gibbs, in her seventy-third year. Dispatch copy. Wilmington Wholesale Prices Current. It should be understood that our quotations oren erahy represent the wholesale price. In filling small orders, higher rates have to be paid. Beeswax, y lb. .30 32 Beef Cattle, y 100 lbs... 8 00 10 00 Bricks, y M.12 00 20 00 Barrels, Sp'ts Turp., each, 2nd hand. . ..4 50 4 75 New 5 00 5 50 Candles, y lb., Tallow '20 25 Adamantine . . . 25 28 Snerm .50 55 Coffee, y lb.f Java 4U & 4a Laguayra 35 38 Rio 26 28 St. Domingo.. .20 28 Cotton, y h., Urd. to Mifi'g. .30 31 Strict Mid'g. . .00 & 31 Cotton Bagging, Gunnv, y yard 374 40 Dundee..? 37? 40 Roue.iyS) 20"(3 21 Corn Meal, 3 bushel....! 50 1 55 Domestics, Sheeting, $ yd. 17 18 Yarn, yo lb.0 00 & 2 50 Feathers, y lb.. 00 & 50 Fish, y bbl., Mac'l,No.l.OO 00 25 50 Mac'l,No.2.00 00 tf22 00 Mac'LNo.3.00 00 19 00 Her'gs, East.ti 00 G$ 7 00 DoN.C.roe,10 00 0t) UO Do do cut, 0 00 00 00 Dry Cod, y ft ..8 J Flour, y bbl., Family 12 50 17 00 Superfine... 9 00 10 00 i Fine 8 00 8 25 Glue, y lb 18 20, Gunny Bq. ....&& 40 GuAia, Peruvian, Per ton.. .000 00 107 50 Land Plaster, y ton 18 00 Grain, y bushel, Corn 1 10 1 25 Oats 60 65 Peas, Cow...l 40 & 1 50 Rice, rough. 0 00 2 00 , .13 14 .10 85 10 5 15 40 12 10 10 10 12 Carolina, Hides, y tt Green Dry Hay, y 100 Bbs., Eastern 1 North River. 1 Iron, lb.. English, asa'd. 8 (5 American, ref . . .0 American,sheer.9 Swede 10 Hoop,tonl75 00 & Lime, y bbl 0 00 & 0 00 from store. ..a oo 2 25 Lumber, Btea Sawed (River,) .tTriioaras.ia uu 00 Wide do .14 00 18 00 ScaDtJing...l2 00 15 00 Liquors, y gaL, (domestic,) Bourbon.. 2 75 5 00 N. E. Bum.. 3 00 4 00 Gin 4 00 7 00 Brandy... ...4 00 9 00 JIolasses, y gallon, Cuba 50 60 Sugar house . .50 55 Syrup 65 Ccft 1 00 Naval Stores, Turpentine y ZoU Ids., New Virgin. .0 00 3 10 Yellow dip.. .0 00 & 3 05 Hard 0 00 1 42 xar, DDI. ..0 ty u 00 Tar, in order. 0 00 2 25 Pitch, City..O 00 3 50 Rosin, pale. .5 75 6 00 do No. 1..3 50 5 00 do No. 2.. 2 00 2 50 do No. 3..1 80 2 00 Spirits Turpentine, 3tfKal 45 Gt 46 Nails, y a., cut 7 a 7 uils, gauon, Kperm .0 00 3 00 Linseed 1 85 2 00 Machinery... 2 00 2 50 Kerosene 00 (& 80 Pea Nuts y bushel.... 2 00 2 50 Potatoes, y bush., weot 2 00 3 50 Irish. bbl. .4 75 CcA 5 00 Provisions, y H., in. iv. uaeon, Hams 24 Middlings 23 & Shoulders 21 Hog round. .22 Western Bacon, Middlings . ..23 23 Shoulders ... 22 22 Jiard. 2a 25 Gutter 40 45 Cheese 23 CA 24 Pork, Northern, y bbl., Jity juess. .35 00 36 00 .34 UU CB35 00 .33 00 34 00 .29 00 30 00 28 00 29 00 00 00 22 23 Thin Prime ' Prime, . Rump.. Salt. Alum, y bush.0 60 65 Liverpool, y sack, ground, cargo 2 50 2 60 from 8tcre.2 75 (ch 3 no Sugar, y ft., uuoa 14 00 Porto llico....l4 15 0 16 16$ I V (& uu A 18 00 Crushed- 49 00 Soap, &th 11 14 Shingle, y m Contract 4 00 5 50 Common 2 25 Gh a 00 Wtavks, y M., Vy. U. bbl.. .25 00 30 OP R. 0.hhd...S5 00 40 00 Timber, y M., Shipping... 00 00 18 00 Mill, prime. 16 00 17 00 Mill Fair... 12 00 H 00 Mill, inferior to onlinary . 7 00 10 00 r allow, y . .10 12 roBAoco, y a., Navy 25 35 Medium 30 40 C5 00 (i8 00 samo iavo sufficient for present wants. Wo quote sales o rafts at $10 for ordinary, $12 for lair, and $1 prime ram. Wood Is brought to market slowlj', and is in moderate enquiry. We quote by tho boat load at j'2 50(i3 for pino and ash, and $3 25i3 DO y cord for oak. Pine Steam Saiced Lumber Ordinary assortment Cuba cartrous. " " llayti cargoes, . . Full cargoes wide Boards , " " flooring boards, rouh. . Ship Stuff, as per specifications, Deals, 3 by 9 Prime River Flooring, , Carno 1 a Vs per 1,000 ft t. . .C2r, 0l f,ti 2H (111 . . 25 00 on 00 (: . . 30 00 OC (Ml 0!) ,.. 30 00 0i) (II) O'l . . 3f 00 n 00 m . . 2M 00 30 Oil . . 20 00 22 00 EXPORTS From the Port of Wib.iinjton, A'. C, for the tcedc cwtiu-j Auqusl 23d, 1S6G. COASTWISE. To New York. 816 bbls. spirits turpentine : 27 do crude turpentine ; 014 do rosin ; 87 bales cotton ; 413 bush, pea nuts ; 15 do. flaxseed ; 5 bbls. wax ; 3 tons old iron ; j.0 bdls. bags. To Philaueli'HIA. 739 bbls. spirits turpentine : 71 d.. crude turpentine ; 1683 do. rosin ; 200 do. tar; 50 do. pitch; 37 bales cotton ; 26,350 feet lumber : 11,630 juniper stave; 4 pkgs. nidze. lo Baltimore 6o5 bbls, spirits turpentine ; 812 do. rosin ; 99 do. tar : 10,000 tett lumber : 16 tons old iron: vwl bbls. copper ore ; 10 pkgs nidze. lo Kaco, .ME. 12,UU0 leet lumber. FOREIGN. To London, Eng. 784 bbls. spirits turpentine : 102 do. rosin. To Rio de Janeiro. 78,331 ft. lumber. To Havana. 285,424 ft. lumbor. REVIEW OP TII3 VVTIjSIIHGTON MARKETS For tle vreek ending f liwi-Miay, Amg. 24, 1866. Tubpentine. On Friday last the market opened with a brisk demand for this article, sales being made at $3 30 for virgin, 3 05 for yellow dip, and $1 52$ for hard, y 280 lbs. The market has since ruled firm at these figures. and all received has found quick sales. Owing to the low stage of tie water courses, little or none can now come in from above tide-way, and thtrefore the arrivals have been exceedingly light, and tor the week just ended reach only 802 bbls wh'oU aold as fullowH ; Bbls. Virgin. Yellow Dip, 416..;. $3 25$3 30.... $2 05.... 140.... j 3 3U 2 05.... 14.,.. 3 30V... 3 16.,.. 90.;.' 3 30:.;, 3 05.... 56.;.. 3 3J 3 05,... Friday ...... Saturday....... Monday....... Tuesday.. Wednesday..... TuuradaT...... CAROLINA FEMALE COLLEGE, ANSON COUNTY, N. V. IHIS INSTITUTION WILL OPEN UNDER UNUSU . ally favorable auspices, uu the lust Alondav in bunt em ber next. The standard of schollarehip will not be suniin.sed hv that of any Female fccUool in tae South. jLxpensfcs as follows : Hoard, washinz and fuel. nr hoh. sion of iy weeks, $55, on a specie basis, or its equivalent in currency, lmtiou from tiO to 2o, payable in uke man ner. Pupils furnish their own lights, towels, sheets and nil- ow cases. For further particulars aDnlv to the midprwmihd. or ro- fer to Catalogues at the oflice of Cox, Kendall & Co., Wil mington, N. C. J. E. DLANKENSIIIP, President C. F. College. Ansonville, N. C. Aug. 17, 18(; 2:)-tf. ileal Estate for Sale. THAT FINE BUILDING LOTH ON THE COR- if . ner of Third aud Red cross streets, with a t!i small new house with four rooms on oifo Lot, front i. ''J on Third street 132 tcet ; on Red Cross struct abouv 1 ij feet. It is the finoet location for a reeideuce in the ci v. For terms, apply to tn 8. M. WE3T. Auctioneer and Real instate Uroiier. Aug. 23. 20 tf. Agents Wanted fr the Life aud Campaigns of CiE.V'L. (SfOXEWALL) JAIKSO.V, By Prof. R. L. Dabuey, D. D., of Va. fTlHE STAND A. RD BIOGRAPHY OF THE I.MMDIif.'L L Hero, he only edition 86.... ask;., 3Q5,.. Hard. I JL Hero, ihe only edition authorized by Ins udov .$1 524 (The author a personal friend and CaeJ ofytatfoi' ho . 1 52 enriatian aoidier. We waut au Ageut in every court; . . 1 52 V- Send for circulars and see our terms. Address ,152; , NATIONAL PvJliUtJHlNQ CO . . 1 52i Corner 7th aud Main a., likhmoad, Va.
Wilmington Journal [1844-1895] (Wilmington, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Aug. 23, 1866, edition 1
3
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