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THE WILMINGTON JOURNAL UATKS OF ADVICKTIS1NO, 1 square, of P) lines or less, for each and every i;;,i, ,-i. .special No ;-. v, ili 1 c charged 2 00 per bauaie f reach and every insert ;on. K;Em.UO i'UICK, I'lOi.ricior. To tnkora all Lctterson Vusmess must be addressed Tunis of Subscription. WeiyPaper, one year m advance, f J 00 Do .Six months, " Daily Paper, e iu ad?ucc $ ? 00 six months, "V? three months, in advance, J GO iino month, " 1 CO VOL. 24. WILMINGTON, H. C, FRIDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 2, 18G8. NO. 34. i rir:t. In tli'wcitv, ai, 12 o'clock, oa the night of ti c 2 Itli instant" after a lingering illness, from -m sumption, Mrs. MAl.aAl.EP T., wifa of Mr. J.. U. Evan, aged about 42 years. ti.. .i.-vimuril ivah taken serioutiiv ill ab.ut tne 25th of May last and has been confined to her bed almost everbince. Her death was calm and se rene, the immortal spirit winging its flight to the Creator without n apparent strung'1'-';, "he tI1Cl1 in the full fi.lloMLipof the Church j o her hus band, .-he was a gentle, lnvuur and duti.p.l wife, i i. at- i-).V,ln n always sli.'Ot'onatc, kind and lender -a true mother, enj'P-J'' an uieir nine warn a with that spirit of Jove nowhere to dn Dlavo l as in a mother's heart. Devout in In r re gions duties, she lived and moved amid the pes tiferous atmosphere of a sinful world with Ml that cairn and peaceful comiosnre of a pol led Chria tUn Mav her depart are to tho shores of Lter nity be hai'ed as the j yful evidei co of a son at rest. r11IUi;DAY, OCT. 13T, we tdnu have a GRAND OPENING in the new and elegant " car it miLriN," ::s MAllKKT STICK ET (our old tand), at which t.me will bo offered extraordinary in ducements to yurchasers of CLOTHING! Popular Fabrics, Durable Make, well cut and trimmed Garments, Manufactured by thema ives, at LOWEST PRICES IX THE CITY. UlfiYFS' nmmm goods, A largo stock adapted to the season, Men's, Youths' and Children's Hats and Cap, Gents' Silk Hats, Trunks, Bags, Perfumeries, Umbrellas, Toil' t Articles, in great variety. Our IMIiTTMGiU'GBIPMMEIf. Lii.-TMlly stocked with CLOTHS, CASSI Jiil'.a and VJ5.STING3, is controlled by a com petent Cutter, wiih well-ekilled workmen, (hmnents promptly made on the premises. MUNSi)N & CO., CITY CLOTHING STORE, Llr.rket Street, Wilmington, N. C. K-pt '2d 310-ltd-ltw i .1 .. 4 'in obacco House in Wilmington, HENRY BURKHESMER, ; k: (Hi r. 7$ i u a. n ICetail lka!t r In TOBACCO, BNUFF and ClGAliS, j. the " Unaan '," -Vo. C Market ;. wit, tin ;crrt:v, N. c. Cigars manufactured j to order. .All orders lillod with dispatch, nov. 5 iff - -J-t5 PIPES if j'jrfff 32-d3m-wl SCHOOL BOOK?. mEXOHERSAND OTIIEKS INTEliESTED IN 1 education, are respectfully invited to oxam iutj my large stock of bCHOOL BOOKS jaat re ceived. An early examination is desired, that I mav order any books not cn hand, in time for the opening of tho Schools. J. D. LOVE, sept 25 303 ditwlt inXCS2ESTE!! REPEATING rifles. FIRING TWO SLIOTiS A SECOND, AS A itEPEalKK, AND TWENTY SHOTS A MINUTE AS A JJ1CEKCH.L.OADEU. f"IIESK jtowerful, accurate, and wonder JL fully ell'ective weapons, carrying eighteen charges, which can be tired in nine seconds, are now ready for the market, and are for ea!o by all tho responsible Gun Dealers throughout the coun try. For full information send for circulars and pamphlets to the WINCHESTER REPEATING ARMS CO., 2,'cw Haven, Conn. JP 13 32-;5m JUAKRIAtiE CI!)1 BEING A PBIYATE INSTRUCTOR FOR married persons or those about to be mar ried, both male and female, in everything con cerning the physiology and relations of our sex ual system, and tho production and prevention of offspring, including all tho new discoveries never before given in tho English language, by WM. YOUNG, M. L. This is really ?. valuable and in teresting work. It is written in plain language for tho general reader, and is illustrated with nu merous Engravings. All yonng married people, or those contemplating marriage, and haviDg the least impediment to married life, should read this book. It discloses secrets that every one should h i acquainted with ; still it is a book that must be locked up and not lie about the houso. It will be sent to any address on receipt of 50 cents. Addr."s, Dn. W2L YOUNG, No. Ho Spruce street, above Fourth, Philadelphia. AFFLICTED AND UNFORTUNATE. No matter what may be your disease, before you place yonrsrlf under the care of any one of "the notorious QUACKS native and foreign who ad vertise in this or any other paper, get a cop of Dc. Young's Book and read it carefully. It will be the meau'? of Hiving you many a dollar, your health, ami possibly your life. Dr. Young cm be consulted on any of the did eases d escribed in his publications, at his oliioe, No. l it. Spruce etreet, above Fourth, Philadel phia. jnly 21-lv GHARLOTTE FEMALE INSTITUTE. CHARLOTTE, N. C. Rev. R. BrmvEix, ) 7, . - ; Jno. B. DniwFUi, A. U. 1 rtW'Pals mUG NEXT SESSION WILL COilJIENCE ON JL the 1st of October, 1S6H, and continuo until 30th June, ImI'J. The Session is divided into two terms of twenty weeka each, and pupils can bo entered for the whole session or for ono term. The charge for Board (including every expense, washing, fuel, lights, Ac.,) with Tuition in Eng lish Branches, will bo $130 per term of 20 weeks. Music, Ancient and Modern Languages, Draw ing and Painting, i x:m, at us sal charges. For Circular and Catalogue, containing fall par ticulars as to terms, Ac, address Rev. R. BURWELL & SON, Charlotte, N. 0. j"ly 17 243 dtAl-wtOl NOTICE, HAYING RESUMED THE TIMBER INSPECT ING BUSINESS, I would be glad to work for all my eld friends. I will continue to sell, free of commissions for all who mav favor me with their patronage. Persona sending me their PRODUCE will receive prompt personal attention- W. M. MONROE. Wilmington, N. C Sept. 4th, 1863. Glorious Prospects of a Democratic Trf uniph-A Prominent Accession Dins- Itam'n Chances. Cincinnati, Sept. 19. Recent advices received here from all parts of the State give double assurance that the Democracy will cany the Stato by an emphatic major ity m uciouer, ami oy a much larger vote in November. A prominent and influential public man m morgan s district, who lias been si T!o publican ever since the organization of. that party, will in a few davs take the stump ami re-iiii. j.cu me- jvemocracv. iuorp-an IS entirely out of danger. Rmghani is losing ground verv fast Twenty voters ia one township in "Belmont county who cast their votes for the Repub lican ticket last fall will vote the entire Democratic ticket this year. Our friends write from all points that the Democratic mooting are everywhere- larger than the lta-Ucal gatherings. Special to (he Louis From tho A&havillo News. HON. T. L. CLINGMAN'S LETTER. BflRTfl wirni AsHEViLLE, Kept. 5, 18GS. Gentlemen : I have been called mxm y citizens oi mnuv portions ' l ' m of our State for an expression of my views on the present policy and condition of the conn try. Having been a representative in one or the other House of CoDgress for .sixteen years immediately preceding tho com mencement of the late civil war, I regard it as a duty to comply with thete requests. As my present health and the limited time between this and the Presidential election will not afford mo an opportunity for a general canvass, I adopt this mode of addressing you. I maintain that neither of the old great parties of North Carolina, nor even any considerable number of individuali aro re sponsible for the lato troubles. Let us, before discussing the pending issues of tho day, take a brief retrospect into the past to make this manifest. It was tlui long continued agitation of the slavery quostion that gradually de stroyed tho two great parties into which the people of tho Unitod States had been so lorig divided. It had its origin in the attacks on our institutions by the abolitionists of the North. The people of the South stood on tho defensive, though it may with truth be said that we did not always defend our selves whely or well, and that the conduct of many Southern men strengthened our adversaries rather than weakened them. In time, however, this agitation progressed until it sectionalized the political feeling of tho coantry to a great extent and de stroyed the two eld national organizations. The great Whig party was first overthrown because a majority of its supporters in the Northern States abandoned it and joined a sectional anti-slavery; organization. It thusniappened that m tho year lob' Mil lard Fillmore, a man of great and deserved popularity, was beaten in every Northern State by an obscure democratic adventurer, who was supported by the bulk of the old whig party. The democrats, though weak ened by losing a portion of their members, still retained strength enough to elect, with a general vote of the South, their candi date, JVIr. Ruchanan. In the contest which succeeded in 1800, however, they were de feated, mainly in consequence of the di vision which occurred in their rsaiks. It is known to many of you, fellow-citizens, that I thought it was tho true policy of the South to unite on a single candidate, se lecting that man who was litely to obtain the largest Northern vote. Such a candi date I then thought might be successful ; but even if he were defeated I felt confi dent that the fact of the whole South cast ing its vote solidly for one man would cause the republican party either to give satisfac tory guarantees or lead to a peaceful sepa ration. I did not then, nor do I now be lievn that Mr. Lincoln would have been willing to make war on tho whole South, united as it would have thus been. In spite, however, of the eli'orts of those who thought as I did, a diiicrent course was tak n. Though it was obvious that tho whig party was weaker in the North than it had been four years previous, when it had failed to obtain for Mr. Fillmore a single electoral vote ; yet a number of its leading men pre sented Mr. Pell as its candidate. The de mocratic party soon after at Baltimore was finally divided and placed two candidates in tho field. With the conservative vote thus divided between threo candidates the election of Mr. Lincoln, the republican nominee, was rendered certain. The whigsof this Congressional District, and most others that I met, seemed to re gret this condition of affairs, while outside of the delegates who seceded at Baltimore, I did not meet a dozsn Democrats in the Stato who did not condemn their action. It thus happened that, against the wishes of almost our entire population, a condition of thiegs was produced that rendered cer tain tho election of a man who has repeat edly declared that "the Union could not enduro part slave and part free," and who also added that " he did not believe it would be divided." All his antecedents and his surroundings made it evident that, when elected, his power would be exerted to promote tho abolition of slavery. How the vote of North Carolina might be cast in thai con test seemed of so littio consequence that, though willing to vole with my political friends for Mr. Breckenridge, I did not think it. worth while to take any part in tho canvj ss until I ascertained that, in a speech at Norfolk, Douglas had come out for what was popularly known as the doc trine of "coercion." Subsequently at Kaleigh he was still more emphatic in de claring that the' election of Mr. Lincoln should be submitted to, and that any re sisting on such ground should be " hanged as high as Haman." Believing that if, after such a declaration any considerable number of votes should be cast for him in the South, snch a fact would tend to en courage Mr. Lincoln to adopt a policy of coercion rather than one of conciliation, I canvassed the State "frith a view of re ducing Mr. Douglas' vo te as much as pos sible. On a calm review of our history it will be seen if there was error in tho action of North Carolina up to this time, it was a mistake in which both of tho great parties concurred. The attack came from the anti-slavery organization and wo were on the defensive, and it can only bo said wo did not defend ourselves wisely, and that, in common with the other Southern States we made a divid ed and injudicious fight, when we should have made a united resistance. HOW TUE WAK WA3 COMMENCED. The election of Mr. Lincoln, as a candi date of a sectional anti-slavery organiza tion, presented to the South an alarming issue. SeveraL of tho Southern States took initiatory steps to secede, and at the time of the meeting; of Congress it seemed as if a similar feeling was about to run over the entire South. In view of such ,i result, leading Republican Senators and others said to me "wo do not wish to part with you only let us know your terms and we will grant them." Mr. Crittenden's pro positions were brought forward and Mr. Toombs, of Georgia, and Mr. Davis, of Mississippi, declared that they would be satisfactory. It seemed at first that the difficulty would bo finally arranged on a fair basis. But there appeared soon to be division in the South, and the Republican leaders begau to hesitate. It was clear, that while they did not intend to have a collision with the entire South, they did not wish to abandon their party platform if they could avoid it. Finally, after Vir ginia, TennesseQ and North Carolina voted against tho proposition to secede, they set finis BF their faces resolutely against any arrange ment. Several of tho Souiheru States had pass ed their ordinances of Secession, and tho grave question was presented to North Car olina : what should she do V Nobody iu the State desired war, and lew, if any, a separation from the North, if we could pre serve our right3 in the Union. Our peo ple were then divided into two parties : one thought it best for the State to recede and tho other preferred to await farther devel opments. I frankly admit to you, gentlemen, ihat I was one of those who urged that t he State should act at once. I stated that, whilo Mr. Lincoln would not, in my opinion, be willing to have a collision with a majority of the Southern States, I had no doubt but that ho would make war on the few that had seceded, and call on us to provide men and money, and thereby make us a party to the war. A large majority of our peo ple, however, were in favor of taking a dif ferent course and voted with those who adopted tho policy expressed by the phrase, "Watch and wait." Tho adoption of thi-j policy was, however, followed by war. Had tho other course been taken, it is potsib!o that tho result might have been the tame. Knowing the sincerity of the feel ings in favor of peace, that pervaded the majority, I never for a moment regarded them as morally responsible for the war. It m;iy with truth rather be said that the State adopted the views of those regarded as mo3t anxious for peace and as tho war nevertheless came, no ceasure ought to bo thrown on any of oar citizens for a result that all deprecated. Even as things stood, it was long a matter of doubt whether we were to have war or peace, and, to show how small a circumstance turned the scale, I may mention a fact not generally known. It was communicated to me in the summer of 1SGG, by ono who was a member of Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet. Even after the failure of the peace Conference and the vote in the Virginia Convention, against secession, this gentleman informed me that Mr. Lin coln, Mr. Seward and all the members of the Cabinet, except my informant, were in favor of allowing Anderson to retire from Fort Sumter. He thereupon declared that, if this were allowed, every Foreign government would at onco recog nize the Confederacy, and proposed forthwith to resign as a member of the Cabinet. He assured me that it was only by these means that tho Adminis tration was induced to adopt a different policy. Thereupon a message was sent to Governor Tickens, of South Carolina, an nouncing that the armistice was at an end and that the United States Government intended to reinforce Fort Sumter by force. On the reception of this message the Fort was taken. President Lincoln issued his proclamation, calling on North Caroli na and other States for men, and the wr.r was began. Our people thereupon exhib ited a unanimity of feeling as surprising as it seeded spontaneous. Whigs and Democrats, Union men and Secessionits, seemed to vie with each other in the ex pression of determination to resist the ac tion of the Government of the United States. When tne Convention met its members were of one mind on the main point. Tho only difference of opinion was as to the phraseology to be used. Mr. Badger, a:- l some others, instead of tho term seced?, preferred to adopt the lan guage of the Mecklenburg declaration of independence at the beginning of the Rev olutionary war. Finally, every single mem ber of tho Convention voted for and signed tho ordinance of secession. That seemed to meet tho unanimous wishes of our people, and men and women, old and young, waved forward the move ment. I then heard of no pretesting voico in the State. North Carolina gave more men to the Confederacy than any other State, and had more of her sons killed in battle, while she received less considera tion than most of the others. On looking, therefore, over the whole ground, it is clear that no party is particu larly to blame, but that our people are re sponsible generally for what was done. There is, therefore, no reason io: mutual reproaches and recriminations. Even those men who, during the loDg struggle, changed their position, ought not to bo blamed, as doubtless most of them were sincere in their convictions of duty. When tho war ended our people expected at once a restoration to the Union and im mediate peace. It is no fault of theirs that their just hopes were disappointed. Soon after the war began President Lin coln and ihe Government of the United State.", after due consideration, decided to hold us to be not traitors but belligerents. For four years this doctrine was maintained in ali tilings, aud prisoners were exchanged as in ordinary cases of war between inde pendent nations. After the war ended and we fell into the power of the United States the Government could not with honor chaugo its position and hold us to bo traitors and liable as such to punishment. The difilculty of such a courso was the more insuperable from the fact that our armies surrendered with an express stipu- lation that wo should not be molested in person or property as long as we submitted to the Government and its laws. It being tho usage of all civilized Christian nations when a war ends to discharge all prison era of war, we had a right to expect such action from the Government of the United States. To tho astonishment, however, of all in telligent men North and South, abandon ing the ground which the Government of the United States had held for four years, President Johnson proclaimed us to be traitors, pardoned some and excluded others, especially those who were regarded as the most influential members of our so ciety. He made, however, another de cision not less remarkable. During the whole war the Government of the United States had held through all its departments executive, legislative and judicial that the Southern States were still in the Union as States, and that there was among us ouly an insurrection of individuals which obstructed the execution of tho laws, and, upon this being ended, and the authority of the Government acknowledged, we were entitlod to all the rights of States of the Union. The President, however, claimed the right to abolish our old State govern ments and to set np new ones by military force, to change our Constitutions, to dis franchise large numbers of our people and to decide what should be the provisions of those Constitutions. All of these things were quietly submitted to by our citizens. It is tree that, after his controversy with the Radicals had commenced, the Presi dent fell back on the original ground of the Government, but his own action had furnished his adversaries a weapon to strike him down. Ho was everywhere mot by the cry "if these were States of the Union what right had you to overthrow their Constitutions and government and set up new ones." I have no wish to censure the motives of the President, the common opinion of the country being that he was over-reached those around him. Having a Chines hostile to his views, and containing among its members some very able, artful and fiir-eing men, it was perhaps morally impossible th tt Ids nd ministration shoufd be ;i -inve. The result of these e iiirovrsies has been to keep our State in an unsettled con dition. We are at present undor the con trol of governments set up by military foice in accordance with certain nets of Congress. Theso acts aro admitted by their authors to bo " outside of the Constitution," but every intelligent man knows that such acts are unconstitutional and void. It is onlv the Constitution of the United States that gives more validity to the opinion of the three hundred gentlemen composing the Congress of the United Stutes than would be possessed by any like number of per sons in a public meeting. In fact it was but recently that tho Supreme Court, through its " Chief Justice Chase, desided that all pretended legislation outside the Constitution wua a nullity. The great question then, fellow citizens, presented formally for tho first time in a presidential contest is, shall ws have a Con stitutional Government, or are we to be gov erned by despotic author Hi in the hands of a few or one ? The ticket of Grant and Colfax is sus tained by the Radical despotic party. Sey mour and Blair are the candidates present ed by the party in favor of Constitutional Government. Shall we plunge iuto the tlark abyss of civil or military despotism or shall wo return to the constitutional sys tem under which wo prospered so wonder fully for the greater part of a century ? Even if this great issue were not pend ing there are other considerations which ought to determine you to support the Democratic nominees. EXOBBIT AN V EXPENSES OF THE GOVERNMENT. Within the last three years the Govern ment has collected from tho people more than fifteen hundred million dollars, a sum more than half as largo as the gigantic Na tional debt. But though the debt was re duced somewhat after the war closed, yet, since the Radical party has usurped the entire control of the Government, that elebt has been steadily and rapidly increasing. You may the better judge of the present enormous expenditures when I reminel you that the average expenditures of the Uni ted States for the ten years immediately preceding the war was fifty seven million dollars annually. It thus appears that the expenses for each of the last three years are more than eight times as much. It cannot be pretended that this vast in crease is due solely or even mainly to the national debt. The expeneliture in one year for the army alone was one hundred and twenty eight million dollars. But dur ing the four years of Mr. Polk's entire ad ministration, including nearly two years cf a foreign war carried on in Mexico, the whole expenditure for the army was only ninety million dollars. In other words, tho Radicals in time of peace spend as much money in one year as four years with war cost under Mr. Polk, and thirty-eight mil lions besides. No valid defence can bo made for this waste of money. Tl. 're never was a time when our foreign relations seemed less threatening. The great power shown by tho United States during tho recent war was in itself calculated to deter foreign na tions from attacking us. The Italian and German wars between the great European powers only lasted for a couplo of ionths, while our contest was carried on upon a vast scale for four years. Is there any doubt, that either party that fought in America would havo been a match for ono of the great powers of Europe ? What, then, have wo to fear, with both united, and a broad ocean between us and Europe? It may bo pretended that an army is need ed to keep ortler in the South. You, fellow-citizens, know how little foundation there is for such a statement. The people of North Carolina left to themselves do not need a siuglo soldier now more than they did ten years ago. Tho expenses for the navy for tho last three years are proportionally exhorbi tant. THE FliEEUMEN's EUKEAU. The Freed men's Bureau causes another wasteful outlay. Three years ago the ne groes were set free. They had all been trained to work, and could easily have sup ported themselves. Yet the government is still appropriating about twelve millions auuually, ostensibly for their support, but really lor the benefit of the Bureau Agents and to influence the votes ox the in favor of the Radical party. Tho white men of the North, however oppressed with taxation as they are, seem unwilling much longer to be burdened to support idle negroes. I might point you to many instances of improper expenditure, but would thereby extend this communication too much. The expenditure for writing materials for the House of Representatives for this year aro more than five times as great as they were in the year ISo'O, while the entire contin gent expenses of tho House, which in 1SG1 were S3o3,Cai, are for the present year 752,555, or more than doubled in four years. This do63 not include the increase of pay of the members lrom three to nve thousand dollars. If money is thus wasted on the members themselves is it strange that extravagance should be found everywhere. DISHONEST OlTICEllS niilBElil". But this vast sum of five hundred mil lions annually is by no means all that is drawn from the people. Mr. Wells, the Raelical Revenue Commissioner, states, that of the amount assessed on the people, not more than fifty per cent, (one-half) reaches the treasury. This statement is confirmed by Mr. Freeman Clarke, Comp troller of the Treasury, another Radical official, who says" The result is, that the lowest tax-payers are now paying, upon the basis of revenue, 900,000,000 per annum, while not more than half that sum finds its way into tho Treasury. From these statements what are we to understand V Why, that the wealthy, who are able to bribe the Revenue officers, escape a large proportion of these taxes, but that the poor, or the people generally, have to bear the whole immense burden, at the rate of ninehundred or ten hundred millions per year (1,000,000,000). THE WHISKEY ETNG. A reference to ihe Whiskey Tax will illus trate how this system is made to operate : It was estimated at Washington, that spir its enough were made in the country last year to have realized a revenue of one hun dred millions of dollars, but in fact, the government only received thirteen mil lions, a littio above one-eighth above what it ought to have had. It is ascertained that at many places tne large producers paid but a email part of their tax bribing the collectors to let them off while Yery many of the smallex deal ers h;id to pay in full. If half the. tax really due was paid, tho officers may have kept three-fourths, or thirty-seven millions, and paid one-fourth into the Treasury. Same of the Radical organs try t break the force tf tlet,rt bids by blaming Prei deut Johi;nu ; alleging ihat he is respon sible for thf lniv.-onduct of his subordi nates. But this excuse will not avail them. The present officers are Radicals generally, appointed by Mr. Lincoln. When the Radicals quarrelled with 31r. Johnson, fearing that ho would remove their friends from cilice, they passed an Act of Congress, over his veto, depriving him of the right to remove any oineer. When an officer was, however, guilty of a misconduct, ho was permitted to suspend him until the Senate might act upon his case. There was a man, named CalHcolt, in high favor with tho Radicals. He was once a Demo crat, but being a member of the New York Legislature, and the body being tied be tween tho two parties, the Radicals, to get control of the Legislature and elect a Sena tor, bought this indivielual, by making him Speaker, and giving him a sum of money. Being their own property ho was highly valued, and given an important official pe sition in tho " Whiskey Ring." His frauds became so notorious that he was indictee! in tho Courts of tho United States. Presi dent Johnson suspended him in his office, which was all that he was permitted to do, but tho Senate was not then willing that such a pet should bo sacrificed, and wotjed not act in the case. At length his case was elisposed of in the Court. He was convicteel anel sent to the Penitentiary. ne lay there more than two months if tho papers of his Stato are to be credited before the Senate woulel consent to his ro moval from office. In tho better times of the Republic what would havo been thought of such a case V The recent chango in the tax on spirits shows the motive which governs the Radi cal party now controlling both branches of Congress. Every still now set up, whether running or not, must be listed, on pain of the owner being imprisoned anel of paying a fine of five hundred eloliars and forfei tures. Before ho distils a drop he must pay four hundred dollars for a license ; pay two dollars per day, and fifty cents per gal lon. This tax will not be felt by the large operators, who make many barrels daily ; but small distillers cannot bear it. It will thu3 happen that large quantities of fruit which, distilled, might enable the people to pay their taxes, &c, will be lost. Thi3 arrangement was made at the instance of the largo operators who wish to monopo lize tho business of distilling, anel who could afford to bribe the members of Con gress. The country will bo floodeei with adulterated Liquors, nevertheless. the peesent system of taxation. The whole eystem of taxation, as now exerciseel, frightful as it is from its magni tude, is more oppressive from its inequali ty. During my whole service in Congress, fellow-citizens, I kept up a constant strug gle against certain wealthy classes in the Northeastern States, who were continually seeking to shift all the burdens off their own shoulders, and to make money through the action of tho government. They seem, at length, to havo consummated their ob jects, through the instrumentality of a pli ant and corrupt Congress. Tobacco and Cotton alone, of agricultu ral productions, are especially taxed, be cause they are mainly Southern produc tions. Tho culture of cotton had been so much crippled by tho emancipation acts that it needed encouragement, but they preferred to breoJc a bruised reed ! As the cotton crop formerly furnished more than half tho exports of the coun try, afforded the means of obtaining for eign goods without the necessity of send ing specie abroad, it was worth a hundred times as much to the country as the Cod fish which they hire the New Englandcrs to catch, by bounties from tho Treasury. A largo production of cotton now woulel benefit not only tho Government but the whole country, South anel North. THE CONDUCT OF THE RADICALS TOWARDS THE MANUFACTURERS FT'LTA" ILLUSTRATES THKIR PURPOSES. Those Manufacturers have, as you know, always been clamorous for protection, iu tho shape of high taxes on imports from abroael. Their wishes have been fully gratified by the Radical Congressmen, and while the revenue from the tariff taxes is three times what it ever was formerly tho manufacturers are receiving proportionally more. On many articles tho TAX IS EQUAL TO ONE HUNDRED PER CENT., and hence vou are compelled to pay double inn lorrner prices ror wmib you buy of the Merchant. There has, however, been imposed on these manufac - if x I 1 i. turers themselves the small tax of three per cent, on their protluctions. At the last session of Congress, they in duced that body to repeal this tax, and relieve them of all share in supporting tho public burdens. The Treasury in this way loses SIXTY MILLION Dollars. (800,000,000). Theso people require that tho whole country shall bo taxed for their benefit from fifty to ono hundred per cent., whilo they aro not willing to con tribute any part of their profits, and the Radical Congress has sanctioned their elc mand. THE WEALTHY BOND HOLDERS PAY NO TAXES. The bond-holders are jmother class equally favoretl. During tho war tho Gov ernment, to raise money, issueel Bonds bearing six per cent, interest, which in terest it agreed to pay in coin. Tho Bonels were bought up by the capitalists, in some instances as low as thirty jive cents in the dollar. When the war closed, besides these Bonds tho Government had outstand ing largo quantities of Greenbacks and other paper, bearing no interest. As it hael no interest to pay on this part of its elebt it ought, for the sake of tho tax-payer?, to have been kept in that shape. They have, however, systematically converteel it into these interest-bearing Bonds. What would be thought of a man who oweel a thousand dollars in such a form as that it bore no interest, who should voluntarily change it into a debt bearing interest, so that he would, in addition to the princi pal, have to pay annually sixty dollars as interest ? Again, while these debts were in the shape of green-backs, they renelered money plenty, and aided the people. Suppose, for illustration, that A has a thousand dol lar Government Bond, on which he is to receive sixty dollars annually, in gold. He will merely lay up this Bond in his safe, receive his interest from time to time and nobody is benefited but himself ; in fact the community is injured by having to pay the interest. His neighbor B, how ever, has one thousand dollars in Green backs, and, as he gets no interest on these, to make something he must put them in circulation among his acquaintances, by employing them to work for him, or by making purchases. In this manner the money is thrown into circulation, and tho whole community ia benefited. The op eration of the present system of the Uni ted States is entirely in the interest of the: capitalist and against the people at large, who are suffering for the want of money. Tllbl RU'II nONDHOLDERS NOT TAXED. The bondholder.? of tho country, repre senting now a capital of more than two thousand millions are xemptcd entirely from paying a IX ij .support the govern ment. They merely sit and draw their in terest in gold coin. Their demands, how ever, do nwl sto;) heie. They insist not only that they shall pay no taxes and re ceive their iaterc v-t in gold, but that tho principal of their debts also shall be paid in specie. Tui.i was no part of tho origi nal contract, and yet the Radicals say we are repudiatois i: we do not pay thcru what they demand. Let us sec, for a mo ment, how the whole case stands : A man who bought one of theso bonds in the year 18Go, paid for it about forty cents on the dollar, in specie, fcunco that time ho has received regularly, in gold, six per cent in terest on the w hole hundred dollars. But six per cent, on one hundred dollars is equal to fifteen per cent on forty dollars the amount actually paid to tho government. In tho five years that have passed this fif teen per cent amount.! to soventy-livo per cent in gold, or one hundred and Jive per cent in greenbacks, at the present rate. The bondholder, therefore, has already gotten, in interest computed at tho rate of lawful money of tho United States, more than ho actually paid in gold. Ho insists, however, that he shall, in addition to this, receive as principal, ono hundred dollars in gold, which tho government never agreed to give him. If you havo lent out one hundreel dollars in gold tho Courts holel that you may bo compelled to take in return only ono hunelred dollars in greenbacks; but the bondhohler, who only lent paper, in sists on having tho full amount in gold. This demand, sauctioneel by the Radicals, the Democratic Platform opposes. now the working CLASSE3 are crushed. The profits of the entire industry of the country are not estimated as being above four hundred millions annually, so that tho sum tho government actually receives, to say nothing of what is stolen by its offi cials, is greater than this, and hence under this burden tho country is gradually being impoverished. The evil appears the more appalling when you consider that tho bur den has to be borne only by a portion of tho people. Suppose that a elozen soldiers, under tho command of an officer were bear ing with difficulty, on their shoulders, a large piece of timber and whilo they were moving forward with tottering steps, this officer, to favor four of the men, should tell them to get from under the log and leave eight only to carry it, and then, still further to gratify the four, should order them to get up and ride on the log ? The manufacturers and the bondholders are riding on the log, anel no wonder tho farm ers and other classes are about to bo crushed under the weight of tho burden. the monopoly of banking privileges the cause of the scarcity of money. Another gigantic system of oppression is to bo brought to your attention. There is great and just complaint of tho scarcity of money, not only in the South, but even iu all parts of tho North. Formerly, when Banking was general, money coulel bo bor rowed at six per cent., and was thus thrown iuto circulation among tho people. But lately a Banking monopoly has been crea ted, and only a few favored institutions and individuals are permitted to engage in tho business. The so-called National Banks obtain three hunelred millions of dollars in tho bonds of the Government, which rest quietly in their vaults and give them annually eighteen millions, in gold, by way of interest. Two hundreel and seventy millions ($270,000,000) is furnished them in notes, by tho Government, to bank with ; and they, thus armed, can alono en gage in the business. Having a monopoly they ask their own prices for tho uso of money. I had occasion to inquire, not long since, into the manner of doing business of tome of tho institutions located in this State, and was told that they wero charging for loans at the rato of two and a half and three and a half per cent a month. This amounts to thirty aud forty per cent annual inter est. At this rate tho whole of tho princi pal will be returned as interest in three years. By this system and exhorbitant taxation the whole country is being drained and impoverished, for tho sake of a few wealthy capitalists. You know how littio money there is iu circulation among us. Not long since a respectable and industri ous man in Watauga, w hom I knew to havo been anxious to work for small wages, had his home-place '' for a bal.inc? of tax amounting to oulj '!'!( MlTY-ONE CENTS. Neither ho nor any ef bin neighbors could obtain that small sum, it not being m that part of the country. Tho tax gatherers are clutching every cent in many places. If now there were enforced on tho people cf this State ual collection of tho de mands again&t them, it would bo any easy matter for the bankers to buy up, not only whole counties and become Earls, but by purchasing entire Congressional Districts, take rank as English and German Princes. RADICALS MULTIPLYING OFFICES AND TNCUKAS SING SALARIES. The Radicals in North Carolina aro worthy disciples of those at Washington. They havo shown a wonderful genius for multiplying offices and increasing salaries. I have served in both branches of our Legislature, and was content to receive three dollars per day, but now, wh-"n times are much harder, our Legislators must havo eight dollars, and all salaries and fees seem to be increased iu proportion. It looks as though these Radicals throughout the United States had resolved that a fa vored few should suck the life blood out of our nation. The country would bo utterly ruiued by four years uoie of their elomina- tion. THE GREAT NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND ITS PLATFORM. The nrcat National Dcmocratie party an tagonizes the Radicals on overy ono of these issue?. Its nobie platform lately adopted at New York, declare boldly for a return to the system of constitutional government ; coud runs ali acts outside of the constitution, and pronounces all these military, so-called go rernmenis, in the States unconstitutional, illegal cud void. They declare for equal aud moderate taxation, on ail classes, including bo-xlhohh rs and manufacturers. They are for paying all debts in the same kind of currency, dimin ishing useless expenditures, and relieving, as far as possible, tho burdens of the peo ple. The country seems to be coming up to their support. Our adversaries see "the hand-writing upon the wall," and made no attempt to justify their conduct. They then endeavored to divert your minds from these great issuis by appeals to pre judices. Why, both tho old Whig and Democratic Thirties were in favor of consti tutional government, anel ali our people formerly, whether called Union men or secessionists, were alike opposed to theso outrages. Why, then, should wo not com All Obituaries and jrivate publications of every character, are charged as advertisements. A"3-No advertisement, reflecting upon private character, can, under any ei;cT;attTANC.s, le admitted. bine as, to v.xo an old simile, tho christian churches do against tho devil, and make common war against this Satanic despotism and corruption. RADICAL FALSEHOODS NO DANGER OF WAE. The Radical organs assert that if the Democratic candidates aro electee! there will bo another war ; and I have seen a silly falsehood iu somo of their papers that I told Mr. Boyden I would bo willing to rako a mob and turn Holden out of office. The conversation was, in substance, thus : Mr. B 'vueri was very denunciatory of the Democratic PUt form and Gen. Blair's letter, and asserted that if we succeeded in the canvass there would bo auother war, A-'C. I told him tlun'o was no reason to ap prehend it ; that Gov. Vance and his asso ciates in office had Urn turned out and no war had followed it. That after Ilolden's government had been ret up by the Presi dent and Worth 6ub.stitu.ted as Governor, ho had been displaced by military orders, and no war followed ; and if Holden was likewiso turned out no war would follow. No ono supposed that Holden was moro courageous than V anco or Worth, nor was ho backed by as strong a support in tho State. If, therefore, I said, tho Supremo Court should decido theso Acts unconstitu tional, as Mr. Boyden admitted they un doubtedly were, and tho President, with tho aid of the army and navy of tho States, and backed by tho verdict of the people, should carry into effect that decision, I saw no reason whatever to apprehend a war. Aud elocs anybody really believe war woulel re sult in tho caso stated V Let us make tho very improbable suppo sition that, in that event. W. W. Holden, or his son, Joe, or Judgo Pearson, or John Pool, or A. II. Jones, should attempt re sistance, could any ono of them, or could they all combined, raiso a single company in tho Stato for such a purposo Would tho negroes, who refused to fight for their own freeelom, take arms to keep Holden in ofiico ? Or would those whito men, who refused to fight on cither side during tho war, now take up arms alone against tho authority of tho United States V You re member that tho Radical delegates from tho South at tho Chicago Convention, when Grant wa3 nominated, declared that if the Senate did not convict Andrew John son iu tho impeachment case, then pend ing, they would not daro to return homo again. But the Senate did not convict tho President, and yet overy ono of theso fel lows came back as quickly and with as littio noiso as frogs mako when affrighted they glide into a pond. Tho allegation that these peoplo, who could find no placo to fight in during tho lato four year's war, will now, rather than givo up their offices, mako war against tho United States, is an absurdity so impudent and laughable that it will impose on nobody. RADICALISM WILL BRING ANOTHER WAR. There is, however, another explanation of theso cries about a second war, which is worthy of serious consideration. Tho Radical majority in Congress has shown itself to bo reckless and unscrupulous. They openly avow their disregard of tho Constitution. Finding, last winter, that the Supremo Court was about to decido that their reconstruction military acts wero unconstitutional and void, a bill was passeel through tho House of Representatives de claring that no decision of tho Supremo Court invalidating their acts should bo binding, unless two-thirds of tho Judges concurred in tho judgment. By tho time, however, this bill reached Iho Scnato, it was ascertained that at least three-fourths of tho Judgos, if not all of them, would de cido their acta to bo unconstitutional and not binding on anybody. Thereupon a bill was passed rapidly through both Houses forbidding tho Supremo Court to consielcr any caso in which tho validity of theso reconstruction acts should como into question. Having already usurped tho President's powers, they thus attempted to destroy tho juriseliction of tho Supremo Court as established by the Constitution. They have expelled individual members, oven entiro delegations from Congress, because they wero politically opposed to them. Their desperate action has created an apprehension in tho public mind that if they aro beaten before tho peoplo in tho Presidential election, they will declare tho election void, set it aside, proclaim their candidate elected anel endeavor to install him by force. In that event they may pro duco a war, and possibly they aro making their present clamor to prepare the public mind for such an event. Atunyr.de, they seem desperately bent on holding their places until at Last they can extract from the people the last dollar they are able to pay. The Hon. Columbus Delano, tins Radie'ul Chairman of the Com mittee on Claims, iu the bust Congress, de clared on the floor of the House, that be sides the; immense debt of the govern ment, recognized at tho Treasury a; amounting to two thousand six hundred millions, (.2,('0(),(nH),iHH),) there was a floating debt of four thousand million:! due to the loyal people of the country, not anv part of it for slaves or for the destrue- iJoii ol i'coi property. If this be true, the vv hoh; debt must, amount to six tl thou- sand six hundred million:;, (!?',( .00, OUO.OUOj or more than half the present real value of tho property of the country. If the Rad icals remain in power there is no doubt but that a large portion of this floating debt will be paid partly to the claimants and partly to the corrupt men who assist in getting the claim.- through. Whe n attacked for these things thoy raiso the cry of " cop perheads and rebels," and boast loudly of their own palrioli uu and loyalty. Can a man only show his patriotism by plunder ing the public, and his loyalty by lifting money from the Treasury i lie-re, too, in our own State, the very men who, as mem bers of the State Convention in 18(50, voted us out of the Union and into the war then raging, and pledged " the last man and tin last dollar" to its support, now denounce us as disloyal relnds if we oppose, these Rad ical outrages. Leok around you aud see J men who in the beginning ol the war, while it was poular, were raising corn ta llies, or lamenting they were too old to fight, urged the young men to volunteer, and who, after getting us all into the field, began to fire at our backs, and are now as sailing us as still in rebellion because we are in favor of returning to constitutional government. There is reason, too, to be lieve that there is on foot now, originating with the Radical leaelers at Washington, a gigantic plot to induce the negroes to com mit so many outrages on the white people as to compel them to resist, and thus afford a pretext for the cry that the rebellion has broke out again, and thereby influence the: Northern elec tions. In spite, however, of these difficulties fellow-citizens, I anticipate tho election o. Seymour anel Blair by decisive majorities For twelve years I havo regarded Horatio Scvmour as taking the first rank among the statesmen of the country. Whether we consider his great talents, his extensive information and acquirements his un blemished integrity, his irreproachable QjncludedQHlhirdruge.
Wilmington Journal [1844-1895] (Wilmington, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Oct. 2, 1868, edition 1
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