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DEMOCRATIC NOMINATIONS.
Election, Tuesday, November 8th.
FOB CONGRESS. 'J
Sixth District John D. Bellamy;
of
; 4 New Hanover.
FOR SUPERIOR COURT JUDGES.
First District Hon. George H. Brown,
of .Beaufort.
Second District Hon. Henry R.
Bry-
an, of Craven.
Fifth District Hon. Thomas J. Shaw,
of Guilford.
Sixth District Hon.. Oliver H. Allen,
of Lenoir. ' r At
Seventh District Hon. Thomas A.
McNeill; of Robeson.
Eleventh District Hon. W. Alexan
der Hoke, of Lincoln.
FOR SOLICITOR. ;
Sixib District Rodolph Duffy, of
Onslow
For J udge of Eastern Criminal Circuit :
Dossey Battle, of Edgecombe.
Now Hanover Comity.
FOR STATE SENATOR. ,c
Tentb District W! J. Davis, of Bruus
; wick.
ii 1 HOISK OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Jos. T. Kerr and Geo. L. Peschau.
Sheriff Walter G. MacRae.
Treasurer H. McL. Green,
lerk Superior Court Jno. D. Taylor.
Register of Deeds W: H. Biddle. '
Coroner Dr. W. W. Harriss.
Surveyor Jos. H. McRee.
Commissioners Roger Moore, John
Barry, W. F. Alexander.
Constable (Wilmington Township)
. ,1 Wm. Sheehan. Sr.
AS A NORTHERN MAN SEES IT.
The following is clipped from the
New Yolk Sun of the 20th inst:
. "I do not know how it is in other
parts of the South," said a New
Yorker, "but where I was in North
Carolina I noticed that the negroes
have everything their own way. In
Craven county you will find as many
colored as white jurors in the courts.
There is also a negro corner, who is
careful to give his race the preference
when he summons jurors. The regis
ter of deeds is a negro, and his clerks
are the same. The candidate for coun
ty treasurer is the same, and so is one
of the members of the board of educa
tion. Thirteen of the school commit
teemen are of the same race. I was
told that the county supervisor's re
port from July 1897, to July 1898,
shows that the negroes in the county
have property valued at $360,000. A
colored constable serves the papers
for twenty-six magistrates. f .
"In the board of aldermen in the
county seat, Newborn, are three col
ored men. "The city attorney is also
colored. Four of the policemeriand
a sergeant are colored. The member
of Congress from this district is col
ored. The employes about the town
and county buildings are colored. I
met liishop Fetty, . of the Methodist
unurcn, while 1 was there. Me is an
intelligent colored man. He said to
me: 'Eastern Carolina is the place
for the negro.' And so it seemed to
me. ,,
There is not much in this and yet
-'it speaks volumes. It tells the story
of the present and foreshadows the
story of the future if the present
condition of things be not changed
ihi8 Northern man saw only part
ofjt, and saw only one county, but
he saw enough to convince him that
"i the language of the bishop,
hastern -North Carolina is the
place for the negro." When Eastern
-North Carolina becomes the place
for the negro, and that becomes
understood among the negroes, it
will soon cease to be a place for the
white man, for the reason that makes
it the place for the negro will drive
the white man out. The whiCaman
will not and cannot live in a section
which is dominated by negroes.
They could nd more agree in such
relation than fire and water could.
Eastern North Carolina is one of
the fairest and most favored sections
in fair and favored North Carolina
With reasonable industry the poor
man can hve better and more com
iortably in it than he can in any other
part of this broad Republic. That
part of it laved by. the ocean sup
piles rush in abundance, while the
streams that flow into the ocean are
ii mm
VOL. XXIX.
alive with fishes of the finest varie
ties. The forests and fields are filled
with game and the lakes and swamps
with docks and geese and other
water fowl that may be had for the
shootjng. The warm, fertile, pro
lific soil produces an endless variety
of vegetables and fruits, some of
which continue to "be produced the
larger part of the year. The mild
Winters and the abundance of fuel
make it possible for any one who
has a roof to cover him to be com
fortable. All this makes living cheap
and this an ideal section for any
one, and especially for the negro,
who likes to live easy, to live in.
Add to this the fact that land is
cheap close to the towns, and even
in the towns, and we have another
reason why the negro should like it,
for if he desires he can easily be
come a land and a home owner, as
he can with little effort with the
cheap lumber within his reach soon
build a house on the land he may
own.
Isn't it quite apparent from all
this that Eastern North Carolina
should be liked by the negroes, and
doesn't this account' for the negroes
clinging to this portion of the State
and the little disposition to migrate
to other sections or other States?
And yet this fair, favored .section
is under a blight, a blight of the
negro's presence in suchllarge num
bers and the assertlveness with
which he puts himself forward to
hold dominion. The large number of
them act as an insurmountable obsta
cle to white immigration, and the ne
gro office holder is another obstacle
to the incoming of capital. There
is no more striking illustration of
this than the county of Craven and
the naturally attractive city of New-
bern, which, if it were not for the
preponderance of the negro element,
would be one of the most desirable
places for residence and would be
come one of the most beautiful and
charming cities on the Atlantic coast,
But it has been nnder the black
blight and will continue to be so
while the blacks overrun it as they
do and are antagonistic to the whites
as they are. There they are under a
eadership that makes them insolent
and aggressive, that brings them
into conflict with the whites, that
creates friction and keeps it up, and
nnder this leadership they claim and
assert the right to hold office and to
rule the white man.
They are in the majority and hav
ing been told that this is a country
where the minority must yield to
the majority when the majority ren
ders its verdict at the polls, they
nominate negroes, having the ma
jority elect them, and then substan
tially ask the white man, "what are
yon going to do about it?" That is
what their white Republican asso
ciates who, according to "Prof."
Ike Smith, hold only 5 per cent, of
the stock in the "Republican joint
Btock company" and therefore should
have very little to say as to who the
officers and directors of the joint
stock company shall be.
There is not a city or town m
Eastern North Carolina which has
not suffered more or less from this
negro affliction and with them and
with the East the protest they are
now making against negro domina
tion is not a matter of mere senti
ment or a party device to stir up
white blood, but a matter of self-
preservation, a calamity which
stares them in the face and cannot
be ignored if they would ignore it.
A negro at a night- meeting of
negroes in a county adjoining Craven
not long ago in a speech said that
the, negroes would yet not only con
trol Eastern North Carolina politi
cally but they would be the owners
of the land, and he told how "it
was to be done. When they gained
stronger political control the white
people would become more dissatis
fied with their surroundings. The
negroes would then off er'to buy their
land and stock, agreeing to pay in
terest and give mortgages for the
purchase money. If the ownerB
agreed to these terms all right, they
could sell and depart in peace, but
if they were not willing to sell on
these terms then they could be so
worried, so harassed and life made
so intolerable that they would be
glad to sell and migrate for the sake
of peace. That was the plan out-
lined by this negro by which the
negroes were to get possession of the
lands, houses and stock of the white
people after they had secured politi
cal control.
Let the idea get out that in East
ern North Carolina the way is open
to office for the negroes, that they
can become members of Congress,
Judges, Solicitors, Magistrates
Sheriffs, County Commissioners
Constables, School Committeemen
Mayors, Aldermen, &c, and how
lone before it will become the
Klondike or Mecca, so to speak, o
the aspiring negro office-hunter of
this and other States, and how long
will it be before we have an influx of
that kind, to stir up more bad feel
ing between the races? That is as
sure to come as night is to follow
day if the negro gets the firm hold
on this section for which he is now
striving.
The
This New York man whom the
Sun quotes saw some of it, he saw
the picture before him, but he didn't
see it all. With the white men of
the East it isn't a fight for sentiment
only, it is a struggle, and a desper
ate struggle, for self-preservation.
THE NEGRO IN FORSYTH.
The Republicans held their coun
ty convention in Winston, Forsyth
county, , last Saturday. The ne
groes claim to have nominated a
negro for the lower House of the
Legislature, but by some hocus-
pocus he was chiselled out of the
nomination and a deserter from the
Democratic party declared the nom
inee. This aroused the ire of the
colored contingent, one of whom,
Dinkens Hairston, published a card
exposing the fraud and denouncing
the action of the convention, from
which we clip the following:
Now I will say this much to the
You can cheat us out of the
primary in Salem Chapel, but if you
keep James Carter on that ticket in
the place of James Lanear, colored,
you will find the colored people voting
with the old-time Kepubhcans, the
party that has recoganized the colored
man. 1 am now more surprised at
that convention than ever, as "Mr.
Boss Reynolds" told me that morning
they bad done so much lor the negro ;
said that they had. put over three
hundred of them in office in this State
and said the Democrats had not give
them a single office ; but we do not ex
pect any office from the Democrats.
We have not been voting with them,
or rather they have not been voting
with us, as the Republican party in
this county and State is. ours; we do
not vote with the white Republicans,
they vote with us and take all vhe pie,
as they say.
1 never voted for a Democrat in my
life, but the way the bosses are doing
I cannot tell how I will vote this time,
it may be with the old-time Republi
cans, and with Carter on the other
ticket hundreds of colored men will do
as I do. 'Boss' take him down; put
up Jim Lanear, colored, who was
nominated, and save the party."
The Republican party in this
county and State is ours" remarks
Dinkens Hairston, and it is, but
the white bosses in the counties
where the negroes are in the mi
nority are doing their level best to
choke them off the tickets or cheat
them off, when they happen to get
on, as they did in this Forsyth con
vention. '
The "Boss Reynolds" referred to
in the above extract is Charley Rey
nolds who poses as the (accidental)
Lieutenant Governor, who before
the election didn't have any more
admiration for Daniel L. Russell
than Office Hunter Dockery had be
fore he began to boot-lick "Dan'
when he discovered that it was nec
essary to placate him to get Nor-
ment, the "independent," out of his
way. When Charley had occasion
to refer to refer to Daniel L. he al
ways did it in language not found in
Sunday School literature, nor in the
carefully edited lexicons.
Charley told Hairston how many
negroes the mongrel party had put
in office in this State, but he couldn't
stand one more in Forsyth, and,
therefore, he conspired with the
other white bosses to cheat the one
nominated out of his nomination.
What base frauds they are in deal
ing with both black and white voters.
THE RACE LIKE
We have shown in these columns
that the race issue is not peculiar to
North Carolina, nor to the South,
but that it is an issue more or less
defined in every State in this Union
and, more than that, a world ques
tion. It is less prominent in the
North than in the South simply for
the reason that there are fewer
negroes there in proportion to popu
lation than in the South and they
are not the potent factor there in
public affairs that they are in the
South. But when the negro is
brought into direct contact with the
white man then the race issue is
strikingly manifest and the conflict
comes. . -
We had an illustration of this
Wednesday at Pana, Illinois, be
tween the white miners and the
negro miners who were imported to
take the place of the striking white
miners. From the report by wire,
the negroes provoked the clash, and
suffered the consequences.
That racket also furnished us an
other object lesson of the negro s
contempt- for the law and his dispo
sition to resist the officers of the law
in the performance of their duty
Here they provoked the appeal to
force by the white men by resist
ing the arrest - of the negro who
started -the fracas. They would
have rescued the prisoner if it had
not been for the assistance rendered
by the white miners. That wasn't in a
Southern town where the negroes
might be in the majority, but in a
Western town where they are com
paratively few, but they acted there
just as they are in the habit of doing
in Southern towns where they are
numerous enough to be daring or
aggressive. The fact is that as a
race they have no respect for the
law, as administered by white men,
when they dare defy it.
When Governor Russell has oc
casion to talk to negroes now he
does not call them "savages," but
there is no proof that he has changed
his opinion.
Wee
WILMINGTON, N. C, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 7, 1898.
THE FUSION ENGINEERS.
We clip the following from the
Raleigh Post:
"The folio wine- constitute the crew
who assembled last night to devise
means by which they and their hench
men may plunder the old Ship of
State and then turn her over to the
tender mercies of the blackamoors :
'District Attorney Holton. salary
$6,000; District Attorney Claude Ber
nard, salary $6,000; Secretary of
State Cy. Thompson, salary $6,000;
Auditor Hal Aver, salary and per
quisites, $3,S00; Collector E. Carl
Duncan, salary $4,000; Collector Her
chel V. Harkins, salary $4,500; U. S.
Marshal Dockery, salary $6,000; with
a number of lesser lights, but all with
a good salary attached, not one of
which, we may add, has, according to
promise, been reduced to a cold basis
and five cent cotton."
There are patriots and patriots,
several varieties of patriots, and
these are some of them, but these
are all of the same brand and wear
the $ mark. Each one of these has
from 2,500 to 6,000 reasons why
they are for fusion, every one of
these reasons emphasized with the
$ emphasis. It is business you see.
Every one of them is receiving more
pay now than they ever earned in
the same time before in their lives,
and are doing less work for it. Most
of their time is now devoted to run
ning their respective political ma
chines, and in swapping votes,, and
trading in offices, as Major Guthrie
(a Populist) expresses it, "as mer
chandise." They are doing busi
ness, and a very large business, on
a very small capital mostly coun
terfeit and cheek and have made
it pay pretty well so far.
But the bnneoed have begun to
see through their devices ana to
understand them, and they are not
playing the barter game as slick as
they did in previous campaigns.
When the people begin to see
things and behold the $ brand, the
branded will find the trading con
siderably more difficult.
THE DISGUISE OFF.
The deal by which the Populist
fusion machine managers have agreed
to support the Republican candi
dates for Congress, in those districts
where they have no Populist candi
dates, throws off the disguise which
they have been masquerading in.
They agree to support Adams, Dock
ery and Linney, in return for which
the Republicans will support Skin
ner, Fowler, Jenkins and Caldwell.
Skinner, Jenkins and Caldwell are
all Pritohard Populists. Skinner
has been hand in glove with Pritch
ard and worked hard for his election
to the Senate for the full term, and
Caldwell and Jenkins were both
nominated through Republican influ
ence, Pritchard's collectors of in
ternal revenue being in the conven
tion which nominated Jenkins and
working for him.
In the Second and. Ninth dis
tricts there has been no deal because
there are both Republican and Pop
list candidates in both of these, but
they are both normally Republican
districts, and the Republicans did
net feel the need of any Populist
help, but the Populists are helping
them all the same by running can
didates who will divide the anti-Republican
vote.
This is, doubtless, part of the pro
gramme to put up these candidates
to hold the Populist vote. If Boggs
was not in the field in the Ninth
district the Populist vote might go
to Crawford, the Democratic candi
date, and if Lloyd; had not been put
up in the Second district a Demo
crat might have been nominated
against the negro (White) and then
White might have been beaten
But these Populist fusion managers
would rather see a negro elected
than a free silver Democrat.
As the case stands, while profess
ing to be free silver men they barter
the votes of their following for three
gold standard Republicans against
three free silver Democrats and aid
in the election of two more, one
negro, by working to divide the anti
Republican votes in those districts
Practically they support five gold
standard Republicans to help four
alleged Populists, three of whom
are Pritchard Pops. Isn't that
throwing off the disguise?
In Wilmington, Delaware, spirits
have gone into the tooth-pulling
business. A young woman who
wanted three teeth extracted went
to a dentist who extracted two.
That night the spirit of her mother
came and relieved her of the other
If this spirit hadj thought of it and
called around earlier the young
woman might have saved the money
she paid the dentist, who didn't do
the work half as cleverly as the
spirit did. for the young woman
didn't feel the spook-pulling at all
Some women! don't know how to
aim an axe anv better than they do
a brick. An Ohio woman who saw
her brother tussling with a thief
went to his assistance with an axe,
struck at the thief and killed her
brother.
The ping tobacco trust formed
recently embraces plants valued in
the aggregate at $25,477,000.
ELY
AS OTHERS SEE IT.
We published yesterday a clip
ping from the New York Sun tell
ing what a New York man saw in
in Craven county, with such com
ment as it suggested. We here
with give two more from Northern
men now residents and citizens of
of this State, who are in national
politics Republicans but on State
issues, Democrats. The first -is
an extract from a lengthy commun
ication in the Rockingham Rochet
from Mr. "Frank Roberts, a citizen
of Richmond, Office Hunter Dock
cry's county, giving the reason why
he affiliates with the Democratic
party. Among others, speaking of
the race question, . and how the
negroes are misled and their confi
dence abused by their Belfish white,
leaders, he says:
"But these white men are wonder
ful to behold in their seeking after
office, and these positions they cannot
get without the aid of the colored
brother. Can it be that in their greed
for office they are even ready to sacri-
the "goose that lays the "golden
eggs" so that they may continue to
enjoy their share of the pie? If they
are really sincere in their belief that
the colored man is, equally with them
selves, entitled to hold office, why not
divide fairly, big piece of pie for big
piece, small share for small? But when
1 come to take this feature of the case
into consideration I am compelled by
my self-respect to keep aloof, for I will
never acknowledge the negro as in
any way approaching equality. I re
spect the colored man in his place,
have always, since I came here, treated
him well, and shall continue to do so,
and to help elevate him in every pos
sible way I may be able-, but he is my
inferior his destiny has made him so
and 1 do not propose to be guilty of
poisoning his mma with iaeas tnat
will most certainly work to his injury.
"It may be urged by some that 1
could readily overcome all diffi
culties by simply witholding my vote,
but to this I say most emphatically
No ! There are times when it becomes
a positive duty neglect of which is
criminal for every one to show his
colors. The present occasion is one,
and the issue having been forcced, as
I have above hinted, into a declaration
of choice bet wenn a white man's gov
ernment and a colored man's, I decide
in the only way a white man can;
and while I still remain a Republican.
should vote that ticket in other por
tion of the United States, and shall do
so if ever I leave the South, as long I
I reside in this section of the conntry
I shall cast my vote with the Demo
cratic party."
The following is from Mr. W. B. '
Sherry, formerly of Michigan, but
now a citizen of Charlotte. He, like
Mr. Roberts, was a Republican, and
still is, we believe, in national poli
tics. He says:
I could not vote anv ticket but the
Democratic ticket in North Carolina,
and I can't see how any white man,
no matter where he has come from,
nor what his opinion on national poli
tics are, can vote otherwise an d do
justice to himself and the most sacred
interests of the state, l cannot see
how any white man can so far forget
his race, and the most vital interests
of his home and family, as to give aid
to a party or parties, the. success of
which means negro domination m any
section of the State.
I love the people with whom I have
cast my lot, and I love my adopted
State too well to do what has a ten
dency to degrade these people, or to
degrade the State. I have read of the
conditions in some sections of Eastern
North Carolina, and sometimes I
almost shudder when I think of the in
dignities that these white men and wo
men' are called upon to undergo, ana
I can say without hesitation, that if I
was the strongest National Republican
in the country I feel that I would be
false to my instinct of right, justice
and patriotism if I, by word or deed,
aided the unholy and inhuman coali
tion that insists upon elevating ingo-
rant, incompetent and insolent negro
politicians over honest, virtuous and
intelligent white men and women."
Is it "prejudice" or partisanship
that influences v these two adopted
citizens to repudiate the Republi
canism of this State as they find it?
They saw but little of the negro in
politics in the States they came
from, where they voted the Repub
hcan ticket. If they had any race
prejudice it was only that which is
instinctive and was born in them,
but when they came South and were
thrown into contact with negroes
and had the opportunity to study
them from short range it did not
take long for them to understand
what negro domination would mean,
not onlv for the white man but for
the negro, and as men taking an in
terest in their race and in their
adopted State it did not take thenv
long to determine their duty nor on
which side they should range them
selves.
- We venture the assertion that
eight out of every ten of the North
ern and Western men who have
made their homes in the South, and
are not in politics for-office, feel pre
cisely as these two adopted citizens
of North Carolina do, and would
take the stand they do if they were
m this state, conrrontea Dy tne
present conditions and had to deal
with the same issue. If there is any
difference atall between the adopted
citizen and the native born Southern
Democrat it is that the native born
is more indulgent with the negro
than the man of the North is, be
cause he is more accustomed to him,
understands him better and makes
more allowance for him in the decep
tion practiced upon him, and conse
quently makes the race question i
leading one only when the negroes
become aggressive enough under
bad leadership to threaten the peace
and welfare of the communities in
which they are a potent element.
There always has been, and there
always will be, a color line, a fact
which sensible negroes accept, but
Star.
while this is so it is rarely the case
that it becomes such a live issue as
it is now in North Carolina, because
under the mongrel government
which we now have, negroes who
aspire to office have become so ag
gressive and have thrust themselves
so far to the front as party dictators
that they have forced the race issue
and compelled the friends of white
supremacy to meet them and their
white allies, who are in politics for
he spoils, On their own good.
As illustrating the difference
with which the negro is viewed by
the native Southerner and the
Northern settler, there is a colony in
Georgia composed of people princi
pally from Michigan, many if not
most of whom were Republicans be-
ore coming South. This colony
numbers five or six thousand people,
and has in it a town of two or three
thousand inhabitants, a substantial
and well-appointed town, with news
papers, bank, a Branch railroad run
ning into it, schools, hotels and
othei equipments of a modern city,
as they call it, without a negro, for
a negro is not allowed to live within
the corporate -limits, nor to be even
temporarily employed in it. The
inhabitants are all Western people.
t was they who founded the colony
and built the town and closed-its
gates against the negro, who has free
access to eVery other town in Geor
gia. If these Fitzgerald colonists
were-xesidents of North Carolina it
is needless to say that in this con
test they would be found contending
and voting with the Democratic
party for white supremacy.
When Northern settlers view this
question as the two' from whom we
have quoted above do, and feel so
sensibly the degradation implied by
negro ascendency, isn't it marvel
ous that native Southern men, na
tive. North Carolinians, can be found
aiding and abetting the aspiring
negroes and assisting them to climb
into positions where they can domi
nate over white people? It is not so
hard to understand why the office
hunters do it, for they are generally
of a class who do not permit the
degradation of their race to weigh
against the spoils of office, but it is
marvellous that any white man who
is not seeking office through negro
votes would permit himself to be so
deluded and so degraded when he
has nothing to gain but everything
to loose by it, and when he is con
tributing not only to his own deg
radation but to the degradation of
his children, whom he ought to pro
tect. In what noble and glorious con
trast is this race-loyal, patriotic ac
tion of these two adopted citizens
to that of the mercenary and self
abasing native Southerners who get
into the gutter and wallow with the
filthy for the reward that comes
from wallowing, or because they
haven't race pride or self-respect
enough to realize what they do?
ONLY A TOOL.
In a published letter giving his rea
sons for withdrawing from the Popu
list party, Mr. M. L. Flow, of Mon
roe, Union county, says:
"There is no use disguising the fact.
Or trying to do so, for 'it is as plain as
the nose on your face' that unscrupu
lous leaders and pie munters, for selnsi
personal ends, have seized the Third
party, and renouncing all principle,
have united with the Republican party
which is directly antagonistic in
principle, simply for the pur
pose of defeating the Democratic
party, whose demands are almost
fa . i ... i . r at mi : l
identical wim inose oi un xuiru
party. I cannot be a party, even by
silence, to such a crime against the
hope of good government, against the
original aim of the Third party, they
are now seeking to prostitute. As a
citizen of Union county earnestly de
sirous of her welfare, I can no longer
take part or stock in the political ends
of these socalled leaders of the Third
party, and I beg all of .my friends to
withdraw their support, and stand up
for 'white supremacy' in North Caro
lina. The Populist party was originally
all right, and I had great hopes of it
being a blessing to the whole
countryrund I -nave remained in
it for several months, since the self
constituted leaders have been seeking
to cany it over to ruin, hoping that
conservative counsel would check the
mad ravings and extreme views of
the leaders, but I am now fully con
vinced that the Third party is only a
tool and a thing in the hands of politi
cal prostitutes to carry out their sel
fish ends and to get office. I have
seen the unwisdom of continutal co
operation with the Republican party.
It has brought the State to the verge
of degradation and ruin.
i No, there is no use disguising the
fact, or trying to, for every one ho
isn't as blind as an Egyptian mum
my can see it. When so-called Pop
ulist leaders, who profess to believe
in certain principles, enter into a co
partnership with men who are op
posed to every one of those princi
ples and agree to support any candi
date they nominate, whether white
or black, no matter how unsavory his
reputation may be, on the condition
that the Republican machine man
agers - deliver them the Bepubli
can vote for these spoils seekers,
can any one for a moment doubt as
to the inspiring motive ? It is sim
ply a matter of business, a very
shameless business, it is true, but
business all the same. They are in
for the loot, and the votes of those
who are simple enough to be fooled
by them are their stock in trade.
NO. 51
A TRANSPARENT FRAUD
The Republican stumpers and
their Populist partners are dodging
ing in this campaign. They do not
undertake to answer the charges of
extravagance,' corruption and negro
rule that the Democrats make
against this mongrel administration,
but rely upon humbugging the
people with the disfranchising rot,
and howling for the perpetuation of
their fraud-breeding election laws.
They want tjiese election laws per
petuated, of course, because under
them they can register and vote as
many negroes as they can run in
from adjoining States and in as
many precincts as can be reached on
election day, because any negro can
swear that he is entitled to register
and be registered, and having been
registered can vote because there4 is
no right of challenge on election
day. Of course they want that
kind of system perpetuated because j
i-l Ii ' t s' y J. I
they find it very handy- to carry
elections.
The falsehood and absurdity of
the disfranchising fake have re
peatedly been exposed; but if the
election laws passed by Democratic
legislatures were so bad that, as
alleged, no fair election could be
had under them how is it that the
fusionists elected their candidates
and got into power under them?
Isn't the fact that they .are in power
proof conclusive that a "f ree ballot
and a fair count," for which they
are now hypocritically howling,
could be had under those laws?
Surely they will not admit that the
election by which they got in was
not a fair one, and if they admit
that it was then it logically follows
that the Democratic election laws
are not what they misrepresented
them to be. When all other de
vices fail, they rely upon the "buga
boo scares" .about disfranchising,
and the hypocritical howl about a
"free ballot and a fair count."
SQUIRMING UNDER IT. i
The Rep-Pop machine managers
are squirming under the charges of
having done so much to put the
Eastern counties of North Carolina
under negro rule. They can't deny
it, and the way they answer it is by
bawling out "You're another."
They are trying to make the people
who don't know any better believe
that the Democratic party is re
sponsible for having negroes in of
fice, and that the Democrats are
responsible for setting the example
by appointing negroes to office.
But they know better than this,
and when they say it they know
they are lying. The Republican
party, which framed the recon
struction constitution for North
Carolina is responsible for negroes
in office, for that constitution pro
vided for the election of county
officers by popular vote, and conse
quently a good many negroes were
elected magistrates and continued
to be so elected until that constitu
tion was amended by the Demo
crats in 1876, vesting the selec
tion of magistrates in the Legisla
ture. This was for the express purpose
of saving from negro rule those
counties where the negroes were
numerous enough to elect magis
trates of their color, county commis
sioners and other county officers
That's the way Eastern North Caro
lina was saved from negro rule and
kept safe from it until the mongrel
Legislature of 1895 opened the way
for the negro
It is a little surprising that they
haven't charged the Democratic
party with putting negroes on the
juries, which was another of the
beauties and blessings of reconstruc
tion legislation.
Ignoring the fact that there were
negro magistrates, negro members of
the Legislature, negro commission
ers and other officers, from the adop
tion of the Republican constitution
until its amendment in 1876, they
charge that the Democratic Legisla
ture of 1877 inaugurated the selec
tion of negro magistrates. Cy
Thompson made it in his speech at
Asheboro, Randolph county, and as
sorted that Hon. Marmaduke Rob-
bins, (who was not present) a State
Senator in that Legislature, voted
for negro magistrates. When Mr
Robbins heard of this charge he
answered it in a communication pub
lished in the Asheboro Courier, of the
5 A. 1 .
a iiisl., xrom wnicn we quote as
follows
"The facts in regard to the appoint
ment of Justices of the Peace in 1877
are these: The appointment of al
the I justices all over the State
amounting to thousands, were to
be made by that General Assembly,
and a joint committee of able mem
bers were appointed to make and pre
sent a list of names for justices of the
peace to the General AssemDiy. xne
committee adopted the rule that in
counties represented by Democrats
they would receive and report Uie
names presented by these members for
their respective counties, and in the
.-o.t,wi by Republicans
a T i j flutm rp.nrfisen'
tatives to suggest one-third of the
names, and the remaining two
ttdrdT they would, obtain from
Twerend7 up aTd rented
to tiie General Assembly accordingly-
When the question came up "
Senate of which Doay x ZTh7 th
iVoted for the fist so reported by the
committee but not without sundry ex
ceptions, as did many other Senators,
as is shown by the Senate , Journal,
pages 767 and 768, and if there were
; any negroes on the list they were
' doubtless thrust in by the Remibhcan
I members in the one-third of the mem-'
I bers they were allowed to suggest,
Without mariang on uid u w
gesting in any way that they were
negroes. And if I voted for any negro,
which I do not admit it was caused
by the cunning and intrigue of the
Republicans who thus covertly
put in thir names; and I never
heard the charge before."
There are many, several thou
sand magistrates in North Carolina.
The members of the Legislature
could not have possessed knowledge
Of all the men suggested for those
plaoes, and consequently tHey voted
for them as their; names were pre
sented by the committee, assuming
that the committee did the best they
could to select from the names sub
mitted to them proper persons. In
courtesy the Democrats on the com
mittee allowed the Republicans
to suggest names for one-third
if the magistrates in the counties
which they represented presuming
that they would find competent
white Republicans for these posi
tions, and if these Republican mem
bers chose negroes and handed in
their names without stating that
they were negroes, which was the
case, then it is they and not the
Democrats of that Legislature who
J - . r
are responsible for the selection of
negroes. They, simply took advan
tage of the courtesy extended to
them and deceived their Demo
cratic colleagues.)
But even then the Democrats took
the precaution to guard against
negroes being run in upon them hy
giving the Republican members the
privilege to name only one-third of
the. magistrates. This saved the white
people of the Eastern counties from
the danger of having the law ad
ministered for them by negro
justices for they would in any event
have two white magistrates to one
black and they, could have their
cases, if they had any, brought be
fore a white magistrate. But the
presentation -.of negro names was
simply a case of deliberate decep
tion and breach of the confidence
reposed in these Republican mem
bers by their Democratic colleagues.
Referring to this attempted
you're anotherf' justification for
doing what they arraign the
Democratic Legislature of 1897 for
doing, Mr. Robbins pertinently re
marks: i . f.: ''
But how such a vote cast by me
and others, had it been done, which I
deny, can justify Cy: Thompson and
his fusion crowd in openly, unblush
ingly and shamelessly hounding on
negro government over the people of
North Carolina, and especially Eastern
North Carolina, is beyond my concep
tion and I take it! the conception of all
decent and self-respecting people
everywhere. That one or several men's
sin can justify other men in commit
ting the same sin is a doctrine that I
apprehend can -find . no place in the
Code" of morals of any person but Cy.
Thompson and his pie eating and pie-
bunting crew.
If Republican members of the
Legislature of 1B77 didt taking ad
vantage of the courtesy extended to
them and thcTtrust reposed in them,
select negro magistrates in prefer
ence to white Republicans, is that a
justification for the mongrel Legis
lature in multiplying negro magis
trates all' over the East?
Does that justify them in putting
forty negro magistrates in New Han
over county? j '
In filling Craven, Halifax and
other counties with them?
Does that justify the putting of
negro commissioners on county
boards, in making negro deputy
sheriffs, negro constables to serve
papers and arrest white people.
Does it justify revolutionizing the
governments of Eastern towns and
practically putting them under ne- j
gro rule?
Would the fact that some negroes
became, under the circumstances we
have stated, magistrates justify all
this inf ernalisnt to make the mon
grel party solid; with the negroes and
hold their votes?
We had negro school committee
men under Democratic administra
tion, but they had to do with negro
schools only. ; . - jj
Does this justify the mongrel party
in putting negro school committee
men over white schools?
They may try to squirm out of
this, when they see how the people
are resenting their work in putting
the negro on top as they hate been
doing, but they can't deceive any
body with this, "You're another"
fraudulent plea in justification of
their truckling to the negro.
TIRED OF THE GANG.
The following is from an Anson
county citizen, who has, like so
many others, become disgusted with
the bartering and the treachery of
the Populist fusion leaders:
Polkton, Anson C6..N. C, Sept. 28;
Editor Wilmington Star: Dear Sir:
I voted the Democratic ticket previous
to the organization of the Populist
party. Believing, as many others did,
that the reforms so much needed could
be secured through that party, I left
the Democratic party and have voted
the Populist ticket Up to this time; but
it seems that there is a "band of office
hunters at the head of the party in this
State that are willing lei sacrifice prin
ciple for office, and have again fused
wim me rwjpuDiican party, a party
that is dividing the offices with the ne
gro, thereby putting them as rulers
over the white people. If that is not
enough to cause any fair-minded Pop
ulist, that wants to live under a white
man s government, to leave the party.
I would hke to know what wouIdL I
for one, will not vote with the Populist
flS'W; -1 efPt to vote the
r-W. 4116 next election,
andEappeal to all my fellow Populists
,iTu0ut of fnnon deal, and
stand hke men with the Democratic
party, that we; may restore a white
matfs government in North OuoHjm
Very reepectfully,
k-v J. E. Boybttb.
1$