(6 lAitklv
. . -Vjw r y
x vxLiisrG-rroisr-isr, o.,
j&iioO A-Year, in advance.
.Hi, ,'',m .';''- "
BORN KLBOrOK!.
fe9: tfsferapbiA , dispatches that
hat 5 ttpfteirl from : timo to ; f Jme
tho - Wallace Commiltee lmo not
pMwe'uied a tcof rcct impression of
w&ftLi&fts fceifigYdotte.; jTie.- conclu
sinfigfifc" btafter Heading te
hrifef liisnALches. Ofc&t Johnny DavB-
i - i -
part, oiioii.u mo corrupt tiljf
1 entSliray in the m&tex of uxpoa:
iii-rLoclrVtfc frauds anf in jqari-r
fyiogdvwowi course in 1876. It wilt
be xemeiubjL'red tf at m that year iKw
i-il Rmefc,oOO or 10,000. Temoerats
onAercarge .I4ft- c-hoy were voting
iipor frmUlnleht naturahzatioix pa
pers Mark.tiuU. 1 la "arrested the
forHi1oirV' Democrats t the
ta . . - . I ' ------
ihpusarulH,
first unt
lMir" cage
tii,-rTT)i?Hi'in"
a huge-
;ui I nft-rvv:irtlMSi-niiingraany f them
u j ill. The : reason of this .was that
iiis masters at' Washington had so in
structed hira. They said Mew York
must be carriud for the Radical?, and
to do this at least 10,000 voters must
!e Bilenced. ho the rascally Daven
port went to work and arrested thou
sands of Democrats of foreign birth
who had taken out naturalization pa
pers in 18C3, and for eight years had
been voting upon them Unchallenged.
But what becameof all'this sooun
.Irelism? What fate overtook- the
arrested and bulldozed Democrats of
foreign birth? Wo wish to show three
things: first, that the naturalization
pipers were properly isaaod; second,
that no Democrats were punished;
third, that Davenport caught himself!
As to tho first point. A test case
W aa lunug v "uv viuusww. v. u ...
the naturalization papers, and the
New York Court held that they were
regular. : As to the second, the fol
lowing from tho Wallace Committee
will show' there were no convictions.
Senator McDonald is questioning
Davenport:
Q Who giit the 2,800 Republican pi
pers? A. I don't know.
O. Thev were iot in lh aarae inau;ier
n-t tue resl ? A. They were gol in Ihe
Court of Common Pleas.
"Q And you dui not aitnlck Ihe Court ijf
Common Pleas ? A. No, sir; it wus hon
estly conducted.
"Q How many -warrants did you issue
in 176 for those huJdtog trauJuleut. pa
pers ? A I thiuk it was a. 105.
, "Q. How many were served ? A. Idou't
kaow.
"Q How many were arrested ? A.
About BOO.
"Q. How m-iny were lnk;n before you f
A. About 200. -
Q. now m.iiiv were held ? A. All for
ti- j
the urand jury.
"Q. How many were indicted ? Ai In
dictments were ordered f r abiut 40.
'Q How many were found ? A. About
twenty.
' "Q. How many convictions ? A. I don I
. know of any ; I don't know that tliere was any
trial
."Q You were Cleik of the Court ? A.
Yes.
"Q Where are these indictments f A.
They areon file ; I have no control over
the bringing of men to trial."
This alone shows the villainy of
the whole transaction.- Thousands
of Democratic voters of foreign birth
are arrested for voting upon naturali
zation papers they hadnsed for eight
years without challenge, andswhich
the Court held to be regular, and
yet none is brought to trial, and this
dirty tool of corrupt men whimpers
"I have no control over the bring
ing of men to trial." Davenport
could obey swiftly the orders from
his masters to arrest thousands of
honest . men to prevent them from
exercisipg their rights under the
Constitution and to vote for the men
of their choice, but he was utterly
powerless, he would have us believe,
to have one of these greatly wronged
Democratic voters brought to trial.
Think of it, freemen of North Caro-
l :.. I rm.:i c :. - r . r.
ua. ilium ji tv, iucu ui uwci na
tionalities who are now naturalized
citizens of the United Stales! Here
are thousands of men who are ar
rested on the eve of the election upon
trumped up charges of fraud, are
crowded intn iron nurrf.s :md Romn
.. - -
aro even sent to the jetty prisons,
robbed of their liberty and their
civil rights, and not one of them is
ever tried for the alleged crime.
.-Who is fool enough to believe there
wan any crime or fraud? It was a
lie out of the whole cloth, and the in
famous Davenport kuew it, as his
. niHHters knew it. . They were afraid
of a trial. Davenport and his ad
vise is and backers ought to bo at
Sing Sing this hour wearing striped
clothes and picking stone,
But Davenport pretended before
the Committee that he believed that
the papers were fraudulent. The fol
lowing from the examination will
show how he fared in the hands of
' Senator McDonald and how he con
victed himself:
"Q You maintain that ycu have the
power to arrest men for voting or attempt
T0L. XI.
ing u vae oupapra dated 1888,? altbough
Ihebo papers are legitimately made out? A.
Certaiuly. If evidence! is brought before
toe ttt show tbf. fraudulent character of thte
liapers I hal issue warrants to arrest thfe i
u!di.. j ,
1 "Q. But if the i)n rs Hreleuitimatfe? At
, Dot think that any t-f these 1868 papers'f
tre Hninajitt. , . f
i Do tu e yci
kuoie the records fa the
Lay the right tp.
that under the statutes of the United iitates f
aaaiequueutuusaetbe warrants. :
Q. A never hoardU of tl?is Btatute,
Vhexe can it be found? A .1$ will be
ouod in re Revised Statutes under the
i Klo(lMnM. 'i--: - Ti::'. :m??' -
Q W4at kiiv.1 fef a jcrimvt. A. j For-,i
terv-
Q. lneo these nanera, you sav. weio
lorded? You must remember that we are
or )n$r8ing about papers issued by the i
ecu ft to persons who were entitled to them. I
4-1 did not s iy tha( buestioued lie pa- t
terscoriaieraiiy. i bbt ji nave me -power
arrest a mitt who tried to vote m pott'
uauaulent papers. I attack the .record
upon the ground ot fraud.
Frauds of the judges? A. I did
out av so,
'Q Now. irt a lawyer, do you mean to.
MV)i- lb Judgment of
-one cornt can lie
attacked by another codtt upon life ground
hal the first Itidge ucted!
fraudulently ? A.
1 did not say so.
(J. Ihen whut has yt
our opinion of a
rrauu ot that Rina to jo
with the legality
of the papers ? A. It may have something
to do with it.
"Q. Come, now; doi'
t evade my ques-
lions. You are a lawyer.
Can the Judg-
ment of one court be attacked by another
court in tho manner I have explained ?
"Mr. Davenport (greatly confused) I I
I I have not yet determined upon my
opinion. If
"senator McDonald arose and said that
the last anawer was preposterous. 'Why,
sir,' he said, 'you have taken hours and
hours to present to u i an elaborate argu
ment upon this very question. JNow you
nave uo opinion at all.
This will do. No!
honest man can
r what Daven-
for a moment justi
port did. No honest,! intelligent man
can believe that Davenport believed
he was acting fairly and legally.
Let it be remembered, that there
1
were between two and three thousand
si
Republican voters who came to the
polls with alleged fraudulent papers
and not one of them pas molested in
any way by Davenport or any one else.
The Louisville jourier-Journal
throws further ligh
upon the sub-
ject. It says :
"Davenport, to assist him in his infa
mous work, bad, in 187$, thirteen hundred
and fifty deputy marshals, and nine-tenths
of these marshals were shoulder-hitters.
thieves, burglars, ex-coavicis and Repub
lican bummers and gutter Khines. The
operation cost $00,000 1 i We are told by
the Globe-Democrat that 'Davenport still
holds the fort in New 1oik.' He docs, and
with instructions from Uhe administration
to repeal the processes 187tt and 1878. Ev
ery Republican politician knows perfectly
well why the JredoraJ election law was pass
ed. Difvenport reveals enough to show its
nature in his admissiousjTbe party in power
is enabled to nay its carooauin expenses out
of the Treasury of the United Slates and to
disfranchise ihe opposition' in 'quantities to
fcuit.' That low, we are told, is the 'bulwark
of Iibeity a ikI iquil rights,' the prot clion
of the ballot-box I' Undoubtedly 'Davenport
knows his lU'intss, foe be is old m crime.
His own confession shows that all be wanted
was to keep Democrats from voting. As to
prosecuting and securing their conviction,
he caied nothing about that. None of the
patties have been convicted. It is needless
to say ibal Davenport has defied the State
Courts. He is authorized by the Adminis
tration to play lha autocrat. He is a fitting
representative of his swmd mj and fraudu
lent party."
It is perhaps well
tho above with some
to supplement
additional testi-
mony bearing upon
the character of
Davenport's deputy
marshals. It
was shown before the Wallace Com
mittee that several; of these tools
were murderers, thieve?, burglars and
shoulder-hitters. Here is what one
of the witnesses swore to :
"Q. How did these men discharge their
duty ? A. I know of a great deal of harm
done by Marshals oa election day. One
man was arrested for doing exactly what
Davenport told him to do. Francis Mc
Grath waa naturalized! in 1868. He re
ceived a notice from Mr Davenport which
said, 'Come and see me. He did, and was
advised to get out a new certificate. He
got outa new one in 1878, and was arrested
for attempting to vote on 1868 papers.
"Q- What was the conduct of the Mar
shals? A. The behavior of the Marshals
was such as to intimidate men and to make
a sort of reign of terror.! It was very hard
for a man who was naturalized in 1868 to
register or to vote. Many of them were
afraid to go to the polls, j
"Q. Do you know of casi s of m6n natu
ralized legally in 1808 ? A. Yes, sir. Mr.
Davenport's order was in answer to Judge
Freedman'a decision and to prevent people
irom vouog wuo were citizens.
"Q Were their qualifications to vote
submitted to the judges of tho election ?
A. JNo, sir. 1 ney were arrested at once
and taken away." -. ,
Iron-cages, brow-beating, bull
dozing, arresting without warrant of
law these are the instruments used
so effectively by Davenport ; these
are the agencies relied upon by the
Republican party to keep its grip
upon the people's purse-strings. In
tho name of oivil liberty whither are
we tending?
OKN. HANCOCK'S K.BTIEII.
We have read no political docu
ment for many years that has, given
us so much unalloyed satisfaction as
the letter of General Winfield S.
Hancock acoepling the nomination
tfpr the Presidency tendered him by
the Democratic party of, the United
States. In many respects it is
model. In compact form it embo
dies very many great, important, in
dispensable truths, fit is from first
to last all compact of truth, and
there are no political heresies or mon
strosities or "glittering generalities."
' . i - '.'.'".' ' . ., . ., ,- ., JJ " ; - : '' - '- -J :
WILMINGTON N. C.,; KHIDAY,, AUGUST 6, 1880.
hat he says is well said, and what
le says is the truth. There is no
fair-minded statesman, who is both a 1
tatnot and a man of honor, who cap
afce any exceptions to any deolara
ion of principle Gen. Hancock has
aid down. It is a condensed system
i f truisms, hot oire'bf which can be
ispensed with, and all of which are
saeutiaL He restates the great fun
amental principles of ow govern
ment as framed and expounded by
the fathers. In brevity,; in felicity
j nd terseness of style, ; ins elevatioa
f-'Bentiment$' in fidelity to tli Conr1
6 litution and the Union, it is an
j dmirabje political document.
(jien, Hancock plants himself
squarely upon the platform adopted
ify the Democratic party irjvConven
don" &t Cincinnati.' ; He doolar0sv"be r
will cherish and maintain the prin
ciples embodied in that platform. He
declares, if eleoted, that be will up-hold-and
enforce th6: whole Constitn
tion, inoluding the famous fourteenth
and fifteenth amendments,, as the
supreme law of the land. He gives
a most lucid, condensed and excellent 1
description of the Constitution and
the rights and authority of the Gen
eral and State Governments that must
be accepted by all who are not revo
lutionists or tainted with the here-1
tical dogmas of absolutists and im
perialists. He is for maintaining the
Union the Union and the Constitu
tion "now and forever, one ana
inseparable." He insists that the
administration of the government
must bo f aithfnl and efficient if the
rights of the people are duly pro
tected. He shows the great danger
of fraud and force and warns the
people against them. Hear this il-
ustrious soldier as he upholds hones
ty and liberty and a free ballot, and
then say if you dare that his utter
ances arc not those of a man who has
studied the genius and spirit of the
undamental law of freedom and
who has incorporated its teachings
into tho law of his own life. Hear
what the patriot-statesman says: :
"It is vital principle in our system that
neither baud nor force must be allowed to
subvert the rights of the people. When
fraud, violence or incompetence controls,
the noblest constitutions and wisest laws
are useless. The bayonet is not the fit in
strument for collecting the votes of free
men. It is onlv by a full vote, free ballot.
and fair count, thai the people can rule, iu
fact, as required by the theory of our go
vernment. Take this foundation away
and the whole structure falls. Public
office is a trust, not a bounty bestowed
upon the holder. No incompetent or dis
honest person should ever be entrusted
with it, or, if appointed, they should be
promptly ejected. The basts of substantial
practical civil service reform must first be
established by the people in filling elective
offices. If they fix a high standard: of
qualifications for office, and sternly reject
the corrupt and incompetent, tho result
will be decisive in governing the action of
the servants whom they entrust with j the
appointing power."
These be truths of .most pregnant
import. They are truths that should
never be forgotten or set aside, lor a
day by the free electors of this free
country. In 1876 both force and
fraud were used by the party in pow
er, and. for four years the American
people have been without a Presi
dent they had chosen. - Fraud sits in
txe White House, placed there by
force and villainy. That is the truth.
fTHB BAYONET IS NOT TUB FIT 1N-
STBUMKNT TOK
COIXKCTINQ THB
VOTES OF A FBEE PEOPLE
This is
the
utterance of a soldier.
What
civilian will dare doubt or gainsay it.
Ijet that f$entiment be blazoned upon
banners and transparencies, and let it
be written on our hearts and in bur
memories "the bayonet is not the fit
l
instrument for collecting the votes of
a free people." Imperishable truth !
Let us adopt it, remember it, act
upon it. The Republican party, in
speech and act, in platforms and; in
Congressional votes and utterances,
in vetoes and examples, have said!
again and again that the bayonet
Mas necessary that the votes of free
men should be collected, and to this
end they fabricated those tremendous
engines of oppression, of fraud, of 4
force, known as the election laws, i
: Gen. Hancock thinks it high time
the people of the whole country were
at peace, and that the war being over
for fifteen years the substantial bene
fits of reconciliation should bo en
joyed by all. And so do all just, good
citizens think. It is only demagogues
who would keep alive the hostile pas
sions and rekindle the ashes of slum
bering sectionalism. Our nominee
pledges himself to defend and protect
the Union and to see that the laws
are exeouted : faithfully and equally
in all parts of our common country
alike. And every man who knows
his past life will believe that this will
be dono.
We have noifpllbwjed bur Leader
the bristling points oMm-censnm-
ate letter of aeep tanoe, ; W have
anced only at some of them that
re in such striking contrast witn
hose presented bV ' the moribund t
arty in their variegated' platform"!
ihat even Garfield, their candidate,'
re i usea to accept in its entirety, w o
shall refer to the -fetter bf Mr. Eng
lish hereafter. It is of double tie
ljongth of Gen. Hancock's,5 is Tes vig
orous, less terse, less striking',' but is
the production of one familiar with
ubhe life,- with the political history
f the Country and with the impera
tive necessities of the hour. It is a
sound exposition of political doctrine,
and wilt be read with interest by the
millions of ! American electors in
whoec bands ire tso issues of political t
life and political death. -
i
HANCOCK AND KNGKISII.
Trie Letter o Acceptance from the
j Democratic Candidate lor Preal
jdent and Vice President ot ihe
UaUed Staiea A forcible Prenta
i
Itlon at Ihe Principle of ihe Party
LB v Telegraph to the Horning Star
iHtwYnnt .Tnlv Srt. Thn fnlinwinsr is
den. Hancock's letter of acceptance, viz :
! rinruHMnnv Tulini Wein "Yyrb. Hi fit Julw
29. Gentlemen : I have the honor to
acknowledge the receipt of your letter of
July 13th, 1880, apprising me formally of
my nomination to the omce of rresiaent or
te United Stales by the National Demo
cratic Convention lately assembled in Cin
cinnati. I accept the nomination with a
grateful appreciation of the confidence re
posed in me. The principles enunciated
by Ihe Convention are those I have cher
ished in tbe past and shall endeavor to
aintain in tbe future. Tbe thirteenth,
Urteenth and fifteenth amendments to the
natitutioo of the United States.ein bodying
e results of tbe war for the Union, are in-
olable. If called to the Presidency I
ould deem it my duty to resist with all
mv power any attempt to impair or
evade the full fotce and effect of the con
stitution, which iu every arlicie. section and
amendment is tbe supreme law of the land.
The constitution form9 the basis of the
government of the United states, ibe
powers granted by it to tue legislative,
executive and judicial- departments,
define and limit the authority of
the general government. Tbe powers
not delegated to the United States by the
Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the
States, belong to the Slates respectively, or
to the people.
j The Geueral and Stale Governments,
each acting iu its own sphere, without touch
ing upon ihe lawful jurisdiction of the
other, cuuautute ihe Unioa Tbis -Union,
compriakng a general government with
general powers, and State governments
wilh Slate powers for purposes local to the
States, is a polity, the foundations of which
were laid in tbe profoundest wisdom. This
is the Union our fathers made and which
has been so respected abroad and bo benefi
cent at home. Tried by blood and fire, it
stands to-day a model form of free, popular
government; a political system which,
rightly administered, has been, and will
continue to be. the admiration of the world.
3Iay we not say, nearly in the words of
Washington, "The unity oi tne govern
ment which constitutes us one people is
justly dear to us. It is the main pillar in
the edifice of our real independence; the
support of -our peace, safety and prosperity,
and of that liberty we so highly prize and
intend at every hazard to preserve." But
ao form of government, however carefully
devised; no principles, however sound, will
protect the rights of tbe people unless tbeir
administration is faithful and efficient.
: It is a vital principle in our system that
either fraud nor force must be allowed to
aubvert tbe rights of the people. When
fraud, violence or .incompetence controls,
the noblest constitutions (and wisest laws
Are useless. The bayonet ia not the fit in
strument for collecting the votes of free
men. It is onlv bv a full vole, free ballot.
and fair'count. that the people can rule, in
fact, as required by the theory of our go
vernment. Take this foundation away
and the whole structure falls. Public
office is a trust, not a 'bounty bestowed
upon tbe holder. No incompetent or dis
honest person should ever be entrusted
with it. or if appointed, they should be
promptly ejected. The basis of substantial
practical civil service reform must first be
established by tbe people in filling elective
Offices. If they fix a high standard of
Qualifications for office, and sternly reject
the corrupt and incompetent, tbe result
will be decisive in governing tbe action of
the servants whom thev entrust with tbe
aoDointins power.
The war for the Union was successfully
closed more than fifteen years ago. All
classes of our Deoole must share alike in
he blessings of the Union and are equally
concerned in its perpetuity and in the pro
ber administration of public affairs, we
are in a state of profound peace; hence
forth, let it be our purpose to cultivate
sentiments of friendship and no animosity
against our fellow citizens. Our material
interests, varied and progressive, demand
our constant and united efforts. A sedu
lous and scrupulous care of public credit,
together with a wise and economical
Management of our governmental expendi
tures, should be maintained, in order that
labor mav be lightly burdened, and that al
tiersone may. be protected in tbeir rights to
be fruits of their own. industry. The
time has come to enjoy tbe substantia!
benefits of reconciliation. As one people
We have common interests; let us encourage
(he harmony and-generous rivalry among
cur own industries which will revive our
anguishing merchant marine, extend our
ommerce witn ioreigo. countries, assist
ur merchants, manufacturers and pro-
ucers to develop our vast natural re'
sources, and increase tbe prosperity and
haDoinesa of out people.
If elected 1 shall, wilh Divine ' favor, la
bor with what ability I possess to discharge
my duties wilh fidelity, according to my
Convictions, and shall take care to defend
and Drotect the Union, and to see that the
jaws be faithfully and equally executed in
(til parts of the country alike. 1 1 will as
sume the responsibilities, fully sensible of
ihe fact that to administer rightly tbe func
tions of the government is to discbarge the
most sacred dutytbat oarr-dcvolve upon an
American citizen.
' lam, very respectfully, .
Wenfikld S. Hancock.
To Hon. John W. Stefenson, President of
the Convention, Hon. John P. Stockton,
Chairman, and others of the Committee
of tho National Democratic Convention.
InrDTAWUPof.TH. Jnlv RO Hon. Wm. H.
English transmitted tbe following letter of
acceptance of the nomination for Vice
resident to the Committee of notification
6oday: , ,
lo Eon John W; XUevenwn, President of
Ihe, Convention, Mon. John P. Stockton,
Chairman, and vther,J members of the
VofnmUteeqfJiiificati
&70rw I have new the honor lo re
ply lo your letter of the 13th Inst, inform
ing me thai I wad unanimously nominated
fbr . ibe office, of Vice President of the
niied States bv.tbe late Dsmocratic Na-.
onal Convention, which, assembled at Cin-
As foreshadowed in the verbal remarks
ado' by me aftfee time of tbe delivery of
our letter, I have now to say that I accept
e nigh trust witn a realizing sense of its
sponsibilitiesi and am profoundly grate
ful for ihe honor conferred. I accept the
nomination upon the platform of principles
adoDted bv the convention, which I can
didly approve.andl accept it quite as much
pecause or my faith in the wisdom and pa
triotism of the great statesman and soldier
dominated on tbe same ticket for President
Of the United Stalest His eminent services
to his country; his fidelity to tbe Constitu
tion, Union and laws; bis clear perception
Of correct principles of government as
taught by Jefferson; his scrupulous care
lo keep the military in strict subordi
nation to the civil authorities; his high
regard for civil liberty, personal rights and
me rights of property; his acknowledged
ability in civil as well'- as military affairs.
and his pure and blameless life; all point
to him as a man worthy of the confidence
qf the people. Not only a brave soldier, a
great commander, wise statesman and pure
patriot, but a prudent, painstaking, practi
cal man of unquestioned honesty;' trusted
often with important public duties, faithful
to every trust and in tbe full meridian of a
ripe and vigorous manhood, he is. in mv
judgment, eminently fitted for the highest
position and trust tbe Presidency of tbe
United States.
Not only is he tbe right man for the
place, but the time has come when the best
interests of the country reouire that tbe
party which has monopolized the execu
tive department of the general government
for the last twenty vears. should be retired.
The continuance of that party in power four
years longer would not be beneficial to tbe
public, or in accordance with tbe spirit ot
Our republican institutions.- The laws of
entail have not been favored in our system
of government; tbe perpetuation of prop
erty or place in one family or set of men has
never been encouraged in this country, and
the great and good men who formed our re
publican government and its traditions wise
ly limited the tenure of office, and in many
ways showed tbeir disapproval of long terms
of power. Twenty vears of continuous
power is long enough, and has already led
to irregularities and corruptions which are
not likely to be properly exposed under
the same party that perpetrated them.
Besides, it should not be forgotten that the
rour last years of power held by that party
were procured by discreditable means, and
held in defiance of the wishes of the ma
jority of the people. It was a grievous
wrong to every voter and to our system of
self-government which should never be
forgotten or forgiven. Many of the men
now in office were put there because of
corrupt partisan services in thus defeating
tbe fairly and legally expressed will of the
majority, and the hypocrisy of the pro
fessions of that party in favor of civil ser
vice reform was shown by placing such
men in office and turning tbe whole brood
of Federal officeholders loose to influence
elections.
The money of the people taken out of
the public treasury by these men for servi
ces often poorly performed, or not per
formed at all, is being used in vast sums
wilh the knowledge and presumed sanction
of tbe administration, to contest elections.
and even members of the Cabinet are
strolling about the country making partisan
speeches instead of being in their depart
ments at Washington discharging the pub
lic duties for which they are paid by the
people. But with all their cleverness and
ability a discriminating public will no
doubt read between tbe lines of their
speeches that their paramount hope and
aim is to keep themselves or their
satellites four years longer in office. That
perpetuating tbe power of chronic federal
officeholders four years longer will not ben
efit the millions of men and women who
hold no office, but earn their daily bread
by honest industry, is what the same dis
cerning public will no doubt fully under
stand, as they will also that it is because
of tbeir own industry and economy and
God's bountiful harvests that the country
is comparatively prosperous, and not be
cause of anything done by these federal of-
ficebolder8. The country is comparatively
prosperous not because of tbem, but in
spite of them. " 1
; This contest is, in fact, between the peo
ple endeavoring to regain tbe political
power which rightfully belongs to them,
and to restore the purcsimple economical,
constitutional government of our fathers on
one side, and a hundred thousand officehold
ers and their backers, pampered with place
and power, and determined to retain them
at all hazards, on the other. Hence.the Con
stant assumption of new and dangerous
powers by tbe. general government under
the rule of tbe Republican party; the effort
to build up what they call a strong govern
ment t the interference with home rule and
with the administration of justice in the
Courts of the several States; the interfer
ence with elections through tbe medium oi
paid partisan federal officeholders inter
ested in keeping their party in power and
caring more for that than for fairness in
elections. In fact, tbe constant encroach
ments which have been made by that party
pon the clearly reserved rights of the peo
ple and the States will, if not checked, sub
vert tbe liberties or tbe people ana tne go
vernment of limited powers created by the
fathers, and end in a great consolidated
Central government; strong, indeed, but for
evil and the overthrow or , republican
institilutions.
? The wise men who formed our constitu
tion knew tbe evils of a strong government
and along continuance of political power
in tbe same hands. They knew there was
a tendency in this direction in all govern
ments, and ' the consequent danger to re
publican institutions from that cause, and
took pains to guard against it. Tbe ma
chinery of i a strong centralized general
government can be used to perpetuate the
Same set of men in power from term to
term until it ceases to be a republic, or is
such only in name, and tbe tendency of tbe
nart v now in power in that direction, as
shown in various ways, besides tbe willing'
ness recently manifested by a large number
of that party to elect la v resident an un
limited number of terms must satisfy
thinking people that the time has Come
when it will be safest and best lor that
bartv to be retired.
' But in resisting tbe encroachments of the
general government upon the reserved
rights of the people and the States, I wish
to be distinctly understood as favoring tbe
proper exercise by tbe general government
of tbe powers rightfully belonging to it
under the constitution.. -'. Encroachments
upon the constitutional rights Of the general
government, or ; interference with the pro-;
ner exercise of its powers, must be carefully
avoided. The union' of the States under
the constitution must be maintained, and
NO. 41.
ft is well known that this has always been
he position of both candidates on the De
mocratic Presidential ticket. It ia ac
quiesced in everywhere now, and finally i
and forever settled as one of the results of
(he war.
It is certain beyond all question that the
legitimate results of tbe war for the Union i
will not be overthrown or impaired should
the Democratic ticket be elected. In that
event, proper protection will be given in
every legitimate way to every citizen, na- i
J ..J - . . . I T,.
uvb ur uuupieu, in every section oi iuu
publi, in the enjoyment of all the rights
Suaranteed by the constitution' . and . its
mendments. ;
A sound currency of honest money, of
value and purchasing power correspOnd-
ng substantially with the standard recog
nized by the commercial world, and con
sisting of gold and silver and : paper- con
vertible into com, will be maintained; la
bor, and the manufacturing, commer
cial and business interests of tbe coun
try will be favored and enouraged in
every legitimate way; the toiling 'mil-
tons- of our own people will be pro
tected from the f destructive competi
tion, of the Chinese, and to that end their
immigration to our shores will be properly
restricted; the public credit will be scrupu-
ously maintained and strengthened by ri
gid economy in the publip expenditures,
ana the liberties ot the people ana tne pro
perty of the people will be protected by a
government of law and order, administered
strictly in the interest of all the people, and
not of corporations and privileged classes.
1 do not doubt the discriminating lustice
of the people and their capacity for intelli
gent self-government, and,- therefore, do
not doubt the success of the Democratic
ticket. Its success would bury beyond
resurrection, sectional jealousies and ha
treds which have so long been the chief
stock in trade of pestiferous demagogues,
and in no other way can this be so effec
tually accomplished. It would restore
harmony and good feeling between all
sections, and make ua in fact, as well as in
name, one people. Tbe only rivalry then
would be in the development of tbe ma
terial prosperity, the elevation of labor,
enlargement of human rights, promotion
Of education, morality, religion, liberty,
order and all that would tend to make us
the foremost nation of the carlh in the
grand march of human progress.
I am, with great respect.
Very truly yours,
Wm. H. English.
WINFIELD S. HANCOCK.
HIS LETTER TQ GEN. SHEKMA.N ON THE
PRESIDENTIAL QUESTION OF IffJG-NO
MILITAlft INTERFERENCE THE POWERS
AND DUTY OF THE ARMY THE 80UTH
. CAROLINA MATTER, &c. &o.
New York. July 31. The World to
morrow will publish the following :
This letter was written in reply to two
letters on the situation received from Gen.
Sherman :
St. Louis. Dec. 27, 1876. Dear.General :
Tour favor of the 4th inst. reached me in
New York on the fifth day before I left for
the west. I intended to reply to it before
leaving, but the cares incident to my de
parture interfered. Again, since my
arrival here. I have been so occupied with
personal affairs of a business nature, that I
have deferred writing irom day to aay
until this moment, and now I find myself
in'debt to you another letter, id acknowl
edgement of your favor of the 17th, reeeived
8 lew days- since.
1 have concluded to leave here on the
29th (to-morrow), so that I may be expect
ed in New York on the 31st inst. It has
been cold and dreary since my arrival here.
I have worked "like a Turk" I presume
that means hard work in the country, in
making fences, cutting down trees, repair
ing buildings, &c, &c, and am at least
able to say that St. Louis is the hottest
place in summer of any that I have en
countered in a temperate zone. I have
known St. Loui3 in December to have
! a . . 1 it.
genial weatner tnrougnout tne montn; mis
December has been frigid, and tbe river
has been frozen more solid than 1 have ever
known it. When I heard a rumor that I
was ordered to the Pacific coast, I thought
it probably true. The probabilities seemed
to me to point that .way, and 'had it been
UU9 I should of course have presented no
complaint nor resistance of any kind.. I
would have gone quickly, if not prepared
to go promptly. I certainly would have
been relieved from the responsibilities and
anxieties concerning Presidential matters
which may fall to those near the throne or
in authority within the next four months,
as well as from incidents or matters which
I could not control and act on, and con
cerning which I might not approve. I was
not exactly prepared to go to the Pacific,
however, and I therefore felt relieved
when I received your note informing me
that there was no truth in the rumor. Then
I did not wish to appear to be escaping
from tbe responsibilities and possible dan
gers wbich may cluster around the military
i -ii : . i :.:i
commauu, especially iu iub vumvoi pcuuu
fast approaching.
"Alls well that ends well." The whole
matter of the Presidency seems to me to be
simple, to admit: of a peaceful solution.
Tbe machinery for such a contingency as
threatens to present itself has been care
fully prepared; it only requires lubrication
owing to disuse. The army should have
nothing to do with the election or inaugura
tion of Presidents. Tne people elect tne
President, and Congress declares in joint
Session who he is.f We of the army have
Only to obey his ;: mandates, and are pro
tected in so doing only so far as they may
be lawful. Our commissions express
that. Hike Jefferson's way of maugura
tion. It suits our system. He rode alone
on horseback to tbe CaDitol (I fear it was
the old Capitol), tied his horse to a rail
fence, entered and was duly sworn; then
rode to the Executive Mansion and took
9. -WW 1
Dossession. tie inaugurated nimseii
simniv dv taking tne oam oi uuice.
I There is no other legal inauguration in
our system. The people or politicians may
institute parades in honor.of the event, and
public officials may add to the pageant by
assembling troops and banners, but all that
only comes properly after the inauguration,
not before, and is not a Dart of it. Our
svstem does not provide that one President
should . inaugurate another ; there might
he danger in that,and it was studioulsy left
out of the charter. , But you are piacea
in an exceptionally important position in
connection with coming events. The Cap
ital is within my jurisdiction, but 1 am a
subordinate, and not on the spot, and if I
were, so also would he my superior in
authority, for there is the station of the
General-inxCbief. On the principle that a
regularly elected President's term of office
expires with the 3rd of March (of which I
have not tbe slightest doubt), and
which the laws bearing on the sub
lect uniformly recognize, and in
consideration of the . possibility that
the lawfully elected President may not
appear until the 5th of March; a great deal
of responsibility may necessarily fail upon
you. You hold over; you will have power
and prestige to ! support you. The Secre
tary of War, too, probably holds over; but
if no President appears he may not be able
to exercise the functions in the name of
the President, for his proper acts are those
of a known suDerior. a lawful President.
You act on your own responsibility and by
virtue of a commission only restricted by
the law. Tha Secretary of War is the
mouth-piece of a President; -you are rn.
If neither candidate has a constiiutimmi
majority of the Electoral College, or ii:.
Senate and House on the occasion nf ibe
pount ao not unite in aeciarmg come per
son legally elected by Jhe peoph:, iht-.. ks h
lawful machinery .already pr. y. .-.(
meet that contingency and decnie Ui.jj
tion peacefully.- :It has uot bef-n -tpreoiij
used no occasion preseatiftsr ii&cif but'
our forefathers provided it. H hst been
exercised and has been rc-eou zed umi sub
mitted to as lawful on every hR). That
machinery would probably :leei Mi. Tilde
rresident ana Mr. Wheeler Vtce P.eMilcnt.
and that would be right tifiuiru tor ihu
law provides that in a Failure to tlecl duiv
by the people, the House .shll immediately
elect the President and the Senate ih-j V cs
President. Some tribunal moat decide
Whether the neoole have iuiv
President. I presume, of couis vibai it '
In the joiat affirmative aciion ot the Senate
nd tlouse.or why are tbey present u. wit
ness tbe count, if not to see I bat it i-i kir
ana just v li a failure to agree arises be
tween ; the two, bodies there can t.o iu
fewful affirmative decision that the pi-ple
nave elected a President. aDd the two
Houses must then proceed to elect not ihe '
Senate; ihe Senate elects tbe Viet; Pres
ent, not the Prestdfen t. Doubtless, in ease
f a failure by the upu'se' io elect a Prrsl- '
ent by the 4th of March, ihe-President f
wits ocuaie l mere ue one) would be tbe
a . . am i a ...
Kgvumaie person. to exercise ibe President'.' 1
tial authority for the lime beir.?, or until
the appearance of aJawful President, or.for
the time laid down in tbe Constitution. Such
Courses would be peaceful, and, I l:av a "
firm belief, lawful.
1 have no doubt that 3o iliv.: wAnhi
make an excellent President. 1 have inet
him and know of htm. For a brief ofti.ui,
e served under tny command; but n tlm
matter stands I cannot see any likelihood
Of his being duly declared elected by the
people, unless the Sennle and House come
to be in accord as to that fact, and the
House wculdof course not otherwise fleet
him.
What people waul is a pesceful deli;rmi-
nation ot this matter, as f-r a determina
tion as possible and a lawful one. No
other determination could stand the test-
The country, if not plunged into a revolu -
tion, would become Poorer dav bv dav.
business would languish, and our bonds
would come home to find a depreciated
market.
I was not in favor of the military action
in South Carolina recently, and if General
riuger naa telegraphed to me or asked for
advice I would have advised him not. ur der
the circumstances, to allow himself or his
Eroop9 to determine who were the lawful
members of a. State Legislature. I could
not have given him better advice than to
refer him to the special message of the
President in the case of Louisiana,' somo
time before. But in South Carolina be
had the question settled bv a decision of
the Supreme Court of the State, the highest
triounat wnicn nad acted on the question,
so that his line of duly seemed even to be
clearer than in the action in the Louisiana
case. If a Federal court had interfered
and overruled, the decision of the State
Court there must have been a doubt cer
tainly, but tbe Federal Court only interfered
to complicate, not lo decide or over rule.
Any how, it is no business of the army lo
enter upon suchlqnestions.and even if it
might be so, in any event, if the civil au
thority is supreme, as the Constitution de
clares it to be, the South Carolina case wa3
one in which the army bad a plain duty.
Had Gen. Ruger asked me for advice, and I
had given it. I should of course have
notified you of my aciion immediately, so
that it could have been promptly overruled
if it should have been deemed advisable by
you or others superior in authority. Gen.
Kuger had not asked my advice, and 1
inferred from that and other facts that he
did not desire it, or that being in direct com
munication with my militaryBuperior' at
the seat of government who were nearer to
hira in time and distance than I was, he
deemed, it unnecessary. " As Gea-iUager
had the responsibility of action, and had
really the greater danger to confront in the
final action in the matter, I did not venture
to embarrass him by suggestions. He was
a department commander, and tho lawful
head of the military administration within'
the limits of the depaitment. But be
sides, I knew that be had been called to
Washington for consultation before taking
command, and was probably aware of the
views of tbe administration as to affairs in
his command. I knew that he was in di
rect communication witn my superiors in
authority in reference to the delicate sub
jects presented for his consideration, or
had ideas of his own which he believed to
be sufficiently in accord with the views of
our common superiors to enable him to act
intelligently, according to bis judgment,
and without suggestions from those not on
the spot, and not as fully acquainted with
tbe facts as he himself. He desired, too,
to be free to act, as he had the eventual
greater responsibility. And so the matter
was governed as between him and myself.
As I have been writing thus freely to you
I may still further unbosom myself by
stating that I had not held it lawful or wise
to use Federal troops in such matters as
have transpired east of the Mississippi
within the last few months, save ' so far as
they may be brought into action under the
article of the Constitution which contem
plates meeting armed resistance or invasion
of a State more than the State authorities
can subdue by ordinary processes,and then
Only when requested by the Legislature, or
if it could not be convened in session by
the Governor. And when the President
ofjtbe United States intervenes in that man
ner it is a state of war, not peace.
The army is laboring under disadvan
tages, and has been used unlawfully at
times in the judgment of the people (cer
tainly in mine)and we have lost a great deal
of the kindly feeling which the community
at largeifelt for us. "It is time to stop and
unload." Officers in command of troops of
ten find it difficult to act wisely and safely
when superiors in authority have different
views of law from theirs, and when legisla
tion has sanctioned aciion seemingly in
conflict with the fundamental law, and they,
generally defer to the known judgment of
their superior officers. They are so regard
ed in such great crises.and arc held to auch
responsibility, especially those at or near
the bead of it. that it is necessary on such
momentous occasions, to dare to determine
for themselves what is lawful and what, is
not lawful, under our system, if the mili
tary authorities should be invoked, as
might possibly be the case in such excep
tional times. Where there has existed
such - divergent views to a correct
result the army will suffer from
ita past action, if it . has acted wrong
fully. Our regular army has little hold
upon the affections of the people of to-day,
and its superior officers should certainly, as
far as lies in their power, legally and with
righteous intent, aim to defend the right,
Which to us is the law and the institutions
which they represent. It is a well meaning
institution, and it would be well if it should
have ah opportunity to be recognized as a
bulwark in support of tbe right of the peo
ple and of the law.
I a"m, truly your,
Winfield 8. Hancock
lo. General W. 1.' Sherman, Commanding
Army of the United StAtes. j .
A nade ot Honor.
Mr. A. G. Hawkins, of this city, hasn
silver badge wbich was evidently the pro
perty at one time of a soldier in the Mexi
can war. It bears the representation of a
palmetto tree, with tho inscription, "To
the Palmetto Regiment," and the names of
certain battles, such as "Vera Cruz, Cod
trcras, Churubusco, Chapultepec," etc. It
also bears the name of "James Goff" on a
scroll. The badge, wbich is a little larger
and heavier than the stand nrrt ntlver rinllnr
was found by a colored man in a load of
coal.