American Advocate (Kinston, N.C.) /
Aug. 30, 1855, edition 1 /
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A Editor and Proprietor.
TEr25 for months. of $l d0
will be ""J less, for the first
t la ...;..,i desirw , u"' , .0rdinRly.
r .,-'i Li' " . i- onn -i i ik.i s -
vavora" . , ,..,.f;ments mil be
ti . and J4d.lc,iai;C?oreSoii
--rr .boll Lim" P Pri. VK
HW- ' la!10WCU -"-"TT tuk United
fnlUclUuffieKt length ef2?jeseand imbued with
Stcd SlSf he shall have
?S5 of our iiis the greatest inter-
; ie thorough j . .
iaW by Cong to prec or crminds andto
u . who are einer pauj , aU
Tl lT.:i ' ' . . ....-iTT IIU1U " - ,
I" 1 hack to tUC cou---
toreis"1-1 u nr noris: i
I i.itf i II' '. lf'f'-Ti
American Policy for. Tan 'American People.
. jtrmft that no lor-
llrtamta"""" - ftc electiv.
KINSTON, KF. C, THURSDAY, AUGUST 30, 1855.
1. gubHcrlbers whojdo Xttd?Sb!
contrary, are considered .wishing: to continue their sub-
?lf thesubscrfbersorder the dcontinnce of their
papersy the publishers may continue to send tfcem uu
all cash charges are paid. 1 .
8. : If gubscribers neglect or refuse to take tneir p
pers from the offige ta which they directed, .hej re -
held responsiDie oauu mj uu,o wiuwiv , -ordered
their paper discontrnued. .
. 4. If subscribers remove to omer places r
forniingthe publisher, and the paper Is cent to ..th
former direction, they are held responsible.
Thp rourts have decided that refusing to take a
tv-riodical from the office, or removing and
paving it uncalled for, la "piima facie
intentional fraud. I ! 'i
may, in violation pf
ih Pffi send hither chs
- r V criixui"""-
JTirZSe satisfaction for
a its subjects, . demuity a-ainst the rep-
on I v i ; v i ' -
SlK-'l OIK' "oc' " -
f:I V.J AV
Vnefit anyf n, (ftS Federal or State gov
1,.t or emolument, under uu- of sucl
iments, or. t,me of iror,
the arm - , ,Jflf;-f6or eu
e opimou - gQVCri
xi:. wf?nn or appoiut-
We shall oppose office 6f trust
rthe Umted &wi ;mmirRxnts from
l.i:UJ !l mtil ill II, tl.ll i .1
t'ie land of their Uirtn, eujoYraent of We,
should be ifions, without
M.nrtv. and property, utw U oj or nflmiistrationf
' i -Jf.lTYltrt 111
. .-iiiT urn
execution of our laws, , the adoption
Fourth. WesbodvoateMdw fAg
..von nHiiwJcl form o a)l ,..,-,ii,,,m.s.
oi biu-u "a- -T . , cfc and to o uui"'"
tered to all persona de cted o ajn , or
of trust, honor
or emoiumynt, OT,.,1I(le iVoni
State governments a, "' ball not directly and ex
saeh offices Vtions and binding force of
ylt !l :r :,rnnited States,a3 paramount
t1,i fionstitutiop 01 in. Qr.
to aU obligations of adhesion whalovcr,
ei-n prince, power, poicin, . , ;
lefany and all that no one
J iA. We WuSr?S to admit to
-lof tlie States of this Union hj, of rc
the enjoyment '!JE,citia:n'of the
United States, MtofiW under the "pro
mturalizatioa prescribed by Congu-,
AeWirfA. e s-au f tive or 0i c;"gft birth, aud
:-.i,t nf nil nersous. oi name ui ""'.o ..,
rights of all persons, u - r'tevice with
skill at all times oppose -c"-""
such vestcdnghts. . '
" . .. . A S i .... Vr.uiim it us n, cardi-
S cstion between
hvidual nd his God, and over which no polit,
excise any supervision or control, at any nine, u,
anv place, of in any form, .
VlrA AYe shall oppose all i' higher law" doctrines,
bv which the Consti&u is to be set at nought vxo
hted,'or disregarded, whether by politicians, by r Jig
or bv the adherents or followers oi either, or
bv auv other class of persons.
Tenth. AYe shaU maintain and defend the Constitv
Hon as it stands, the Union as it exists, and the rig.ds
tif the- State, without diminution as guaranteed there
by : opptwi? at all times, and to the extent of oar
ability and influence, all who may assail thed, or ci
ther of them
Implicable enmity against the prevalent demoraliz
ing system of rewards for political subfeervieney, and
of punishments for political independence. - -
Disgust for the wild hunt after officp which char
acterizes the age. ' ,
" These on the one hand. On the other.
Imitation of the practice of the purer days of
the Republic; ad admiration of the maxim that
" office should seek the man, and not man the "office,"
arid of the rule-tBat, the just mode ' of, "ascertaining
fitness for office is the capability, the faithfulness and
the honesty cT the incumbent or candidate.
4 m 1 T
VII. Resistance to the f aggressive policy ana
rnpt tendencies of the Roman Catholic Clmrch in
our country by the advancement to all political sta
tions executive, legislative, judicial or diplomatic
of those only who not hold civil allegiance, directly
or indirectly to any foreign power whether civil or
ecclesiastical and who are Americans by birth, edu
cation and training : thus fulifillhig the maxim,
" Americans only shall govkks America." ,
ti,o nrntMtinii of all citizens in tlie les-al tind pro-
JL LAV JJi w w- - - ... -I. 1
. . 1 -.1 .1 ' -, M..l,tn Anil 4
proper exercise -i -r. nTan'f" "LJ'K""-;
privileges; the maintenance ot me rigm oi evwv
man to. the full, unrestrained and peaceful . eu
iovment of his own religious ppiuious and worship,
n imilona resistance of all attempts by any sect,
denomination or church to obtain an ascendency over
xiiy other in the State, by means, of any special com
bination of its members, or by a division ot their
civil allegiance with any foreign power, potentate, or
IX The reformation of the charter of our Na
tional Legislature, by elevating to. the dignified and
responsible position, men of higher aspiration, purer
morals, and more unselfish patriotism,
X The restriction of'executive patronage, es
pecially in the matter of appointments to office so
jar as it may be permitted by the Constitution, and
consistent with the public good. ,
vi Tha .xWnt.inn of"the voutli of our eountry
Irvl bv the State ; which schools shall
mmon to all. without distinction oi creed or party.
, i ;,,flnPiicR of a denominational or
ana irue uvm ""j " 7
And. inasmuch as Christianity by the Constitutions
of nearly all the States ; by the decisions of the most
eminent judicial authorities ; and Dy iuccoau u
the people of American, is considered an element ot
our political system; and as the Holy Bible is at
once the source of Christianity, and tne depository
and fountain of all civil and religious freedom, we op
pose every attempt to exclude it from the schools thus
itablished in the States.
XII The American party having arisen upon the
ruins and in spite of the opposition of the Whig and
Democratic parties, cannot be held in any manner re-
A Letter t Hon. Charles Sumner, a Sena
tor ia Confess from tie State of Was
sai liiisetts, occasioned by Ms anti-slavery
v ' fccoBrse, ia Nifelo's Tlieatre.
By REV. K." J. BKCKINBEIDGK. ' j
v Sir : I have read with great attention a discourse
ofryours published in the ; New York Tribune of the
ISth of May, Swhich according to the statement of
that paper, was pronounced at Niblo's Theatre in; the
city 01 New York, a few days before, to an immense
and delighted: asseniblypf the, people. I will add,
that it is my 1 habit to read carefully whatever I find
in the newspapers of the day proceeding from you.
For I observe in what falls from you a more serious'
conviction, a jdeeper tincture of scholarship, a larger
intelligence, and a more earnest manliness, than X
have been atye to discover m the utterance ot those
who seem to enjoy your confidence and share your la
bors. lt is no disparagement to you, personally, to
add. that rebresentiuff the Commonwealth of Massa
chusetts, sitting in the seat lof Daniel Webster, dis-
coursmg of the duty or the orthern btara on the
aasst dangerpus topics of our day, and pleading elo-
(ientlv for tiie necessity, practicability, aud dignity
oi an enterprise whose success involves the rum olthe-
country, your words have, for all considerate men, an
.. .iL ..11 ?:
uiterest aua iau miporuiuee wuicu uu juui g" 4uu.11
ties would fail to impart toj them, if you spoke as a
private citizen. It may be possible, also, that the
words of a private person like myseli, aua a total
stranger tolyou, by connecting themselves with the
stirring and dangerous words spoken by you from
that exeat position voa have won, may obtain an
but for that, it were idle to expect
cVnd you will yourself, perhaps, admit,
Jhat I have jsomewhat to say worthy,, of serious con
sideration, and that my life-long ciaanexion, in many
forms, with most of the asspics you discuss, entitles
me, without undue presumption, to give utterance to
some of the thoughts excited by our discourse.
Allow me, sir, to utter in one sentence the sub
stance of my whole thought touching ke madness of
the times, about this whole "question of negro slavery.
Here we art a great people, with a glorious mission
set before us. More than twenty millions of us--vith
whose destiny the destiny of three or four millions of
blacks is l'earfiiUy combined. Que way or other we
must solve jtheir destiny, wnen we solve our own.-
This is wholly unavoidable. But, the madness is,
that every seven whiti Americans .most needs cut
p-u-h other's throats concerning the fate' of one black
1 is there no 'solution or the problem ol their
roused by so much insult, injustice, and danger, really
does risk all, with a sublime purpose, to the last man,
to win SaU. And thenj in the fourth Jplace, add the
sort of conviction with which the two parties thus
mutually range themselves in that deadly strife and if
you be as wise as you are eloquent, you may compre
hend what as yet you seem to have overlooked, name
ly, the settled confidence of the entirS slave States
that they are fully able to make the men of the North
repent that ever they broke constitutions, and forgot
ancestral ties, ana outraged national 1 obligations, m
order to ruia ten millions of the most elevated race
on the face of the earth, upon the hazard, if not the
pretext, of benefitting the third parti bf that number
of one of the most degraded races in the world. You
will have; battle and that without truce or compro
miseand that whenever you can reach us and that
until the neia is entirely ' won I Jb oif j my part, sir, 1
would gladly shun the battle ; gladly give my blood
to arrest it if it were begun. For hoever lives to
see the battle fought, will see one more example added"
to the multitudes which already crowjd the annals of
mankind, that they who boast themselves when they
gird Jtheir harness on, are apt enoughto wail when
they come to put it off. j
So far then, you perceive that, according to the
fixed and uuanimoua conviction of ie fifteen Com
monwealths you propose to conquer, your .whole
North, if it were united as one man could no more
do that deed than it could make a world ; and that,
unless it were utterly lost to everyl glorious inspira
tion of the past, and every sacred impulse of strug
gling for birth in all crae hearts, the North would no
more think of such an attempt upjoli such pretexts
aa vnn arrav even if those pretexts were all true
a nl wal than it would think of parricide followed
On the other point, your plea for the dissolution of
society ana me rum oi our country is &uu 11.-30 muj
factory. As for me, Mr. Sumner it has been the
en-eat business of my life to preach the Gospel of God;
the great pleasure of my life to do what I could to
ameliorate the condition ot my fellow-men. -A.na
by selt-murder. But, sir, I beg yo
r5.if ;iv iifid ours, but that
without benefitting them ?
as I do not see sufficient reason -to
anu .painoLo, sutu-iw
von to be-4-nna no neut-
solution which destroy us.
to cousider what
pretexts are" neither
I shall add to show that tnos;
trnp nor real,
Thft" verv foundation of your discourse' as you dis
tinctly state, is the errand principle j'uni versa!, as you
iKf ln.w of slaverv. that mu. created in the
image of God, is divested of his human character,
V,nrilan1.if 0 he a mors chattel.- Now. Mr. Sum-
iV.t UV-Ulvw -" . .. ,
tier, you cannot fail to be aware that both parts 01
i,;a ctntomwit. ara absolutely untrue, and by conse-
need not hesitation to add, that while I have won
neither senatorial rank nor national notoriety thereby,
I have endured more and risked more for the sake of
the black race, by far, than either you or I have done
for. the sake of the white. Your fierce sarcasm, there
fore, has no terror for me ; nor can your pathos mis
lead a heart which has felt too deeply all the real
evils of this pitable case to be susceptible to the influ
ence of the most eloquent exaggerations ; nor have
I any sympathy with that state of mind in which one
can imagine he is pleading the cause of Christ while
he is counselling the deliberate violation of the most
sacred obligations. The life and doctrine of the Lord
Jesus afford the; only perfect illustration of every
duty ; and, among the rest, of that glorious truth of
the universal brotherhood of man, and that immortal
of quenchless, mutual love founded on it. But how
utterly do we misconceive the life and doctrines of the
bon 01 Uod when we advocate universal rapine, in
order to rectify partial injustice 1 I wish from the
bottom. of my heart, that every people were fit to en
joy, and did actually possess, public liberty ana iree
institutions ; but should I, therefore, urge an indis
criminate assault upon nations which desire, but. are
denied, these inestimable blessings ? '
All duty is founded upon truths and laws, both of
which are immutable ; but every duty is modified by
circumstances, which vary ceaselessly ; and it is only
a3 we comprehend both of these great principles that
we can ever attain any rational assurance that we
perform a single duty aright. As a member of the
human race, enlighted by the Gospel, I may have
particular views of the general question of human
there is an eternal logic in events, and there is an
awful majesty in the sublime course of Providence,
in the face of which posterity wiU say that men en
dowed like you ought to have been ashamed to partn
ipate in such insane, fantastic, and ignoble revels 1
However difficult the question of human servitude
may be to solve, after slavery has been fully establish
ed in the bosom of a Commonwealth, or however men
may differ as to the moral aspect oi me aciuiu 4uca
timw now asritatinar the minds of our countrymen so
deeply, it seems to mo that, as mere topic ofjiational
politics and national legislation, the whole question of
American slavery is one environed ny no omer aim
culties, but such as have been created by our own
evil passions. So far as the powers of the National
Government are concerned, has not Massachusetts tb
unquestionable -right to create! slavery in her bosom
if she sees fit to do so and Louisiana to abolish it in
hers, if she thinks proper ? And is not this tn 0$
rvery State? What need then is there, in all sober-
- - .. .. 1 j. m :i :-l tl
ness, lor frantic contentious aooui, lemwutu .,-
menta, which, in their own nature, can oe oniy tempo
rary? Suppose Missouri should abolish slavery?
Suppose Illinois should create it ? Suppose Kansas
should decide the question, first one way and then tho
other ? Moreover, what essential difference does it
make, whether it i3 upon a basis of fifteen slave States,
or sixteen slave States, that the great problem bf our
national destiny is to be worked out ? And as to its
true bearing on the infinite mission of our country
what consequence can a rational mind attach to the
temporary result of a herce: contact ior supremacy
betwecu mad men in one of our. Territories west of
the Missouri river ? j ' -
What odds "does it make, any way, as a national
question, whether there are three millions of Blaves or
or three millions and a fraction over whether six, or
ten, or a hundred slaves, more or less, escape or are
reclaimed? The power of the General Government
servitude. Considered as a citizen of the United over the whole subject is so extremely limited and
sponsible for the obnoxious acts or violated pledges of
either And the systematic agitation of the Slavery
question by those parties having elevated sectional
hostility iuto a positive element of practical power, and
brought our institutions into peril, it has therefore be
come the imperitive duty of the American party to
interfere, for the purpose 01 giving iuc w
trv and perpetuity to the Union. And as experience
has shown it impossible to reconcile opinions so ex
treme a? those which separate tne aispuiams, anu a
the-e can be no dishonor in submitting to the laws,
the' National Council has deemed it the best guaran
tee of common justice and of future peace, to abide by
and maintain the existing laws upon the subject oi
m-iverv as a final and conclusive settlement of that
subject, in spirit and in substance. '
And regarding it the highest duty to avow their
nnminn imoii a subiect so important, in distinct and
vuiuiv"-' r V . -1 .1
V tYma it is herebv declared as tne sense
And lastly, we shall use our utmost csejy . A , that' possesses no
And can statesmen such
to d uot you are
not tue neart to ueny
solution of this ? terrible
Problem ho nobler issue of our sublime hopes than
mutual destruction by the men of the North and the
men of the South for the sake of the African slaves,
scattered thinly ovxr the continent? Are -we uut
able to bearthrough, by our invincible slrengthreven
such a parasite as this black race, carrying them tor
ward far beyond anything they could have reached
without us, and yet mounting up ourselves far be
ai.vthinrr tiiev mavicver reach? 5Shame upon
every American statcsmab. and every American pa
triot, who is insensible to the glory of such a result !
Infamy to every one wh conspires to defeat it !
And yet, sir, you, an American Senator, speaking
in the name of "that great Commonwealth in whose
bosom stands Bunker Hill and sitting in the seat of
that Toat statesman and patriot who saw no hope
for bublie liberty higher -tuan that which rests upon
1 ft L
tions to build up an "American party," whose maxim
shall be : ,
AMSRfCAXS STIALL RULE THEIR COCSTRYJ
power under the Constitution, to legislative upon the
subject of Slaverv in the States where it does or may
exi4 or to exclude any State from admission into the
Union because, its constitution does or does not recog-
PUTFOmi ND PRICIPLES. - Uize the institution ot Slavery as a part 01 its social
system; auu eAprwssij lftl,kuuiiu0 r,rr
T : rt-n nnn iiTiou the power of Congress to establish or
THE PLATFORM AND -tlJSUlio .--r r Territory, it is the sense of
nrohibit Slavery in any
?k0 -rntional Council that Coffgress
I The acknowledgement of that Almighty Be- legislate upon the subject of Slavery -within the Terri
1. the acnowieu uueut ,.J-AJ nvF ;M nt ifi United States, and that any interference
mg.-wno ruies over iub wuivcisc, u - :ti,u- n;tr-r.t
the Councils of nations-who conducts the aflairs ot by Congress vi un a "m ttHn'rit nd
1 i (. ,mv;v. iioro nd. t-nninTvihin. would be a violation 01 tne spoilt -anu
men, ana wno, in everjr sicp uj mum nvU.v . w. --7 . ' .u:i, tua Qt itof TJ-irv
vanced to the character of an independent nation has intention of the compact by hich itiie State of Map-
land ceaea tne .uisuMcr it "
breach of the National faith. .
XHI. The policy of the government tf the United
cotr.c i'n ?ts relation with foreign governments, is to
V I lJ(.UiUO) w . - . .
u I . f J.L n.vit An- lliaTll'U 111 I III
passionate attachment to our country, its history and exact justice irom uie ""gw TrZ
1 , . .. ,. r, -i -.r 1 j. . k-t oil tliA nmvpi" nt t.hR srovern-
rts. institutions : ot admiration lor tne tjurer aays 01 weaKesi; ruami, " 1
fi, TTnlr.ii nf these ttttes : vou, an American ocua-
till. "vh , - - w 1
tor who has studied the! past, and who tears God, al
w vnnrsiMf to briu'' tbi wiiole force of your charac
ter your position, aud ypur great gifts, to bear direct-
ly upon tue pomi at wmeu uiuuc n
wreck-the country, and to destroy us all together J
The" very roadnete of the times assumes m you its
fVa?,t;f Mi)tct : and you .openly avow that
muu ijvv 1 v -
America is a wrong so grievous and uu-
tliia ctiitAment ar:
quence your whole plea for our cbnquest is based oji
a double, perfidious quibble. Ther is not a single
slave State in this Union whose h4 s divest the slave
of his human character.- There s hot a single one
whose laws declare a slave to-be a mere chattel. No
doubt many of the rights, which, I jbelieve with you,
to be inherent in hnman nature, ate wholly, incom
patible with any state of slavery.. No doubt if sla
very exists at-all, the right of property thus recog
nv the loeiil law mav be anialkrous to the right
one has to realty. But you havjj far too much sense
and knowledge not to know, tht j these are widdy
different truths from the abominable untruths upon
which your whole discourse proceeds.
Do you not perfectly understand that every slave
State in this Union shapes its ehtire slave code upon
the "rand truth that slavery is nbta mere chattel, and
thathis human character is diiestcd ? ; Do you not
know that, by the universal lavf of slavery, the save
is heM to innumerable accountabilities, overriding all
cVmi of his master; and that he is protected not as
chattel, but as a man, at the ptfri and forfeit even ot
his masters life? And yet, upoq precisely oppobii
allegations, you construct and argument whose logical
ioaup is the subversion of our national Union ; and
, th-At. iirrrnment vou construct a code ot morals,. !
Anil lii.rhS obligation is civil war ! Sir, whatever
may be my opinion of the fairiess ofsueh-reasoning,
t i;iv rvrv its dialectic stiHr But for your
AiWAtiona vonr arjrnmeut had nothing on
which to rest ; ior n tne reiaiuu vi 1' "
be once admitted to be genericauj a reiauua ui
i u:; rflvnn tn those of ruler anu suo-
rirn nnrHiii. Mini irxiuu
i; lull tliiiu uuu ? vi, - ' .
States, with the institution of slavery occupying the
precise posture it does to the nation, my view of my
duty must necessarily be modified. Considered as a
citizen of Kentucky, where much might be done
towards the amelioration of slavery, my duty is mod
ified agaiu. And considered as a citizen of South
Carolina, where probably it is hardly possible to con-
transient, and incidental, as compared with the abso
lute power of the State3 themselves ; the good that
can be done by the exercise of the powers actually
possessed by Congress is comparatively so slight and
uncertain, and the danger which the nation stands
with reference to the whole! subject ia so distinct and
so peculiar; that, 1 must contess, it has always ap-
jecture now slavery couiu termmaie peaeeiuuy uuu peared to me unspeasaDiy surprising maw uuy uauuii
safcly, my duty necessarily undergoesafinother and ai party, and especially auy one at the North, should
very serious modification. The religion of Jesus be found capable of permanent organization in con
Christ is compatible with every condition in which nexidn with such topics. , Any honest, moderate, pa
God's providence constrains our fallen race to exist ; triotic, consistent exercise, bf the powers of -the Gcn
and it is as absurd as reason, aud as unfounded, in eraj Govcrnmeat over.thej question of slavery could
fact, to assert that Christ and his Apostles required hardly have failed to satisfy the nation w tne end, as
the indiscriminate abolition ot human servitude, as to it satisfied it during its early and most glorious period,
assert that they required that the indiscriminate over- Whatever may have been the sins or follies of South-
" . . - - 1 i- . ii -a : -,:., i ri. 1.1 u 1 1
throw of any other iorm 01 aespotic auxnoruy among ern statesmen, or tne aouiucrn peopie, 11, wouiu ue uaru
or myselt, my natural neari wouiu aououess
questionable tliat it should not be ahowed to coatmae
naV; that it should cease to exist at once nay,
i,.,f nWrmiT so tra'neendent, so loathsome, so direful
distinguished us by some token of Providential agen
ev , . ;
II. The cultivation and development of a senti
ment of profoundly intense American feeling; of
- ., , 1 .1
National existence; of veneration, for the hero- ment, all its citizens trom interference with the inter
hat precipitated our Revolution; and of emula- cal concerns of nations with whom we are at peace.
XIV. This National Council declares that all tne
principles of the Order shall be henceforward every
where openly avowed ; and that each member shall
v. i:v.wtptn TTiiike known the existence of the
uc at iiu-i 1 ' , . , j
Vo fa ft. that, hp himself is a member : and
Valuer, auu n- , ,
;f mmMids that there can be no concealment
the places of meeting of subordinate councue.
E. B. BARTLETT, of Ky.,
President of National Convention.
C. D. Desiiler, ot isew Jersey,
!sm that precipitated
tion 01 tne virtue, wisuoni ana pairionam mat namci
our Constitution and first succesfully applied its pro
visious; ' .
III. The maintainance of the union of these
United Statesas the paramount political good ; or,
to use the language of Washington, " the primary
object of patriotic desire." And hence : t
1st. Opposition' to all attempts to weaken or. sub
must be encountered wherever it can be reached, and
the battle must be continued without truceyrom-
nnt'A the field is etitirelv won. Such are
your words, profoundly eloquent,vmi9peakably frantic!
Now1 sir, this means neither more nor less than the
wl' of the sword, j Lay aside- the rhetoric, and the
: i i.w.ao frr.ine and canister, cold steel and
tricken battle. Believe me, ..oumner, vueu x
ve two facts, one of wihch I know better than you
i . nA nt her OI wihcu vull vuuo w ruuh b,
Ilf. ci iVJ t.ft-'-' - . , . -w -m 1 1 ,
. Ii,' i.r, t .in The tacti which 1 Know Detter
than vou do, is, that whenever; the very faintestindk
cation of the settled purpose oi ine men w w aioiuu
to follow your advice becbWes apparent to the men
of the htteen sia ve o " -
armed men Will be ready to receive you and your fol
lowers; and if yotrcome-noi, Bpeeuiy
execute your threats, your coming will not be waited
2d. Uncompromising antagonism in every princi
ple of policy that endanger it.
3d.' The advocacy of an equitable adjustment of
all political difference which threatened its integrity
rpr perpetuity: ' ,
A rl- Tim oi-in-rificsiM-i rvT T1 rnniliinAioo "f n Tf 1 f I PQ 1
division, founded on " geographical discriminations,
or on the belief that there is a real difference of inter
ests and views" between the various sections of the
Union. '" ,
5th. The' full recognition of the rights of the sev
eral States, as expressed and reserved in the Consti
tution ; and a careful avoidance, by the Gene?al Gov
ernment, of all inter fence with their rights by legis
lative or executive, action,
IV. Obedience to the Constitution of these Uni
ted States, as the supreme law of the land, sacredly
obligatory upon its parts and members ; and stead
fast resistance to the spirit of innovation Upon its
principles, however specious the pretexts. Avowing
that in -all doubt or disputed points it may only be le-
" gaily ascertained and expounded by the Judicial pow
er of the United States.
And,- as a corollary to the above :
1. A habit of reverential obedience to the laws,
whether National, State, or Municipal, until they are
either repealed or declared unconstitutional by tle
2. A tender and sacred resrard for those arts of
; statesmanship, which are to be contra-distinguished '
from acts of ordinary legislation, by the fact of their
being of the nature of compacts and agreements ;
and so, to be considered a fixed and settled national
A7". A radical revision and modification of the
' laws regulating immigration, and the settlement of
immigrants. Offering to the honest immigrant who.
from Tove of liberty or tired of oppression, seeks an
asylum in the United States, a friendly reception and
protection. But unqualifiedly condemning the trans
mission to our shores, of fellons and paupers.
A7I. The essential modification the Naturalization
Tho repeal by the Legislatures of the resnectiv
States, of ail State, laws allowing foreigners not nat
uralized to vote.'
The repeal, without retrocative oneratinn. nil n.rt
of Congress making grants of land to unnaturalized
loreignars, ana auowmg them to vote in the Territo
ries. VII. Hostility to the corrupt means by which
the leaders of party have hithprto forced upon us our
rulers and our political creeds.
Jas. M. Stephens, of Maryland,
intfrpstinsr Statistics of Canks in the U. S.
. f ntior r.T tViia Kiifiiect will be
jli COUipillllliuj ui iuuiiw vu j -
read with interest by many readers of the Exprm.
ti.a -Ranlrinir Caratal of the United States is increas
Wrmt. nf all nronortion to the growth of wealth
and population. At the ciose of 1851 there were 879
-Rani whilfi at the close of 1854 there were l-ua.
t w ti, n.rs the number of Banks went up
. Af in thp same period, the number ol
the inhabitants, estimated accoromg , jv
nf tVif last, fift.v Tfars. increased only about 12 per
cent ; and though the wealflj of tne comatry -cumulated
at a much faster rate, it did not increase
as rapidly as the Banks. In 1851 he discounte of the
Banks were about $400,0,000 in J864 they had
risen to $GOO;000,000. Meantime the specie m the
vaults, which was $48,000,000, in the former year
to not quite $00,000,000 in the latter. ; At the close
of 1854 the aggregate circulation of the whole 1209
Banks was a little over $200,OUU,UW-
a thing, which, even
less in its more re-
Imvfi loved the teachings of the Ijord all the more, if
he had preached a crusade for liberty, instead of a
sacrmce lor sm -
But with his Gospel in our hands, we can no more
ksan an honest and enhirhtenJd conscience, and deny
that his teachings tolerated human servitude as a
condition compatible with salvation, than we can
make ourselves acquainted with the history ot human
affairs, and deny tnat His Providence has tolerated
human servitude as a condition compatible withthe
to nroduce an example at once more flagrant, insult-
ing and unjust, than the discourse which suggested
these remarks. .:" ,
After all, I cannot persuade myself that God will
allow u3 , to degrade ourselves so utterly as to break
tip this glorious coufedcrajcy on such a. question1 as
this. . I do not allow myself to believe that the mass
of the American people are so utterly destitute of
the sublime instinct of their country's mission among
the natious. Civil war is not a remedy j it is 1 the
most direful of all diseases, national su-engm, in u
existence of society. What are we, that we cannot l day like oura. and to ireeincn, is not so mucn a giory
have a little patienc(ethf.that',which God has had ag.jt is a necessity the grand necessity oi uicir iio
patiencejwith shice sin entered into 'the world? And erty aMmdependcnce. As to slavery, it is a ques
tn Phnia thft mrtaintv with which tmn ohnnt which men may differ, according to the
men have repudiated the power of the Gospel, as soon necessity of their condition and the point ot yiev
" . 1 , e j.u: . I . f i Tint tl,r nnwlinl nnil ill.
trom wnicn mey cuuoiucl n. w ,.v..v.. ...
dissoluble Union of these States is a matter concern
in which no American who has a true heart in his
bosom can possibly have but one opinion one pur-
POSe. II VnCre OB OllC lOllUtMU uiuujyu v
aa thpv hn vft fastened on it" a power, of their own
how surely they become heretics, apostates, or infidels
when they begin'to teach Christ, instead of setting
down at his feet to learn of him ! j What else can we
sav. but that all such pretexts, j whether for public
for ; but they win seen: " - j
vainly suppose no dangiT will-ever eome.- Ihe fact
ue tier man i uu ia, mat
conduct of the
Popular Similes. ,
Some ingenious rhymer has placed the following
sayings in poetic order, the opposite in juxtaposition .
As wet as a fish as dry as ft bone ; .
As Uve as a bird as dead as a stone,
As plump as a patridge as poor as a rat,
' As strong as a horse as weak as a cat.
As hard as a flint as soft as a mole ;
As white as a lilly as black as acoaJ, -As
tight as a drum as free as the air. 1
a aa lpad as light as a' feather ;
As steady as time as uncertain; as weather.
As hot as an oven as cold as a frog ;
As gay as a lark as sick as a.dog. "
-As slow as a snail as swift as the wind;
As true as the gospel-as false as mankind. ,
As thin as a herring as fat as a pig ; ;
As proud as aI)eacock-as blue as a gig-: ; . -.:
As savage as tigers-as mild as a dove. ..rf-, .
As stiff as a poker-as limber as a glove.
As blind as a bat as. deaf as a post ; .
As cool as a cucumber - '
1 As red as a cherry as pale as a ghost.
t.j1, U.., -T,rht. i.n know
3 ""o-i-'-j ,VAm oit71
after two or ttuw mmuicu iuuu j
in Kittle, each side, it makes -'jno sort of difference as
to the probable result,- wneuier hub tuc y.y
has "the greater reserve of physical force left out of
battle i because, alter ;two or im uuuuiw
n:J.. ,r tho. nreaeut state of the art of war
Ji?: .wnds mereiv on brains. Ihe sum ol
ewjuuuft ao nmolv. if the North wants
these tacts ia vcijr. , v , ---
to settle the. slavery 1 question by the edge of tne
,v h Vnrth is in a very fair way to be-perfectly
Gratified ; and when she gets; what she wants, there is
S kSn exceeding probability that the North will
i Son to change her mind materially, as to the
i-.in4n of that method of settling that question,
Moreover, let it not escape your
i .,-.mi.frina flcroravsite the
men of the North, and exasperate the hearts of the
"L af Smith, in this whole business ; all of them
tendih- to strengthen us and to weaken you at every
icnuiuD tu - ctrmro-Irt to which vou are driving
stage.oi r i?fit. nW let slavery be ail
tho rountrv. or, iu i' r r " ,
that PSert it to ;be,-the time is W part when
Tli -ui.. T,nx.t" wise, or patriotic for you to take
" X "::rl an 'ar-mnent having merely or
tnai. gu, - - h iQ one lQ0ki t0
uinary ijouu. A ,wa s(,ttled be-
conideration was formed;
tween us u-i-'i -- . .
iwwju u common danger and com
"rbat Revolution : itas settled
mwryl TOral. constitution; I say nothing
affaiu iu mo "
i-i - ii r. i im at n pin t 1 inr w vt. nfT
3 thai SCiBS. S a to. BW. cannot to.er
Zhch other i in one .confederacy; ng the
tion to be now .or LTfor th.
j ;r,mit is ovaltv to every national
aSvenS our past'history ; and what I
aCl aUU 1""' , ... ;l,rtnt er4 -rrrpalren-
mean is, that they cannot
ing and disgracing. themselves, anu - -"J
' P - , . v. . u J tn olinw that. n?
mauds tar higner powers wu two.
a mere relation, it has any moraij quanta at ,
).. Hrnntv of murder on account of it, comes
straightway to an end.
Slaverv. Mr. Sumner, is
in its fundamental nature, much
ii.: r.nn T K-ivf. anv nnrnose
VOltlUJi -iupw,"- ' - J rrrr- . ,.
it is not, either in its nature fr its manifestations, the
rrnnoHnea it to be : and this you could
J""- f- . i, : r ;j ,
hardly fail to know, liow, then, can i aoiu smg
that the pretexts on which kon counsel such insane
proceedinirs are neither true hor real? ;
What y ou say on the two vital objections, as you
call themto: what you stylq thej anti-Slavery Enter
prise, is not equal to the level ofjyour ordinary thot s.
The distinction of race, as an obstacle to indiscrimi
nate abolition, and the sanction of Christians of the
institution of slavery, as a Jlea!for its toleration, do
,;n.,hl-rr ivnnire. to be put aside more thorough-
ivo7bave succeeded ingoing, before the ter
rible necessity of adopting your ;pnncip es and fodow
: - no.Tn.tal Vim be said to be obligatory on the
. f hr Vnrth. t will venture to suggest
somewhat on both topics which seems to have cs-
caned vour notice. . . .
h or my part, sir, a . ,7i '.i
a U oU tn pvopv race onithe face of. tue eartli.
Uie wm, . . .1 . i . . 4Wr ftW
x .i. T f..l,l nHmit. that, 1 lOVB DIV OVVI1 uuuuli y uu.
UUt X li.a-im.jr - T . u T nV-orwh
witn eyeiy ytuui ,
ar oeyonu unit witu nuitu
bUUt Uill OUl,U " i J.1 V". J. " . , . . . ,
for private iniquity, are neither true nor I an and transcendeutly clear andbindmg.it s tnat
I ma Qhnnld iait with immediate and condign punish-
11 1 - .' i I IT ilj'-'"'-" "
It was my purpose, sir, to have saia sometnmg on meut every party anu ctw j puuno -
v tnr,; nf vnnr discourse the oractica- lnnl tn the Union and the constitution.
v,;i;txr ,i AiZniAr t.f t.hR unti-slaverv enterprise, to- Your fellow-citizen and obethent scrvaut,
jii i- v' J . . . , - ,
ether witn your view oi iuc 0,1 uu; -"
North with regard to it. In your first topic, however,
the' necessity of that enterprise, the foundation of all
lies, and havinar discussed, in some degree, your fun
damental principle?, j I pass by what, when I was a
younger man, I should have been more prompt .to
,-,tfnr tn.iPhi'nr, Rfurift other portions of your discourse.
wx, . "p -r- - 1 - , . ,
For the rest,l will venture to aua a iew worua, wiutu,
if you cared to do so, it would be your right to -demand
of me, in explanation of jny orn views, after having
spoken so freely of yours. . I . ' . ,. .
Slavery, Mr. Samner, i3 not a modern institution ;
!t is as ancient as human society. And yet it is not
a permanent institution, in the sense of being perpet
uated in one particular race or country. .We have
the sad advantage of being able to contemplate it m
every age of the, world, in every condition of seventy,
and in contact with every form of civilization. We
ou"-ht, by this time, to be able to comprehend it.
From this point of view I have two statements' to
make, both of which 1 fear may appear to you inac
. i mi ,. 4- ?o thit notliinrf concermnir the
LUiaiU JL I1V jutxti w
J. R. BRECKINRIDGE;
Broedalbane, Ky., June 11, 1854:
I From the Newborn Journal. ,
There is up part of man's nature that is so useful to
him, as conscience. It not only has a tendency to
keep him aloof from crime,, but also melts his heart
in compassion toward those of his fellow men, who
may be infested with disease or who have , not been
blessed with riches.1 Behold for a moment, the con
f.,tw nf 'mankind, as he bewails tho
i of Eden, his very, heart bleeding at every throb o f
his guilty conscience. When the thought first flashed
upon his mind that he must desert this beautiful habi
tation, then'his disapproving conscience goaded him
on to madness and bursting the ponderous chain that
loaded his faculties, opened the fountain 01 u uwrt,
of all comparison
, r.,.-.. n it.h a fervor
..11 .fhora Rnmv n.'.onle call this bigotry,
UecaU it fanaticism, cjaU
ness and the like, l can 11- an uaitcu uj ,
natural moraUtv aml-of reVealed religion, whe neg
incompatiblewithi pur heart or a r
it in man. .it Das VV- - rZ-r,..
srreat diversities 01 race amongst -
hich, if we could 6bliberate tnem w--;,
ould, therein be no douot, pe "
tlux course of Divine irroviueiice, e-"
in that in all things else, we neither fully compre
LLd no?are ableodefeat. This diversity ot race
extendi apparently to the. utmost limit compatible
witftoSeSic unity, has been one of the most con
rpiclousSements in the destiny of mankind and is so
still l b- you to consider tht, in all recorded time,
but two methods have been foUndT whereby it was
pliteLlve the .great .jf.
mixture of races in one community on equal terms.
Ian be done, where all have a common master ;
Sat I uSer S form which indiscriminately enslaves
ali ".. v '-JLL nf the toleration of
ur it can do uouo uj - . - .
polyo-amyTthat is, under a form whew-the civil I equal-?L-ZLAt
on4 nnpfnfld bvone of blood and hous
by the entire career ot man on tnia eartu, i vu
in some form or other, the social subjugation of one
h;;hWr!yelon(.d community to another
rau ui.tn.-ij '-'o-v . 1 j -
l ... , j 1 L:i..j r.rv fniiTi Ar nt.hPT.
part of it tnat is, servitmuc iu oumo
is absolutely inevitable; just as much so as the exis
isteuce of crime, or want, or sorrow. Let us bewail
this as a badge of our fallen condition ; let us seek its
constant amelioration, as one of our clearest duties;
but let us respect truth, and justice, and honor, ana
o-nn.1 faith, m a our attempts lucsreunu o.vv
0 , ----- I
ni.-nn 1 moriiM Rd tar
direful and loathsome-, as you represent it " -th a giants grasp to him, ana at rogui .
i - -i . i r m o 1 1 rpnpt ,s iiiiLiur o m 1 M;nAnK a thA
win u-st iinfi lnrieeu ui ucucaaitv4 m & i . , xi-.; Am t i i now iiiiauiauiu
ted and regulated after the pervaaing w - . i " ' -i,n
both of them
except ujr m - . , , .r, ,
pnmhmea. tne lawiaiu --
' 1 QTT fnTTt Of T-1V1 1-
nnon every race ot men, uuuci cjr -- ----
zation, has' encountered orJy unr snipwr
1" " i,i:nnn hvnntheais. after innumerable attempfo
y uui j.i.uuuvu" j - - ' j .
i. . : knt iiru-i ni IV. LVJA lUUui
and ennooiing us, T A ZllV ri v0 of
tho hearts of the comoatanis, muat i
inentai u y ,;,; nf the narties. TO
meioppoBiwcoirau wonduct of
which, aaq n u ? - nflitieal
to mpn of tue jn ortn, uesmco uu6 - r - ,
SteSoht, is a deliberate breach of faith, cemented
S ji of our fathers ; and ignoble re ract on
fi honor and truth and justice; a calculated
f-E of those" of their own race, and lineage and
ZSd, for those of a strankindred and
cl5n7e without any new
STfor ! atrocious
! - j
trt; n.iu the tMrMace, aeajroc ofttat
se ui a stpauo aiu"'
circumstances or additional
M Prt Tndfir of these means, or by
1 t .4-,nn fT mi VMI I I .1.1 J" U-AWWm ..
encounters tne questiu C-y, a produced
gether, must demand that equality which l is We
P '.. .i: oni.int.ndft Of -all: Or it fflUSl CK5-
py tne luuisui iuuua, -t it .na mic-
mand the toleration of polygamy y or
, , .v. j .;o;We fnrse or Jrroviqence auu
CUD1D DdOre tuc mraio.iw KntK are ftfc-
the invincible laws of human nature, as hoth areata
tested by the universal experience
t;nn of this problem; or we
prise, witn its iw- "Tnization 6f society.
as Tatamouut , - v 0XltStem, and Ham;
&ir x nave not whether aa a statesman
or oapuBui, " nuwian ftnl with a sover
?hZQ?' hinde theories of man,ofsoci
OI.Tll 11 11 I I I I I I I 1j 1 Ol W" s ' -jm 11 A. II
ton T calmlv and sorrowruiiy ieu you,
-i- T..nfrk TflU II III I.I 1 V --- ar
state of heart in -"- belief that she risks
unaer tue -. , . nTHl
there lies one oi tue 5i" nf man for
to that umersa
which man has pauu "" i) urxa such
bnt ronld never attain ; aTwrer. po? "f
r, " - , v Thp. .iretext mai uic fjuug -tsr-
tneones as vutua. r: . - .
' ui t oil a-rpemt tm
- -. -, . -1 TT'l i r I 1(11. w.
tamable by civil war, ,01 . . f
the terms stated, or is eitner poiUiC v -r.
. . . ovapnrhinir ami ,U,J " ' ,
rthing therandthat we j ns, is neither true nor reai.
1 the fervor of that state 01 som, u ; ,- . - '
! j I ,1 ... -
V - " " ""! ' ;-4.:yV ; ' '"' ".' ':" . I,
rt: Paradise, witn an
Lma wnahiMden forever from
hope of immortal life extinguished.
The most -hard-hcartca wreteu t.t w.- j.. 0--the
glittering steel in the bosom of human, or drowned
the dying groan with an oatn, at -- -1
j oo. ii. i.irvvl tn his heart.
nf onse ence that senus tu - - ;
freezing its very channels with horror
'"-f . ... ,. 1 1 -r -,l
.- t , e I . , 1 4V,o rriddV nnU'inOOl Ol Miuoa-t
have to make is that the general couumou . he may Dy ruling , - ,
trvnn npino- 1 1.11 iiitii 1 v 1 . , x . ik.nnr nrr rn s uuiuuut ivw v " -
""'"o 1- --. .irfi attemut to tuiun .
f rn rui IQ I i . t .1 1
he' draws in the last breath
I knew my
." ZZn thfi nower of the Gospel . - onA unnwin that he must soon :
more euuiuaun- - i- . e.-,-- i "t - ; , ,
naiir Pxtends its influence and as the slave btats . . Atmijrhty God, can but say
Gradually settle into the conviction that their duty Q h other hand how joyous,
aDOrovimr bU erery act, ban excla.ni "my pert
ticular form is, as an original 4uwiiu., -r done; i u go vo it.
and Iam wrell convinced that, in
srl?Tlul: tTtT. It xmVht be gradually abol
might be still further
many of our slave
ereat advantage while in all of them it
m further ameliorated, without regard to
t .. ,i- x : XTni. 4s it tnv
T, nnocfmn nf its ultimate buiutiuu.. ? j
Vltuue, u lv , T'J iJiL.ii,f ite
endurance may be protractea, ana r - L W, thri wounded Bpirit,
x -:.,n,n o-rtrftmft v fiiverainea. uvw mo ,uuu. buw- ..
JCl UiiULU, -
.4 Ar . . j ri.j
To hate a conscience-void oi onence iowaru uw
and man, is to have ail perfection, blended in our na
ture. We must be religious in every respect, and it
so' if we conform with all the demands of rehgion.
We need nought else to makeus fit subjects for Heaven
aTd-'ioint heirs with Christ." An approving
. . 4.
enlivena" th serious
Your duty and mine, sir, j as omeht. and brightens the prospect for nearen. , 11
faculty had not been bestowea upon me numau
the cold-hearted, the hlood-mny ViTlkn would
xnrprogress and glory of our He Woold with all the instricttre horror addicted to ...
oa internal principles of nature ..-itTO-1- mn;r thVnratflinflf infant as it clings to - .
UIO uaiuiv) I w . , ,
and of Providence which
gome degree assist, out are wau : r;: tllft Wof her dear one8V and yet no remorse
, . nnM Rteal its fiiienx way mtu iuc r-"-'
slaverv in America, extremeiy oruau, .., i j rry?J:zZTJnZ--t KittAr uirht of misery, but
-,. , - it ia nnt. mPTP.iv a n nean auu sm uu o .. ,
do aot seem to nave eiamuici . ... ------. - - v-wrrim monster," ciaunea
question of slavery, ZL Vn ni then as he laid bin, down would
rntinent : nor yet merely a question o. uiuuu uuu u --. Aromid
inquest 6four North a
question affecting an oi me wn. 7S'""" 7t. D'" , ,
Parth: arid all those: vast interests of the whole earth, wretched.
which the nnai oerony wxit..mu - . . (-.. The. Amencaa urgau
wtTTTT T TT?
"11 JI l.
a -rf'rrta hioir Ta has never oeeu a civuu.cu ouvtc i
within the tropics. A hundred millions of the human Thursday saysj , Wa8hmgt0n Na-
race rind nearly a fourth part of the earth's habitable " YrnnumeBt Society wUl commence operations,
SSiSits very centre, await the issueof this MSEwStfo'new Board of Managers, on
w - - A 3 A. I. I UUUV -
questioaof negro slavery in America, and must be
rnfliMiced rreatlv. if not controllingly. by it. " Rest
asraredMr.'Samner, whatever dignity you may per-
Aivmdav next, and that tne tioara uao """XJ iT
nssarv 1UUQB wui . uo ouw-v- ---- .
woiv, -. ----- -o - i . x An;oii t.iii a no Die eniipei
suade yourself to ascribe to your anti-slavery enter- the Amencan ffiTf the administration
nnn nvrdn Tf xrnrif nnpnii nan HUMiiif.uce. auu t uu i ij ... .vi!
SSsachietti tior soW fugitive slave- Board of Managers wim
American Advocate (Kinston, N.C.)
groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Aug. 30, 1855, edition 1
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