Newspapers / American Advocate (Kinston, N.C.) / Aug. 30, 1855, edition 1 / Page 1
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A Editor and Proprietor. TEr25 for months. of $l d0 will be ""J less, for the first t la ...;..,i desirw , u"' , .0rdinRly. r .,-'i Li' " . i- onn -i i ik.i s - vavora" . , ,..,.f;ments mil be ti . and J4d.lc,iai;C?oreSoii Our Principles. --rr .boll Lim" P Pri. VK HW- ' la!10WCU -"-"TT tuk United fnlUclUuffieKt length ef2?jeseand imbued with Stcd SlSf he shall have ?S5 of our iiis the greatest inter- ; ie thorough j . . iaW by Cong to prec or crminds andto u . who are einer pauj , aU Tl lT.:i ' ' . . ....-iTT IIU1U " - , I" 1 hack to tUC cou--- toreis"1-1 u nr noris: i I i.itf i II' '. lf'f'-Ti American Policy for. Tan 'American People. . jtrmft that no lor- llrtamta"""" - ftc electiv. VOL. 1. KINSTON, KF. C, THURSDAY, AUGUST 30, 1855. NO. 12. NEWSPAPERS. - 1. gubHcrlbers whojdo Xttd?Sb! contrary, are considered .wishing: to continue their sub- ?lf thesubscrfbersorder the dcontinnce of their papersy the publishers may continue to send tfcem uu all cash charges are paid. 1 . 8. : If gubscribers neglect or refuse to take tneir p pers from the offige ta which they directed, .hej re - held responsiDie oauu mj uu,o wiuwiv , -ordered their paper discontrnued. . . 4. If subscribers remove to omer places r forniingthe publisher, and the paper Is cent to ..th former direction, they are held responsible. Thp rourts have decided that refusing to take a tv-riodical from the office, or removing and paving it uncalled for, la "piima facie intentional fraud. I ! 'i may, in violation pf ih Pffi send hither chs - r V criixui"""- JTirZSe satisfaction for a its subjects, . demuity a-ainst the rep- on I v i ; v i ' - SlK-'l OIK' "oc' " - etitioa tliereoi. f:I V.J AV Vnefit anyf n, (ftS Federal or State gov 1,.t or emolument, under uu- of sucl iments, or. t,me of iror, the arm - , ,Jflf;-f6or eu e opimou - gQVCri xi:. wf?nn or appoiut- We shall oppose office 6f trust sucu crui: iwrsons in rthe Umted &wi ;mmirRxnts from l.i:UJ !l mtil ill II, tl.ll i .1 t'ie land of their Uirtn, eujoYraent of We, should be ifions, without M.nrtv. and property, utw U oj or nflmiistrationf rue euuv-i.iw ' i -Jf.lTYltrt 111 . .-iiiT urn -nVcxKationofonrlaws, of execution of our laws, , the adoption Fourth. WesbodvoateMdw fAg ..von nHiiwJcl form o a)l ,..,-,ii,,,m.s. oi biu-u "a- -T . , cfc and to o uui"'" tered to all persona de cted o ajn , or of trust, honor or emoiumynt, OT,.,1I(le iVoni State governments a, "' ball not directly and ex saeh offices Vtions and binding force of ylt !l :r :,rnnited States,a3 paramount t1,i fionstitutiop 01 in. Qr. to aU obligations of adhesion whalovcr, ei-n prince, power, poicin, . , ; lefany and all that no one J iA. We WuSr?S to admit to -lof tlie States of this Union hj, of rc the enjoyment '!JE,citia:n'of the United States, MtofiW under the "pro mturalizatioa prescribed by Congu-, AeWirfA. e s-au f tive or 0i c;"gft birth, aud :-.i,t nf nil nersous. oi name ui ""'.o .., rights of all persons, u - r'tevice with skill at all times oppose -c"-"" such vestcdnghts. . ' tirotest against " . .. . A S i .... Vr.uiim it us n, cardi- S cstion between hvidual nd his God, and over which no polit, mentor otucrhnnwmpower.canrhy excise any supervision or control, at any nine, u, anv place, of in any form, . VlrA AYe shall oppose all i' higher law" doctrines, bv which the Consti&u is to be set at nought vxo hted,'or disregarded, whether by politicians, by r Jig or bv the adherents or followers oi either, or bv auv other class of persons. Tenth. AYe shaU maintain and defend the Constitv Hon as it stands, the Union as it exists, and the rig.ds tif the- State, without diminution as guaranteed there by : opptwi? at all times, and to the extent of oar ability and influence, all who may assail thed, or ci ther of them Implicable enmity against the prevalent demoraliz ing system of rewards for political subfeervieney, and of punishments for political independence. - - Disgust for the wild hunt after officp which char acterizes the age. ' , " These on the one hand. On the other. Imitation of the practice of the purer days of the Republic; ad admiration of the maxim that " office should seek the man, and not man the "office," arid of the rule-tBat, the just mode ' of, "ascertaining fitness for office is the capability, the faithfulness and the honesty cT the incumbent or candidate. 4 m 1 T VII. Resistance to the f aggressive policy ana rnpt tendencies of the Roman Catholic Clmrch in our country by the advancement to all political sta tions executive, legislative, judicial or diplomatic of those only who not hold civil allegiance, directly or indirectly to any foreign power whether civil or ecclesiastical and who are Americans by birth, edu cation and training : thus fulifillhig the maxim, " Americans only shall govkks America." , ti,o nrntMtinii of all citizens in tlie les-al tind pro- JL LAV JJi w w- - - ... -I. 1 . . 1 -.1 .1 ' -, M..l,tn Anil 4 proper exercise -i -r. nTan'f" "LJ'K""-; privileges; the maintenance ot me rigm oi evwv man to. the full, unrestrained and peaceful . eu iovment of his own religious ppiuious and worship, n imilona resistance of all attempts by any sect, denomination or church to obtain an ascendency over xiiy other in the State, by means, of any special com bination of its members, or by a division ot their civil allegiance with any foreign power, potentate, or ecclesiastic. ( IX The reformation of the charter of our Na tional Legislature, by elevating to. the dignified and responsible position, men of higher aspiration, purer morals, and more unselfish patriotism, X The restriction of'executive patronage, es pecially in the matter of appointments to office so jar as it may be permitted by the Constitution, and consistent with the public good. , vi Tha .xWnt.inn of"the voutli of our eountry Irvl bv the State ; which schools shall mmon to all. without distinction oi creed or party. , i ;,,flnPiicR of a denominational or ana irue uvm ""j " 7 nm-tian character. And. inasmuch as Christianity by the Constitutions of nearly all the States ; by the decisions of the most eminent judicial authorities ; and Dy iuccoau u the people of American, is considered an element ot our political system; and as the Holy Bible is at once the source of Christianity, and tne depository and fountain of all civil and religious freedom, we op pose every attempt to exclude it from the schools thus itablished in the States. XII The American party having arisen upon the ruins and in spite of the opposition of the Whig and Democratic parties, cannot be held in any manner re- A Letter t Hon. Charles Sumner, a Sena tor ia Confess from tie State of Was sai liiisetts, occasioned by Ms anti-slavery v ' fccoBrse, ia Nifelo's Tlieatre. By REV. K." J. BKCKINBEIDGK. ' j v Sir : I have read with great attention a discourse ofryours published in the ; New York Tribune of the ISth of May, Swhich according to the statement of that paper, was pronounced at Niblo's Theatre in; the city 01 New York, a few days before, to an immense and delighted: asseniblypf the, people. I will add, that it is my 1 habit to read carefully whatever I find in the newspapers of the day proceeding from you. For I observe in what falls from you a more serious' conviction, a jdeeper tincture of scholarship, a larger intelligence, and a more earnest manliness, than X have been atye to discover m the utterance ot those who seem to enjoy your confidence and share your la bors. lt is no disparagement to you, personally, to add. that rebresentiuff the Commonwealth of Massa chusetts, sitting in the seat lof Daniel Webster, dis- coursmg of the duty or the orthern btara on the aasst dangerpus topics of our day, and pleading elo- (ientlv for tiie necessity, practicability, aud dignity oi an enterprise whose success involves the rum olthe- country, your words have, for all considerate men, an .. .iL ..11 ?: uiterest aua iau miporuiuee wuicu uu juui g" 4uu.11 ties would fail to impart toj them, if you spoke as a private citizen. It may be possible, also, that the words of a private person like myseli, aua a total stranger tolyou, by connecting themselves with the stirring and dangerous words spoken by you from that exeat position voa have won, may obtain an audience, w for them. but for that, it were idle to expect cVnd you will yourself, perhaps, admit, Jhat I have jsomewhat to say worthy,, of serious con sideration, and that my life-long ciaanexion, in many forms, with most of the asspics you discuss, entitles me, without undue presumption, to give utterance to some of the thoughts excited by our discourse. Allow me, sir, to utter in one sentence the sub stance of my whole thought touching ke madness of the times, about this whole "question of negro slavery. Here we art a great people, with a glorious mission set before us. More than twenty millions of us--vith whose destiny the destiny of three or four millions of blacks is l'earfiiUy combined. Que way or other we must solve jtheir destiny, wnen we solve our own.- This is wholly unavoidable. But, the madness is, that every seven whiti Americans .most needs cut p-u-h other's throats concerning the fate' of one black 1 is there no 'solution or the problem ol their JfcW I roused by so much insult, injustice, and danger, really does risk all, with a sublime purpose, to the last man, to win SaU. And thenj in the fourth Jplace, add the sort of conviction with which the two parties thus mutually range themselves in that deadly strife and if you be as wise as you are eloquent, you may compre hend what as yet you seem to have overlooked, name ly, the settled confidence of the entirS slave States that they are fully able to make the men of the North repent that ever they broke constitutions, and forgot ancestral ties, ana outraged national 1 obligations, m order to ruia ten millions of the most elevated race on the face of the earth, upon the hazard, if not the pretext, of benefitting the third parti bf that number of one of the most degraded races in the world. You will have; battle and that without truce or compro miseand that whenever you can reach us and that until the neia is entirely ' won I Jb oif j my part, sir, 1 would gladly shun the battle ; gladly give my blood to arrest it if it were begun. For hoever lives to see the battle fought, will see one more example added" to the multitudes which already crowjd the annals of mankind, that they who boast themselves when they gird Jtheir harness on, are apt enoughto wail when they come to put it off. j So far then, you perceive that, according to the fixed and uuanimoua conviction of ie fifteen Com monwealths you propose to conquer, your .whole North, if it were united as one man could no more do that deed than it could make a world ; and that, unless it were utterly lost to everyl glorious inspira tion of the past, and every sacred impulse of strug gling for birth in all crae hearts, the North would no more think of such an attempt upjoli such pretexts aa vnn arrav even if those pretexts were all true a nl wal than it would think of parricide followed On the other point, your plea for the dissolution of society ana me rum oi our country is &uu 11.-30 muj factory. As for me, Mr. Sumner it has been the en-eat business of my life to preach the Gospel of God; the great pleasure of my life to do what I could to ameliorate the condition ot my fellow-men. -A.na evidence of x.l by selt-murder. But, sir, I beg yo African r5.if ;iv iifid ours, but that without benefitting them ? as I do not see sufficient reason -to anu .painoLo, sutu-iw von to be-4-nna no neut- solution which destroy us. to cousider what pretexts are" neither I shall add to show that tnos; trnp nor real, Thft" verv foundation of your discourse' as you dis tinctly state, is the errand principle j'uni versa!, as you iKf ln.w of slaverv. that mu. created in the image of God, is divested of his human character, V,nrilan1.if 0 he a mors chattel.- Now. Mr. Sum- iV.t UV-Ulvw -" . .. , tier, you cannot fail to be aware that both parts 01 i,;a ctntomwit. ara absolutely untrue, and by conse- need not hesitation to add, that while I have won neither senatorial rank nor national notoriety thereby, I have endured more and risked more for the sake of the black race, by far, than either you or I have done for. the sake of the white. Your fierce sarcasm, there fore, has no terror for me ; nor can your pathos mis lead a heart which has felt too deeply all the real evils of this pitable case to be susceptible to the influ ence of the most eloquent exaggerations ; nor have I any sympathy with that state of mind in which one can imagine he is pleading the cause of Christ while he is counselling the deliberate violation of the most sacred obligations. The life and doctrine of the Lord Jesus afford the; only perfect illustration of every duty ; and, among the rest, of that glorious truth of the universal brotherhood of man, and that immortal of quenchless, mutual love founded on it. But how utterly do we misconceive the life and doctrines of the bon 01 Uod when we advocate universal rapine, in order to rectify partial injustice 1 I wish from the bottom. of my heart, that every people were fit to en joy, and did actually possess, public liberty ana iree institutions ; but should I, therefore, urge an indis criminate assault upon nations which desire, but. are denied, these inestimable blessings ? ' All duty is founded upon truths and laws, both of which are immutable ; but every duty is modified by circumstances, which vary ceaselessly ; and it is only a3 we comprehend both of these great principles that we can ever attain any rational assurance that we perform a single duty aright. As a member of the human race, enlighted by the Gospel, I may have particular views of the general question of human there is an eternal logic in events, and there is an awful majesty in the sublime course of Providence, in the face of which posterity wiU say that men en dowed like you ought to have been ashamed to partn ipate in such insane, fantastic, and ignoble revels 1 However difficult the question of human servitude may be to solve, after slavery has been fully establish ed in the bosom of a Commonwealth, or however men may differ as to the moral aspect oi me aciuiu 4uca timw now asritatinar the minds of our countrymen so deeply, it seems to mo that, as mere topic ofjiational politics and national legislation, the whole question of American slavery is one environed ny no omer aim culties, but such as have been created by our own evil passions. So far as the powers of the National Government are concerned, has not Massachusetts tb unquestionable -right to create! slavery in her bosom if she sees fit to do so and Louisiana to abolish it in hers, if she thinks proper ? And is not this tn 0$ rvery State? What need then is there, in all sober- - - .. .. 1 j. m :i :-l tl ness, lor frantic contentious aooui, lemwutu .,- menta, which, in their own nature, can oe oniy tempo rary? Suppose Missouri should abolish slavery? Suppose Illinois should create it ? Suppose Kansas should decide the question, first one way and then tho other ? Moreover, what essential difference does it make, whether it i3 upon a basis of fifteen slave States, or sixteen slave States, that the great problem bf our national destiny is to be worked out ? And as to its true bearing on the infinite mission of our country what consequence can a rational mind attach to the temporary result of a herce: contact ior supremacy betwecu mad men in one of our. Territories west of the Missouri river ? j ' - What odds "does it make, any way, as a national question, whether there are three millions of Blaves or or three millions and a fraction over whether six, or ten, or a hundred slaves, more or less, escape or are reclaimed? The power of the General Government servitude. Considered as a citizen of the United over the whole subject is so extremely limited and sponsible for the obnoxious acts or violated pledges of either And the systematic agitation of the Slavery question by those parties having elevated sectional hostility iuto a positive element of practical power, and brought our institutions into peril, it has therefore be come the imperitive duty of the American party to interfere, for the purpose 01 giving iuc w trv and perpetuity to the Union. And as experience has shown it impossible to reconcile opinions so ex treme a? those which separate tne aispuiams, anu a the-e can be no dishonor in submitting to the laws, the' National Council has deemed it the best guaran tee of common justice and of future peace, to abide by and maintain the existing laws upon the subject oi m-iverv as a final and conclusive settlement of that subject, in spirit and in substance. ' And regarding it the highest duty to avow their nnminn imoii a subiect so important, in distinct and vuiuiv"-' r V . -1 .1 V tYma it is herebv declared as tne sense And lastly, we shall use our utmost csejy . A , that' possesses no And can statesmen such to d uot you are not tue neart to ueny solution of this ? terrible Problem ho nobler issue of our sublime hopes than mutual destruction by the men of the North and the men of the South for the sake of the African slaves, scattered thinly ovxr the continent? Are -we uut able to bearthrough, by our invincible slrengthreven such a parasite as this black race, carrying them tor ward far beyond anything they could have reached without us, and yet mounting up ourselves far be ai.vthinrr tiiev mavicver reach? 5Shame upon every American statcsmab. and every American pa triot, who is insensible to the glory of such a result ! Infamy to every one wh conspires to defeat it ! And yet, sir, you, an American Senator, speaking in the name of "that great Commonwealth in whose bosom stands Bunker Hill and sitting in the seat of that Toat statesman and patriot who saw no hope for bublie liberty higher -tuan that which rests upon 1 ft L tions to build up an "American party," whose maxim shall be : , AMSRfCAXS STIALL RULE THEIR COCSTRYJ power under the Constitution, to legislative upon the subject of Slaverv in the States where it does or may exi4 or to exclude any State from admission into the Union because, its constitution does or does not recog- PUTFOmi ND PRICIPLES. - Uize the institution ot Slavery as a part 01 its social system; auu eAprwssij lftl,kuuiiu0 r,rr T : rt-n nnn iiTiou the power of Congress to establish or THE PLATFORM AND -tlJSUlio .--r r Territory, it is the sense of THE ORGANIZATION, nrohibit Slavery in any ?k0 -rntional Council that Coffgress ought not I The acknowledgement of that Almighty Be- legislate upon the subject of Slavery -within the Terri 1. the acnowieu uueut ,.J-AJ nvF ;M nt ifi United States, and that any interference mg.-wno ruies over iub wuivcisc, u - :ti,u- n;tr-r.t the Councils of nations-who conducts the aflairs ot by Congress vi un a "m ttHn'rit nd 1 i (. ,mv;v. iioro nd. t-nninTvihin. would be a violation 01 tne spoilt -anu men, ana wno, in everjr sicp uj mum nvU.v . w. --7 . ' .u:i, tua Qt itof TJ-irv vanced to the character of an independent nation has intention of the compact by hich itiie State of Map- land ceaea tne .uisuMcr it " breach of the National faith. . XHI. The policy of the government tf the United cotr.c i'n ?ts relation with foreign governments, is to V I lJ(.UiUO) w . - . . u I . f J.L n.vit An- lliaTll'U 111 I III passionate attachment to our country, its history and exact justice irom uie ""gw TrZ 1 , . .. ,. r, -i -.r 1 j. . k-t oil tliA nmvpi" nt t.hR srovern- rts. institutions : ot admiration lor tne tjurer aays 01 weaKesi; ruami, " 1 pu fi, TTnlr.ii nf these ttttes : vou, an American ocua- till. "vh , - - w 1 tor who has studied the! past, and who tears God, al w vnnrsiMf to briu'' tbi wiiole force of your charac ter your position, aud ypur great gifts, to bear direct- ly upon tue pomi at wmeu uiuuc n wreck-the country, and to destroy us all together J The" very roadnete of the times assumes m you its fVa?,t;f Mi)tct : and you .openly avow that muu ijvv 1 v - America is a wrong so grievous and uu- tliia ctiitAment ar: quence your whole plea for our cbnquest is based oji a double, perfidious quibble. Ther is not a single slave State in this Union whose h4 s divest the slave of his human character.- There s hot a single one whose laws declare a slave to-be a mere chattel. No doubt many of the rights, which, I jbelieve with you, to be inherent in hnman nature, ate wholly, incom patible with any state of slavery.. No doubt if sla very exists at-all, the right of property thus recog nv the loeiil law mav be anialkrous to the right one has to realty. But you havjj far too much sense and knowledge not to know, tht j these are widdy different truths from the abominable untruths upon which your whole discourse proceeds. Do you not perfectly understand that every slave State in this Union shapes its ehtire slave code upon the "rand truth that slavery is nbta mere chattel, and thathis human character is diiestcd ? ; Do you not know that, by the universal lavf of slavery, the save is heM to innumerable accountabilities, overriding all cVmi of his master; and that he is protected not as chattel, but as a man, at the ptfri and forfeit even ot his masters life? And yet, upoq precisely oppobii allegations, you construct and argument whose logical ioaup is the subversion of our national Union ; and , th-At. iirrrnment vou construct a code ot morals,. ! Anil lii.rhS obligation is civil war ! Sir, whatever may be my opinion of the fairiess ofsueh-reasoning, t i;iv rvrv its dialectic stiHr But for your AiWAtiona vonr arjrnmeut had nothing on which to rest ; ior n tne reiaiuu vi 1' " be once admitted to be genericauj a reiauua ui i u:; rflvnn tn those of ruler anu suo- rirn nnrHiii. Mini irxiuu i; lull tliiiu uuu ? vi, - ' . States, with the institution of slavery occupying the precise posture it does to the nation, my view of my duty must necessarily be modified. Considered as a citizen of Kentucky, where much might be done towards the amelioration of slavery, my duty is mod ified agaiu. And considered as a citizen of South Carolina, where probably it is hardly possible to con- transient, and incidental, as compared with the abso lute power of the State3 themselves ; the good that can be done by the exercise of the powers actually possessed by Congress is comparatively so slight and uncertain, and the danger which the nation stands with reference to the whole! subject ia so distinct and so peculiar; that, 1 must contess, it has always ap- jecture now slavery couiu termmaie peaeeiuuy uuu peared to me unspeasaDiy surprising maw uuy uauuii safcly, my duty necessarily undergoesafinother and ai party, and especially auy one at the North, should very serious modification. The religion of Jesus be found capable of permanent organization in con Christ is compatible with every condition in which nexidn with such topics. , Any honest, moderate, pa God's providence constrains our fallen race to exist ; triotic, consistent exercise, bf the powers of -the Gcn and it is as absurd as reason, aud as unfounded, in eraj Govcrnmeat over.thej question of slavery could fact, to assert that Christ and his Apostles required hardly have failed to satisfy the nation w tne end, as the indiscriminate abolition ot human servitude, as to it satisfied it during its early and most glorious period, assert that they required that the indiscriminate over- Whatever may have been the sins or follies of South- " . . - - 1 i- . ii -a : -,:., i ri. 1.1 u 1 1 throw of any other iorm 01 aespotic auxnoruy among ern statesmen, or tne aouiucrn peopie, 11, wouiu ue uaru or myselt, my natural neari wouiu aououess nl'.ivcrv in questionable tliat it should not be ahowed to coatmae naV; that it should cease to exist at once nay, i,.,f nWrmiT so tra'neendent, so loathsome, so direful distinguished us by some token of Providential agen ev , . ; II. The cultivation and development of a senti ment of profoundly intense American feeling; of - ., , 1 .1 National existence; of veneration, for the hero- ment, all its citizens trom interference with the inter hat precipitated our Revolution; and of emula- cal concerns of nations with whom we are at peace. XIV. This National Council declares that all tne principles of the Order shall be henceforward every where openly avowed ; and that each member shall v. i:v.wtptn TTiiike known the existence of the uc at iiu-i 1 ' , . , j Vo fa ft. that, hp himself is a member : and Valuer, auu n- , , ;f mmMids that there can be no concealment the places of meeting of subordinate councue. E. B. BARTLETT, of Ky., President of National Convention. C. D. Desiiler, ot isew Jersey, our !sm that precipitated tion 01 tne virtue, wisuoni ana pairionam mat namci our Constitution and first succesfully applied its pro visious; ' . III. The maintainance of the union of these United Statesas the paramount political good ; or, to use the language of Washington, " the primary object of patriotic desire." And hence : t 1st. Opposition' to all attempts to weaken or. sub vert it; must be encountered wherever it can be reached, and the battle must be continued without truceyrom- nnt'A the field is etitirelv won. Such are your words, profoundly eloquent,vmi9peakably frantic! Now1 sir, this means neither more nor less than the wl' of the sword, j Lay aside- the rhetoric, and the : i i.w.ao frr.ine and canister, cold steel and tricken battle. Believe me, ..oumner, vueu x ve two facts, one of wihch I know better than you i . nA nt her OI wihcu vull vuuo w ruuh b, Ilf. ci iVJ t.ft-'-' - . , . -w -m 1 1 , . Ii,' i.r, t .in The tacti which 1 Know Detter than vou do, is, that whenever; the very faintestindk cation of the settled purpose oi ine men w w aioiuu to follow your advice becbWes apparent to the men of the htteen sia ve o " - armed men Will be ready to receive you and your fol lowers; and if yotrcome-noi, Bpeeuiy execute your threats, your coming will not be waited Of 2d. Uncompromising antagonism in every princi ple of policy that endanger it. 3d.' The advocacy of an equitable adjustment of all political difference which threatened its integrity rpr perpetuity: ' , A rl- Tim oi-in-rificsiM-i rvT T1 rnniliinAioo "f n Tf 1 f I PQ 1 division, founded on " geographical discriminations, or on the belief that there is a real difference of inter ests and views" between the various sections of the Union. '" , 5th. The' full recognition of the rights of the sev eral States, as expressed and reserved in the Consti tution ; and a careful avoidance, by the Gene?al Gov ernment, of all inter fence with their rights by legis lative or executive, action, IV. Obedience to the Constitution of these Uni ted States, as the supreme law of the land, sacredly obligatory upon its parts and members ; and stead fast resistance to the spirit of innovation Upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. Avowing that in -all doubt or disputed points it may only be le- " gaily ascertained and expounded by the Judicial pow er of the United States. And,- as a corollary to the above : 1. A habit of reverential obedience to the laws, whether National, State, or Municipal, until they are either repealed or declared unconstitutional by tle proper authority. 2. A tender and sacred resrard for those arts of ; statesmanship, which are to be contra-distinguished ' from acts of ordinary legislation, by the fact of their being of the nature of compacts and agreements ; and so, to be considered a fixed and settled national policy. A7". A radical revision and modification of the ' laws regulating immigration, and the settlement of immigrants. Offering to the honest immigrant who. from Tove of liberty or tired of oppression, seeks an asylum in the United States, a friendly reception and protection. But unqualifiedly condemning the trans mission to our shores, of fellons and paupers. A7I. The essential modification the Naturalization Laws. . Tho repeal by the Legislatures of the resnectiv States, of ail State, laws allowing foreigners not nat uralized to vote.' The repeal, without retrocative oneratinn. nil n.rt of Congress making grants of land to unnaturalized loreignars, ana auowmg them to vote in the Territo ries. VII. Hostility to the corrupt means by which the leaders of party have hithprto forced upon us our rulers and our political creeds. Corresponding Secretary. Jas. M. Stephens, of Maryland, Recording Secretary. intfrpstinsr Statistics of Canks in the U. S. . f ntior r.T tViia Kiifiiect will be jli COUipillllliuj ui iuuiiw vu j - read with interest by many readers of the Exprm. ti.a -Ranlrinir Caratal of the United States is increas Wrmt. nf all nronortion to the growth of wealth and population. At the ciose of 1851 there were 879 -Rani whilfi at the close of 1854 there were l-ua. t w ti, n.rs the number of Banks went up . Af in thp same period, the number ol the inhabitants, estimated accoromg , jv nf tVif last, fift.v Tfars. increased only about 12 per cent ; and though the wealflj of tne comatry -cumulated at a much faster rate, it did not increase as rapidly as the Banks. In 1851 he discounte of the Banks were about $400,0,000 in J864 they had risen to $GOO;000,000. Meantime the specie m the vaults, which was $48,000,000, in the former year to not quite $00,000,000 in the latter. ; At the close of 1854 the aggregate circulation of the whole 1209 Banks was a little over $200,OUU,UW- a thing, which, even less in its more re- fend.. Bnt men.- Imvfi loved the teachings of the Ijord all the more, if he had preached a crusade for liberty, instead of a sacrmce lor sm - But with his Gospel in our hands, we can no more ksan an honest and enhirhtenJd conscience, and deny that his teachings tolerated human servitude as a condition compatible with salvation, than we can make ourselves acquainted with the history ot human affairs, and deny tnat His Providence has tolerated human servitude as a condition compatible withthe to nroduce an example at once more flagrant, insult- ing and unjust, than the discourse which suggested these remarks. .:" , After all, I cannot persuade myself that God will allow u3 , to degrade ourselves so utterly as to break tip this glorious coufedcrajcy on such a. question1 as this. . I do not allow myself to believe that the mass of the American people are so utterly destitute of the sublime instinct of their country's mission among the natious. Civil war is not a remedy j it is 1 the most direful of all diseases, national su-engm, in u I- - i existence of society. What are we, that we cannot l day like oura. and to ireeincn, is not so mucn a giory have a little patienc(ethf.that',which God has had ag.jt is a necessity the grand necessity oi uicir iio patiencejwith shice sin entered into 'the world? And erty aMmdependcnce. As to slavery, it is a ques tn Phnia thft mrtaintv with which tmn ohnnt which men may differ, according to the men have repudiated the power of the Gospel, as soon necessity of their condition and the point ot yiev " . 1 , e j.u: . I . f i Tint tl,r nnwlinl nnil ill. trom wnicn mey cuuoiucl n. w ,.v..v.. ... dissoluble Union of these States is a matter concern in which no American who has a true heart in his bosom can possibly have but one opinion one pur- POSe. II VnCre OB OllC lOllUtMU uiuujyu v aa thpv hn vft fastened on it" a power, of their own how surely they become heretics, apostates, or infidels when they begin'to teach Christ, instead of setting down at his feet to learn of him ! j What else can we sav. but that all such pretexts, j whether for public wrong or real? for ; but they win seen: " - j vainly suppose no dangiT will-ever eome.- Ihe fact ue tier man i uu ia, mat attention, that conduct of the Popular Similes. , Some ingenious rhymer has placed the following sayings in poetic order, the opposite in juxtaposition . As wet as a fish as dry as ft bone ; . As Uve as a bird as dead as a stone, As plump as a patridge as poor as a rat, ' As strong as a horse as weak as a cat. As hard as a flint as soft as a mole ; As white as a lilly as black as acoaJ, -As tight as a drum as free as the air. 1 a aa lpad as light as a' feather ; As steady as time as uncertain; as weather. As hot as an oven as cold as a frog ; As gay as a lark as sick as a.dog. " -As slow as a snail as swift as the wind; As true as the gospel-as false as mankind. , As thin as a herring as fat as a pig ; ; As proud as aI)eacock-as blue as a gig-: ; . -.: As savage as tigers-as mild as a dove. ..rf-, . As stiff as a poker-as limber as a glove. As blind as a bat as. deaf as a post ; . As cool as a cucumber - ' 1 As red as a cherry as pale as a ghost. t.j1, U.., -T,rht. i.n know 3 ""o-i-'-j ,VAm oit71 after two or ttuw mmuicu iuuu j in Kittle, each side, it makes -'jno sort of difference as to the probable result,- wneuier hub tuc y.y has "the greater reserve of physical force left out of battle i because, alter ;two or im uuuuiw n:J.. ,r tho. nreaeut state of the art of war Ji?: .wnds mereiv on brains. Ihe sum ol ewjuuuft ao nmolv. if the North wants these tacts ia vcijr. , v , --- to settle the. slavery 1 question by the edge of tne ,v h Vnrth is in a very fair way to be-perfectly Gratified ; and when she gets; what she wants, there is S kSn exceeding probability that the North will i Son to change her mind materially, as to the i-.in4n of that method of settling that question, Moreover, let it not escape your i .,-.mi.frina flcroravsite the men of the North, and exasperate the hearts of the "L af Smith, in this whole business ; all of them tendih- to strengthen us and to weaken you at every icnuiuD tu - ctrmro-Irt to which vou are driving stage.oi r i?fit. nW let slavery be ail tho rountrv. or, iu i' r r " , that PSert it to ;be,-the time is W part when Tli -ui.. T,nx.t" wise, or patriotic for you to take " X "::rl an 'ar-mnent having merely or tnai. gu, - - h iQ one lQ0ki t0 uinary ijouu. A ,wa s(,ttled be- conideration was formed; tween us u-i-'i -- . . iwwju u common danger and com "rbat Revolution : itas settled mwryl TOral. constitution; I say nothing affaiu iu mo " i-i - ii r. i im at n pin t 1 inr w vt. nfT 3 thai SCiBS. S a to. BW. cannot to.er Zhch other i in one .confederacy; ng the tion to be now .or LTfor th. r-S -a j ;r,mit is ovaltv to every national aSvenS our past'history ; and what I aCl aUU 1""' , ... ;l,rtnt er4 -rrrpalren- mean is, that they cannot ing and disgracing. themselves, anu - -"J ' P - , . v. . u J tn olinw that. n? mauds tar higner powers wu two. a mere relation, it has any moraij quanta at , ).. Hrnntv of murder on account of it, comes straightway to an end. Slaverv. Mr. Sumner, is in its fundamental nature, much ii.: r.nn T K-ivf. anv nnrnose VOltlUJi -iupw,"- ' - J rrrr- . ,. it is not, either in its nature fr its manifestations, the rrnnoHnea it to be : and this you could J""- f- . i, : r ;j , hardly fail to know, liow, then, can i aoiu smg that the pretexts on which kon counsel such insane proceedinirs are neither true hor real? ; What y ou say on the two vital objections, as you call themto: what you stylq thej anti-Slavery Enter prise, is not equal to the level ofjyour ordinary thot s. The distinction of race, as an obstacle to indiscrimi nate abolition, and the sanction of Christians of the institution of slavery, as a Jlea!for its toleration, do ,;n.,hl-rr ivnnire. to be put aside more thorough- ivo7bave succeeded ingoing, before the ter rible necessity of adopting your ;pnncip es and fodow : - no.Tn.tal Vim be said to be obligatory on the . f hr Vnrth. t will venture to suggest somewhat on both topics which seems to have cs- caned vour notice. . . . h or my part, sir, a . ,7i '.i a U oU tn pvopv race onithe face of. tue eartli. Uie wm, . . .1 . i . . 4Wr ftW x .i. T f..l,l nHmit. that, 1 lOVB DIV OVVI1 uuuuli y uu. UUt X li.a-im.jr - T . u T nV-orwh witn eyeiy ytuui , ar oeyonu unit witu nuitu bUUt Uill OUl,U " i J.1 V". J. " . , . . . , for private iniquity, are neither true nor I an and transcendeutly clear andbindmg.it s tnat I ma Qhnnld iait with immediate and condign punish- 11 1 - .' i I IT ilj'-'"'-" " It was my purpose, sir, to have saia sometnmg on meut every party anu ctw j puuno - v tnr,; nf vnnr discourse the oractica- lnnl tn the Union and the constitution. v,;i;txr ,i AiZniAr t.f t.hR unti-slaverv enterprise, to- Your fellow-citizen and obethent scrvaut, jii i- v' J . . . , - , ether witn your view oi iuc 0,1 uu; -" North with regard to it. In your first topic, however, the' necessity of that enterprise, the foundation of all lies, and havinar discussed, in some degree, your fun damental principle?, j I pass by what, when I was a younger man, I should have been more prompt .to ,-,tfnr tn.iPhi'nr, Rfurift other portions of your discourse. wx, . "p -r- - 1 - , . , For the rest,l will venture to aua a iew worua, wiutu, if you cared to do so, it would be your right to -demand of me, in explanation of jny orn views, after having spoken so freely of yours. . I . ' . ,. . Slavery, Mr. Samner, i3 not a modern institution ; !t is as ancient as human society. And yet it is not a permanent institution, in the sense of being perpet uated in one particular race or country. .We have the sad advantage of being able to contemplate it m every age of the, world, in every condition of seventy, and in contact with every form of civilization. We ou"-ht, by this time, to be able to comprehend it. From this point of view I have two statements' to make, both of which 1 fear may appear to you inac . i mi ,. 4- ?o thit notliinrf concermnir the LUiaiU JL I1V jutxti w J. R. BRECKINRIDGE; Broedalbane, Ky., June 11, 1854: I From the Newborn Journal. , ' Conscience There is up part of man's nature that is so useful to him, as conscience. It not only has a tendency to keep him aloof from crime,, but also melts his heart in compassion toward those of his fellow men, who may be infested with disease or who have , not been blessed with riches.1 Behold for a moment, the con f.,tw nf 'mankind, as he bewails tho i of Eden, his very, heart bleeding at every throb o f his guilty conscience. When the thought first flashed upon his mind that he must desert this beautiful habi tation, then'his disapproving conscience goaded him on to madness and bursting the ponderous chain that loaded his faculties, opened the fountain 01 u uwrt, of all comparison ties w v , r.,.-.. n it.h a fervor ..11 .fhora Rnmv n.'.onle call this bigotry, UecaU it fanaticism, cjaU ness and the like, l can 11- an uaitcu uj , natural moraUtv aml-of reVealed religion, whe neg incompatiblewithi pur heart or a r it in man. .it Das VV- - rZ-r,.. srreat diversities 01 race amongst - hich, if we could 6bliberate tnem w--;, ould, therein be no douot, pe " tlux course of Divine irroviueiice, e-" in that in all things else, we neither fully compre LLd no?are ableodefeat. This diversity ot race extendi apparently to the. utmost limit compatible witftoSeSic unity, has been one of the most con rpiclousSements in the destiny of mankind and is so still l b- you to consider tht, in all recorded time, but two methods have been foUndT whereby it was pliteLlve the .great .jf. mixture of races in one community on equal terms. Ian be done, where all have a common master ; Sat I uSer S form which indiscriminately enslaves ali ".. v '-JLL nf the toleration of ur it can do uouo uj - . - . polyo-amyTthat is, under a form whew-the civil I equal-?L-ZLAt on4 nnpfnfld bvone of blood and hous by the entire career ot man on tnia eartu, i vu in some form or other, the social subjugation of one h;;hWr!yelon(.d community to another rau ui.tn.-ij '-'o-v . 1 j - l ... , j 1 L:i..j r.rv fniiTi Ar nt.hPT. part of it tnat is, servitmuc iu oumo is absolutely inevitable; just as much so as the exis isteuce of crime, or want, or sorrow. Let us bewail this as a badge of our fallen condition ; let us seek its constant amelioration, as one of our clearest duties; but let us respect truth, and justice, and honor, ana o-nn.1 faith, m a our attempts lucsreunu o.vv 0 , ----- I its beauties his vision,' un- his ni.-nn 1 moriiM Rd tar direful and loathsome-, as you represent it " -th a giants grasp to him, ana at rogui . i - -i . i r m o 1 1 rpnpt ,s iiiiLiur o m 1 M;nAnK a thA win u-st iinfi lnrieeu ui ucucaaitv4 m & i . , xi-.; Am t i i now iiiiauiauiu ted and regulated after the pervaaing w - . i " ' -i,n hold, both of them except ujr m - . , , .r, , pnmhmea. tne lawiaiu -- ' 1 QTT fnTTt Of T-1V1 1- nnon every race ot men, uuuci cjr -- ---- zation, has' encountered orJy unr snipwr 1" " i,i:nnn hvnntheais. after innumerable attempfo y uui j.i.uuuvu" j - - ' j . i. . : knt iiru-i ni IV. LVJA lUUui and ennooiing us, T A ZllV ri v0 of tho hearts of the comoatanis, muat i inentai u y ,;,; nf the narties. TO meioppoBiwcoirau wonduct of which, aaq n u ? - nflitieal to mpn of tue jn ortn, uesmco uu6 - r - , SteSoht, is a deliberate breach of faith, cemented S ji of our fathers ; and ignoble re ract on fi honor and truth and justice; a calculated f-E of those" of their own race, and lineage and ZSd, for those of a strankindred and cl5n7e without any new STfor ! atrocious ! - j trt; n.iu the tMrMace, aeajroc ofttat se ui a stpauo aiu"' circumstances or additional perfidy" against M Prt Tndfir of these means, or by iem satt t of awr 1 t .4-,nn fT mi VMI I I .1.1 J" U-AWWm .. encounters tne questiu C-y, a produced gether, must demand that equality which l is We P '.. .i: oni.int.ndft Of -all: Or it fflUSl CK5- py tne luuisui iuuua, -t it .na mic- mand the toleration of polygamy y or , , .v. j .;o;We fnrse or Jrroviqence auu CUD1D DdOre tuc mraio.iw KntK are ftfc- the invincible laws of human nature, as hoth areata tested by the universal experience It' mus t;nn of this problem; or we lution ofwem prise, witn its iw- "Tnization 6f society. as Tatamouut , - v 0XltStem, and Ham; &ir x nave not whether aa a statesman or oapuBui, " nuwian ftnl with a sover ?hZQ?' hinde theories of man,ofsoci OI.Tll 11 11 I I I I I I I 1j 1 Ol W" s ' -jm 11 A. II ton T calmlv and sorrowruiiy ieu you, -i- T..nfrk TflU II III I.I 1 V --- ar state of heart in -"- belief that she risks unaer tue -. , . nTHl I arbitrament, there lies one oi tue 5i" nf man for to that umersa which man has pauu "" i) urxa such bnt ronld never attain ; aTwrer. po? "f r, " - , v Thp. .iretext mai uic fjuug -tsr- tneones as vutua. r: . - . ' ui t oil a-rpemt tm - -. -, . -1 TT'l i r I 1(11. w. tamable by civil war, ,01 . . f the terms stated, or is eitner poiUiC v -r. . . . ovapnrhinir ami ,U,J " ' , rthing therandthat we j ns, is neither true nor reai. 1 the fervor of that state 01 som, u ; ,- . - ' ! j I ,1 ... - V - " " ""! ' ;-4.:yV ; ' '"' ".' ':" . I, rt: Paradise, witn an Lma wnahiMden forever from hope of immortal life extinguished. The most -hard-hcartca wreteu t.t w.- j.. 0--the glittering steel in the bosom of human, or drowned the dying groan with an oatn, at -- -1 j oo. ii. i.irvvl tn his heart. nf onse ence that senus tu - - ; freezing its very channels with horror And though '"-f . ... ,. 1 1 -r -,l .- t , e I . , 1 4V,o rriddV nnU'inOOl Ol Miuoa-t have to make is that the general couumou . he may Dy ruling , - , trvnn npino- 1 1.11 iiitii 1 v 1 . , x . ik.nnr nrr rn s uuiuuut ivw v " - ""'"o 1- --. .irfi attemut to tuiun . f rn rui IQ I i . t .1 1 he' draws in the last breath ;ar before I knew my ." ZZn thfi nower of the Gospel . - onA unnwin that he must soon : more euuiuaun- - i- . e.-,-- i "t - ; , , naiir Pxtends its influence and as the slave btats . . Atmijrhty God, can but say Gradually settle into the conviction that their duty Q h other hand how joyous, aDOrovimr bU erery act, ban excla.ni "my pert ticular form is, as an original 4uwiiu., -r done; i u go vo it. and Iam wrell convinced that, in srl?Tlul: tTtT. It xmVht be gradually abol might be still further many of our slave ished, with ereat advantage while in all of them it m further ameliorated, without regard to t .. ,i- x : XTni. 4s it tnv T, nnocfmn nf its ultimate buiutiuu.. ? j Vltuue, u lv , T'J iJiL.ii,f ite endurance may be protractea, ana r - L W, thri wounded Bpirit, x -:.,n,n o-rtrftmft v fiiverainea. uvw mo ,uuu. buw- .. JCl UiiULU, - .4 Ar . . j ri.j To hate a conscience-void oi onence iowaru uw and man, is to have ail perfection, blended in our na ture. We must be religious in every respect, and it so' if we conform with all the demands of rehgion. We need nought else to makeus fit subjects for Heaven aTd-'ioint heirs with Christ." An approving . . 4. con- enlivena" th serious Your duty and mine, sir, j as omeht. and brightens the prospect for nearen. , 11 faculty had not been bestowea upon me numau the cold-hearted, the hlood-mny ViTlkn would xnrprogress and glory of our He Woold with all the instricttre horror addicted to ... oa internal principles of nature ..-itTO-1- mn;r thVnratflinflf infant as it clings to - . UIO uaiuiv) I w . , , and of Providence which gome degree assist, out are wau : r;: tllft Wof her dear one8V and yet no remorse , . nnM Rteal its fiiienx way mtu iuc r-"-' slaverv in America, extremeiy oruau, .., i j rry?J:zZTJnZ--t KittAr uirht of misery, but -,. , - it ia nnt. mPTP.iv a n nean auu sm uu o .. , do aot seem to nave eiamuici . ... ------. - - v-wrrim monster," ciaunea question of slavery, ZL Vn ni then as he laid bin, down would rntinent : nor yet merely a question o. uiuuu uuu u --. Aromid inquest 6four North a question affecting an oi me wn. 7S'""" 7t. D'" , , Parth: arid all those: vast interests of the whole earth, wretched. which the nnai oerony wxit..mu - . . (-.. The. Amencaa urgau himself, and s abode wtTTTT T TT? "11 JI l. a -rf'rrta hioir Ta has never oeeu a civuu.cu ouvtc i within the tropics. A hundred millions of the human Thursday saysj , Wa8hmgt0n Na- race rind nearly a fourth part of the earth's habitable " YrnnumeBt Society wUl commence operations, SSiSits very centre, await the issueof this MSEwStfo'new Board of Managers, on w - - A 3 A. I. I UUUV - questioaof negro slavery in America, and must be rnfliMiced rreatlv. if not controllingly. by it. " Rest asraredMr.'Samner, whatever dignity you may per- Aivmdav next, and that tne tioara uao """XJ iT nssarv 1UUQB wui . uo ouw-v- ---- . woiv, -. ----- -o - i . x An;oii t.iii a no Die eniipei suade yourself to ascribe to your anti-slavery enter- the Amencan ffiTf the administration pitpjpursting nnn nvrdn Tf xrnrif nnpnii nan HUMiiif.uce. auu t uu i ij ... .vi! SSsachietti tior soW fugitive slave- Board of Managers wim
American Advocate (Kinston, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Aug. 30, 1855, edition 1
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