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- - I W I ' lIM I -I. II ! I . .1 I il I ' ''7yr"11 ' -! ' -n-1-..l.l II "' .n l.l I '" " " ' ' , ' f VOLUME IIl. v NEW BERN, N. C. iSATURDA Y, OCTOBER 7, 1820. NUMBER 133. 4 PUBLISHED WEELy, BY PASTEUR WATSON, At $ 3r pnuinaU" in advance. POLITICAL. From ihe National Intelligencer. POLICY jDF RUSSIA AND OF THE HOLY ALLIANCE. The attention of the European World has just been drawn . to the Document which we publish to-day, announcing the views of Russia in regard to the late Revolution in Spain. It is a state paper of the first importance, which promises to have ah important bearing on the af fairs of Europe.' If its doctrines be maintained, in the spirit in which they are advanced, a war in Europe, odious 'in its. origin, and desolating in its pro gress, must be the consequence ; for, there are no people so slavish - as, with arras in their hands, to permit t a foreign nation to dictate to them not the form of their government only, but the princi ples on which it shall be (administered. Though the sovereign of Spain were im becile enough to succumb the condi tions imposed on him, or to abdicate his authority, the people would not : they would resist any despotism . but that; of their own chusing.; They have done so ronce already, and placed r their present ruler on his throne, almost against his will ; and, should the necessity arrive, it cannot be doubted they would do so again. That the Emperor of Russia will retract the sentiments so publicly and f 11.. . J l., . UA i rru u a u'r u -l pected, Those vvho surround him have I um A: ex-i . j Cr.. . . . n I entlyj and pride ofi opinion is equally poweiful in the breast of the monarch and the mendicant. In this country, however removed from the theatre of these occurrences -however! unmoved by the commotions in Europe, .this document will produce a deep impression. Its doctrines are so radically 1 opposed y to the fundamental principles of the Revolution which in tills country eventuated so happily, that they are repugnant to the universal feel ing of the country. It is not that there is, either on the part of the people, or of those who are the organs of the people's will, the least disposition to intermeddle in the politics of Europe, but, on the contrary, a desire to stand forever aloof from them. But, we cannot shut our eyes to what is passing : . we are parti- cuiany anve 10 wnatever nows lrom a source entitled to the respect with which we have hitherto regarded the Emperor of Russia : and, above all, we recollect that that. power has been the. accepted mediator of differences between this Re public and one of the greatest powers of Europe. 1 he Sovereign of Russia was ae irom whom we had been taught to cajjcci an ine magnanimity oi an en lightened and liberal mind, contra an almost unlimited physical power ; and it is with a proportionate pain that we have observed the tenor of this state pa per, which is too plain to admit a doubt 01 us meaning, ana too labored not to have been the result of deliberate sels and fixed determination. coun- There' are many considerations which crowd themselves on the mind on the perusal of this document, with which we 11 win not at present trouble our readers. We contemplate with unmixed Win its probable consequences, earnestly hoping, however, that we may be: "mistaken in our antiqpauons. MEMORIAL. Addressed to the Ministers of Russia on the subject of the Affairs of Spain. The Chivalier de Zea Bermuda h presented to the Imperial Cabinet th annexed note, relative to jhe events which iimjusiiaKen piace in the Peninsula, and of which we were already informed by the despatches that were forwarded 10 us by our agents at foreign Courts. JSlde Zea in this document confines himself to informing us that the Constitu tion promulgated by the Cortes in the year 1812, has been "accepted by the King, and expresses a desire to know how the Emperor has viewed thischanpe ,i the government. If the distances och separates us from Spain, and from siaies which are best enabled to ei?h maturely the nature of the disas with which she is menaced be con quered, it will be readily acknowledged. J, with regard to the Representatives 'delicate UttUU"j uiuicuu ana Revolution of the Peninsula fixes ' PRINTED AND tria 'infafAct j!iiK it ie nKriiit tt rlAirlo ' are the interests of the Universe; and if ever the Emperor, wished that the opin-' ion of his Allies might conduce to regu-' late his own it certainlv was at the mo- ment wien the ote of the Chivalier de .has taught us to cpnsider. almost always Zea imposed upon his Imperial Majesty as an illusion, the hope of a happy event, the obligation of pronouncing . upon an , But, ' if We migjfit trust the calculations event which involves, perhaps, the future which personal interest would ; seem destinies of all civilized nations. This bound to indicate ; ifit Were permitted obligation, however, existed, for, in these to presume, that the' Cortes would con days, every subject jof doubt becomes an . suit the interest of their own ' preserva jnstrument of malevolence, v . ; tion, it might be believed, that they i The necessity fpf replying to M. de would hasten to extricate, by a solemn a;Vas,"therefpjpJyident i.-...butr in. this,; meaurtall that is .culpable in tfie cir jmportant conjuncture, it appeared na:u- ; cumstahces ' whicji accompanied the ral, that previously to pronouncing an ; change of the administration in Spain. opinion, the Emperor : should consider !-The interests of the Cortes are iiere the object which the Allied Powers pro- identified with the interest of Europe. posed to themselvesA in their relations The misled soldiery who protected, may with Snain : that he should consult the I to-morrow assail them : and their first views which they had expressed" to that same Power, and that he should take a guide for his own, the principles of Eu ropean polity. This is Jwt his 'vImpe rial Alajesty was -bund tooo 5 ; this is wnat he has done,; -:::? : u Since the year-f1812, more than one Diplomatic Document attests the general solicitude, which . the several Courts of Europe have constantly manifested in behalf of Spain. They applauded the noble perseverance with which her intre pid people resisted a foreign yoke. They rendered homage to their wisdom, when they; rallied round a constitutional throne, the pearest interests of their country ; the interests of her independence. Fi nally, from the period when Providence restored Ferdinand VII. to his people they never failed to acknowledge that solid institutions could alone secuie on lts hasis the ancient Spanish monarchy, i rpr ii j v. J fhe Allied sovereigns did more. the course of long conferences, relative to ,.fforooa J. , , 'p. . . the differences with Rio de la Plata, and to the pacification of the Colonies, they let it be sufficiently understood, that these institutions would cease to be a means of peace and happiness, if instead of being granted by . kindness, as a voluntary con cession they should be adopted by weak ness as a last resource of salvation. Let us investigate on the other hand, the great transactions which established the European Alliance. , What is the object of the engage- ments that were renewed on the (3d 15th of November, 1818? - ; The Allied Monarchs had iust then "obliterated the last'traces of the Revolu tion in France ; but that Revolution seemed ready to produce new calamities. 1 he obligation of - the Monarchs was, therefore, and their design was, to pre vent that bursting from the same horizon, the- same storm should a third time deso late Europe " ' -: .. Nevertheless, as if the alarms which were then excited by the state of France, and which it still excites were not suffi-cient-as if governments and nations en tertained but slight doubts with respect to its future condition, it was necessary that the genius of evil should select a new Theatre, and that Spain, in her turn, should be offered up as a fearful sacrance. Revolution has therefore changed its ground, but the duties of the monarchs cannot have changed their nature, and the power of the insurrrection is neither less formidable, nor less dangerous, than it would have been in France. In unision, therefore, with his allies, his Majesty cannot l?at desire to see gran ted to the Peninsula, as to its trans-ma rine Provinces, a government which he considers as the only one that can yet justify some hope in this age of calami ties. But in virtue of his engagements of the (3d) 15th of November, 1818, his Majesty is bound to mark, with the most forcible reprobation, the revolutionary measures set. in action to give new institu tions to Spain. Such is the twofold idea that is found developed in the annexed an swer, which the Cabinet of Russia has made to the Chevelier de Zea, by order of his Imperial Majesty. The Emperor aoes not doubt, that his august Allies win approve its contents, and perhaps they have already addressed similar sentiments to the Court of Madrid. . The same wish- ! es may, in, fact, have inspired the same language, and convinced, like his Majesty, that crime must always yield pernicious fruit; they have doubtless deploied, as he has, the outrage which has recently tarnished the annals of Spain.-, We re peat it, this outrage is deplorable. It is deplorable for the Peninsula'; it is deplo rable for Europe ; and'the Spanish nation now owes an expiatory deed to the peo ple of both hemispheres. 'Till this be done, the unhappy object of iheir disqui etude can only make them fear the con tagion of her, calamities. Nevertheless. amidst all these elements of disaster, and wheq so many motives combine to afflict the real friends of the welfare of nations. To fliarbontr iVKOnnrl rArloominnf mAo.-.MA ' whose effect may be to reconcile Spain with fterself as well as with the other Powers of Europe ? '. ? T r s ,We dare not .affirm it ; for: experience duty towards their monarch, towards their country, and themselves, seems to be to prove that they will never consent to le galize insurrection. These are hopes .which would not appear to be without some foundation. The Emperor how ever, is far from cherishing them, and if j he admitted the possibility of a result so useful he would make it depend upon the unanimitv which might manifest it self in the opinion of the principal pow ers of Europe, as the act by which the representatives of the Spanish people ought to signalize the opening of their deliberations. This unanimity, always so powerful when it takes the. character of an irrevocable deed, will perhaps car ry conviction to the minds of the most eminent members of his most Catholic Majesty ; and the Allied Courts would seem to have an easy means of impres sing upon their language such an impos ing uniformity. - Their ministers in France have hith erto treated in their name, with a pleni p. an -r potentiary of the Court of Madrid. they not now present to him in common observations, the summary of which fol- lows; and which would recall to the Spa- . . ' ; , , r i, nish government, the conduct, as well as to the Dolitical nrincinles of the allied monarch s ? " The monarchs would," say the min isters, li have never ceased to entertain wishes Tor the prosperity of Spain. They will always entertain them. They have desired, that in Europe, as in America", institutions conformable to the progress . 1 ' , c . i i age, miglit preserve to all panlards long years ofj , peace and happiness. I hey desire the same at this moment. They have wished that all these institutions should become a real blessing, by the le gal manner in which they should be in troduced. They now wish the same. " This las consideration will convey to the ministers of his Catholic Majesty, With what sentiments of affiction and grief they have learned the events of the 8th March, and those which preceded it. According to their opinion, the salvation of Spain, as welll as the welfare of Eu rope, will require that this crime should be disavowed, this stain effaced, this bad example exterminated. The honor of such a reparation appears to depend up on the Cortes. Let them deplore, and forcibly reprooate, the means employed to establish a new mode of government in their country, and in consolidating an administration wisely constitutional, let them adopt the most rigorous laws against sedition and revolt. " Then, and only then, the Allied Cab inets will be able to, maintain friendly and amicable relations with Spain." The observations urged in common by the representatives of the five CouTts would, from thenceforth demonstrate to the Spanish ministry the conduct which the Allied Governments Would observe in case of the consequences of the 8th of March, should perpetuate in Spain, trou ble and monarchy. If these salutary counsels be, list in ed to, if the Cortes of fer to their King, in the) name of the na tion, a pledge of obedience, if they suc ceed in establishing upon durable bases, the tranquility of Spain, and the peace of Southern America, the revolution will have been defeated at the very, moment where it thought to obtajn a triumph. If, on the contrary alarms, perhaps too reasonable, are realized, at least the five Courts will have discharged a sacred duty; at least a new occurrence will have developed the principle, indicated the object, and displayed the seppe of European alliance. The Emperor awaits the answer of the Courts of Vienna, London, Berlin & Paris, to the communications which his Ministers have addressed to him on the subject. He informs them, that the pre sent Memorial is in the instruction which he has caused to be despatched to all his Ministers on the subject of the affairs of fcpaiR. FOREIGN. A ; ; CHARLESTON, SEPT. 26V : LATEST FROAENGLANIX By the fine fast sailing Ship Fama, Cap . tain Berry arrrived at this port yes 1 terday, in 3 days from Liverpool, we, have received Liverpool papers to the ISth of August, ' - ,' f. i : LIVERPOOL, AUGUST 16. THE QUEEN'S LETTER TO THE v-:; ) king. . The London papeis of Monday con tain the Queen's letter to the King. It is a very long document, far too long for our limited space. It is a retrospect of her JMajesty's life since her marriage to the present period. It begins thus : (i Sir -Afier the unparalleled and un piovked persecution whichduring se ries of years, has been carried on against me under the name and authority of your Majesty ,and which" persecution, insteadof being mollified by time, time has rendered only more and more malignant and unre lenting it is not without a great sacrifice of private feeling that I address this let ter to your Majesty. But, bearing in mind that royalty tests on the basis of pub lic good ; that to this paramount consider ation all others ought to submit ; and aware of the consequences that may re sult from the present unconstitutional, illegal and hitherto unheard f proceed ines : with a mind thus impressed. I cannot refrain from laying my. grievous wrongs once more before ' yourif Majesty, i in the hopethat the justice which your I Majesty may, by evil-minded counsellors, j be still disposed to refuse to the claims of a dutiful, faithful and injured wife, vou may be induced to yield to considerations connected with the honor and dignity of ; .L.-.t-i.:i!.:: r . .1 your crown, me siaouuy oi your mrone, the tranquility, of your dominions, the -"jvfv? -cy - w u al people, whose generous hearts revolt onnression ahd crueltv and esoeciallv at,opprPSSIOn atid cruelty, and espeaa ly mockery of the laws." The letter then alludes to the first sepa ration of the royal pair ; the inquiry into her Majesty Yconduct in 1806 : her sepa ration from her beloved daughter and the late King. It contains bitter invectives against the King and his Ministers. We can find room only for the latter part of , -; J , v J the letter. " I have always demanded a fair tnal; This is what I ,npw demand, and this is re&sed me. Instead of a fair trial, I am to be subjected to a sentence by the Par liament, passed in the . shape of a law. Against this I protestand upon the fol lowing grounds ' The injustice of; refusing me a clear and distinct charge, of refusing me the names of the witnessesof refusing me the names of the 'places where the alledged acts have been com rutted ; these are suf ficiently flagrant and ieVol ting ; but it is against the constitution of the court itself that I particularly object, and that I most solemuly protest. ; " Whatever may be the precedents as to bills of pains and penalties, none of them, except those relating to the Queen of Henry the Eighth can apply here; for here vour majesty is the plaintiff. Here it is intended by the bill to do what you deem good, ami to do we great harm. You are, therefore, a party, and the only complaining party. ; 3 ' You have made yrour complaint to the House of Lords. You have convey ed to this House written documents seal ed up. A secret committee of the House have examined these documents. They have reported that there are grounds oi proceeding ; and therrthe House, merely upon that report, have brought forward a bill containing the most outrageous slan der on me, and sentencing me to divorce and degradation. ( " The injustice ofputting forth this bill to the world for six weeks before it, is even proposed to afford me1 an opportunity of contradicting its allegations, is too mani fest not to have shocked the nation j and. indeed the proceedings even thus far are r such as to convince every one that no jus tice is intended me. But if none of these proceedings, if none of these clear indica tions of a determination to do me wrong had taken place, I should see, in the con stitution of the House of Lords itself, a certainty that I could expect no justice at its hand. . , " Your Majesty's Ministers have ad vised this prosecution ; they are responsi ble for the advice they give ; they are lia ble to punishment if they fail to make good their charges ; and not only are they oart of my judges, but it U they who have brought in the bill y: an d it is too notorious that they have aliCQy t a majority in the House ; so that, without any otherwhere is ample proof that the House will decide in favour of the bill, and, of course, against me. s - L " ' : . il But further, there are reasons for yout Ministers having a majority in this case, and which reasons do not apply to common cases. Your Majesty is the plaintiff: to you it belongs to appoint and to elevate Peers. Many of the pre sent Peers have been raised to that dig nity by yourself, vand almost the whole f can be, at your will and pleasure further elevated. The far greater part of the Peers hold, bv themselves and their fam ilies, offices, pensions, and other emo'.d raents, solely at the wiU and pleasure, of . your Majesty, and these of course, your Majesty, can take away whenever you please. There are more than four fifths of the Peers in this situation, and there are as many of them who may be thus deprived of the far better part of1 their incomes. v . ' " If, contratry to all expectation, there should be found in some Peers, likely to -amount io a majority, a disposition to reject the bill, some of these Peers may " be ordered away to the; r ships, regiments, governments, .and other duties ; and, winch is equally an alarming power, new Peers may be created for the purpose, and give their vote in the decision. That your Majesty's Ministers would ; advise these measures, there can a be very little doubt ;! seeiiijr that they have hitherto stopped at nothing, however, unjust or il To regard such a body as a Court of Justice, would be'to calumniate that sacred name: and for me to suppress an expression -of my opinion on the sub ject, would be tacitly to lead myself to rny own destruction, as well as to an im position upon the nation and the world. u In the House of Commons, 1 can discover ho better grounds of security.- The power f your Majesty's Ministers is the same in both fHouses ; and our Majesty is well acquainted with the fact, . that a majority of the1 houses is compos ed of persons placed in it by the Peers, and by your Majesty's Treasury. V 1 ' Jt really gives me pain to state these things to your Majesty ; and, if it gives your Maj esty pai n, 1 beg tha tit may be observed and remembered, that the stater; ment has been forced from me. I mtist either protest against the mode of trial or, by tacitly consenting to it, suffer my honor to be sacraficed. No innocence can assure the accused, if the judges and jurors be chosen by the accuser ; jtnd jf J were tacitly to submit to a tribunal of this description, I slmuld be instrumental in my own dishonor. " On the grounds I protest against this species of trial. I demand a trial in a court where the jurors are taken inparti ally from aroonthe people, and where the proceedings are open and fair. Surfi a trial 1 court, and to noother will I willingly submit. If your, Majesty per severe in the present proceeding, I shall, even in the. House of Parliament face my accusers ; but L shall regard any de cision they may raake against me as not in the smallest degree reflecting on n.y honor, and I will not, except compelled by actual force,, submit to any sentence which shall not be pronounced by a Court of Justice. "I have now frankly laid. before yr.ur Majesty, a sta e aent of niy wrongs, and a declaration 01 my views and intentions. You have cast upon me every slur to which the female character is liable. In stead of loving, honoring, and cherishing me, agreeably to your solemn vbw, you I have pursued me witn natrea ana scoin, and with all the means of destruction You wrested from me my child, and with her my only comfort jmd consolation. You sent me sorrowing through the world, and even in my sorrows pursued me with unrelenting persecution. Hav ing, left me nothing but ray innocencf vou would now, by a mockery of justice, deprive me even of the reputation of pos sessing that. The poisoned bowl aid the poniard are means more manly thn prejudiced witnesses and partial tribu nals ; and they are less cruel, inasmuch as life-is less valuable than honor, if, my life would have satisfied your Majes ty, you should have had it on the sole condition of giving me a place in the same tomb with my child; but, since, you would send me dishonored to 1 1 e grave. I will resist the attempt with all the means that it shall please Cod to give me. (Signed) " CAROLINE R. Brandenburgh House, Aug. 7, JrO. On Tuesday her Majesty, under the recommendation of her advisers, wroie the above letter with her own band to th' Klntr. Tt was ldpnatehed bv one 61" j her Majesty's messengers to b Majes V - ' ' . -mm r v. 1 . S ii t f-;i . ... 1 i I'll b 1 , I.
Newbern Sentinel (New Bern, N.C.)
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Oct. 7, 1820, edition 1
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