THE ERA"
A REPUBLICAN WEEKLY NEWS
PAPER THE CENTRAL ORGAN
OF THE PARTY.
PUBLISHED EVKHY TIIU
RSIJAY
(SEE RATES OP f
SUBSCRIPTION
ON THIS PAGE.)
W. 31. DROWy, Manager.
Office over the North Carolina Book
T J 't' . 1
jiv job uius. cxociueu ai snort no-
tiee and in a stylo unsurpassed bV any
store, corner of Fayetteville and Mor
slmllarestablishmeut in thcStah
pan streets, first door south of the State
House.
RATES OP ADVERTISING! : , .
One square, one time, : - . $ 1 00
RATES OF SUBSCRIPTION:
One year, - - - - $2 10
Six month, - - - - 1 05
Three months, - 55
zff" Invariably ix Advancb.'S
two times, , , - . 1 60.
three times, - - .2 00
tt
VOL. IV.
RALEIGH, 1ST. C, THURSDAY, MAY 20, 1875.
NO. 48.
Contract advertisements taken at
proportionately low rates. :
THE EKA.
-
kr
r
iini:cTonv.
ltiitrd Stale Cioverniuent.
ClysHt- S. ;rant, of Illinois, Presi
dent. Ilonry Wilson, of Mass., V. President.
Hamilton I lh,ofN. Y., Sec'y ofState.
I'xMijHiniii II. IJristow, of Kentucky,
S. . rotary of the Treasury.
William W. Itelknap, of Iowa, Seore-
i:irv (,f War.
;rC M. Robeson, of New Jersey,
Sf-retary of the Navy.
Columbus Delano, of Ohio, Secretary
of the Interior.
;eor H. Williams, of Oregon, At
torney General.
Marshall Jewell, of Connecticut, Post
master Qeneral.
supreme Court of the 17 S.
Morrison R. Waite, of Ohio, Chief
J untiee.
Nathan ClifTord, of Me.,
Noali II. Swayne, of O.,
S.nnuI F. Miller, of la.,
avid Pavis, of 111.,
Stephen J. Field, of Cal.,
William M. Strong.of Pa., '
Joseph P. Rradley.of N.J. '
Wa nl HuuUof N. Y.,
Court meets first Monday
lr, at Washington.
IMItUCTOIlY.
Asso. Justice.
t it
tt
4 it
in Decern-
Representation in Conrekt.
SKXATE.
.. S. Merriinou, of Wake.
il .it. W. Ransom, of Northampton.
UOirsK OK R F. PRESKXTATIV KM.
States, in admitting the insurrec-
-. , tion try States to representation,
Secretary or State, Treasurer, Auditor, j attempted to erect barriers aainst
Superintendent of Public In.tn.ftlo.. j tnN anticipated movement, not
and Attorney Onneral constitute tho t i . . , . . : A.
State Board of Ivlucation. The Oover-i .
nor is President, and the fcnrint... -all ,H institution, but byre-
I a. . ... .a
dent of Public Instruction, Secretary o. ,m,ri1 ineir totate institutions to
the Board, be so remodeled as to afford an ad-
j liiiori.il guaranty. The difficulty of
lvi istrict J es.HC J. Yeates.
il " J. A. Hynian.
.-5.1 " A. M. Waddell.
-T.h " Joseph J. Davis.
."t!i " A. M. Scales,
liili " Tli'iinas S. Ashe.
7t!i ' M. Uobbius.
stli " I Libert It. Vance.
I
t'nitetl Mate CourU.
The stated terms or the If. S. Circuit
:i'nl litrit lurts are as follows :
I'nittHl ?staus Circuit Court Kastern
Intrict North Carolina Held in Ital
ei;;h first Monday in June and last Mon
day in November.
II. L. Itond, Circuit Court Jndo ;
n-ideiM-e. Baltimore, Md.
(Jeo. W. Brooks, District Court Judge,
K;item District ; res id. Elizabeth City.
I". S. Marshal,.!. It. Hill; off., Raleigh.
X.J. Hiil. lick. Circuit Court Clerk;
i:n-c, Kaleih.
KASTKKN WSTUICT COURTS.
F.li7.alth City, third Monday in April
and Vtolr.
Clerk, M. It. Culjppr : resi., KHz.
tr.
XcwIhtii, fourth Moii.'ay in April
and lct'ler.
Clerk,;)l. i:. Tinker; resi.. Newborn.
Wilmington, first Monday after the
f.-iirth Monday in April and October.
Clerk, Win. Irkins; resi., Wilming
ton. Marsha!, J. It. Hill, ollice, Raleigh.
District Attorney, Kit-hard C. I ladder;
risidence. Haleih.
Aostant, W. H. Youdr, Oxford.
v. s. ciRcriT (h)i;rt wksterx dist
H. L. Itind,lT. S. Circuit Court Jude,
lialtimore, Md.
Kolrt P. Dick, U. S. District Jude,
Ve.-iern District ; resi., ireensbon.
KoluTt M. Douglas, '. S. Marshal;
of.ji c, Greensboro.
Circuit and District Courts in the
Western District are held at tho same
time.
reensloro, first Monday in April
and Octoler.
Clerk, John W. Payne; re i., tireens
lnro. Statesville, third Monday in April and
t otober.
Clerk, Henry C. Cowles; resi., States
ville. Asheville.first Monday after the fourth
Monday in April and October.
Clerk, K. H. Hampton; vesi., Asho
tille. Virgil S. Lu.sk; U. S. District Attor
ney; residence, Asheville.
Assistant, W. S. Ball, (ireensboro.
Supreme Court.
Richmond M. Pearson, or Vadkin.Chief
Justice.
Edwin O. Reado.of Person, Asso. Justice.
Win. It. Rodman, Beaufort, "
W. P. Bynum, Mecklenburg,"
Thomas Settle, Gniironl, " 44
Tazewell I. nar-rove,orGranviIIe, Re
porter. W. H. Bagley, of Wake, Clerk.
D.'A. Wieker, of Wake, Marshal.
Meets in Raleigh on the first Monday
in January and June.
Snperior Courts
Samuel W. Watts, Judge Sixth Judi
cial District; residence, Fraukliuton.
J. C. L. Harris, Solicitor, Raleigh.
Wake County Government
Commissioners Solomon J. Allen,
Chairman; Wm, Jinks, A. G. Jones.
Wm. D. Turner J. Robert Nowell.
Sheriff S. M. Dunn.
Superior Court Clerk Ino. N. Bunting.
Treasurer David Lewis.
Register of Deeds W. W. White.
Coroner James M. Jones.
Surveyor N. J. Wbitaker.
Citjr Government.
Mayor J. H. Separk.
Aldermen Firxt WardJ.is. McKee,
John Armstrong, II. J. Ilamill. Second
U'irdJ. J. Nowell, W. H. Martin,
Stewart Ellison. Third Ward P. F.
Pescud, Jr., John C. Itlake. Win. C.
Stronach, R. II. Bradley. J. C. R. LUtle.
Fourth Ward II. C. Jones, James II.
Jones, James H. Harris. Fifth Ward
P. C. Fleming, J. Itullin William-, R.
H. Jones.
Trejusurer Leo. D. Heartt.
Clerk and Collector (Jeorgo H. Wil
liams.
Chief Police B. C. Manlv.
P0ET11Y.
Over the Way.
Over the way, over the way,
I've seen a head that's fair and gray ;
I've seen kind eyes not new to tears,
A form ot grace though full of years!
Her fifty summers have left no
I, a youth of twenty-three.
So love this lady, fair to see,
I watit her for a mother-in-law.
Over the way, over the way,
I've seen her with the children play;
I've seen her with a royal grace
Before the mirror adjust her lace ;
A kinder woman none ever saw ;
liod bless and cheer her onward path,
And bless all treasures that she hath,
And let her be my mother-in-law.
Over the way, over the way,
j I think I'll venture, dear, some day
I (If you will lend a helping hand,
I And sanctify the scheme I've planned),
i I'll kneel in loving, reverent awe,
Down at the lady's feet, and say :
"I've loved your daughter many a day
Please, won't you be my mother-in-law
?"
POLITICAL.
The Convention in Morth Carolina.
enforcing, in tho States, tliu guar
anties ;.' 1 he Federal Con.stilution
relating to individual rights of a
municipal character, was fully un
derstixKl :.:id considered. It
prompied tin- requirement of addi
tional i.araiiticsin the organic law
of the States themselves. But the
great difficulty foreseen on the one
side, ami calculated upon on the
other, was the liability of the State
Constitutions to le changed. This
point has been kept steadily in view
by the Southern opponents of recon
struction, as their leading hope of
deliverance from what they believe
to be. oppression ty the Federal
GaveVnlnent.
.That the issue between the recon
structed States and the national
Government might be thus raised,
has been, all the time, foreseen by
thinking men, and the fear of its
const'quences has been a source of
painful apprehension. It was hoped,
however, that circumstances might
defer it long enough for the popular
sentiment of those States to become
so far reconciled as to greatly di
minish the danger to be appre
hended. But impatience of the
situation and a disposition to pre
cipitate the issue, were early mani
fested. North Carolina seems to
have been selected, from the first,
as the State in which the general
movement should be initiated. It
is true, her present Constitution
was admitted to have few features
obnoxious to just complaint, and,
on the whole, to compare favorably
with the best and most conservative
in the whole Union. But her peo
ple, of all the Southern States,
were supposed to be the least liable
to be suspected of extreme purposes
in opposition to the Federal au
thority, and, perhaps, best fitted to
proceed by solidly effective, rather
than impulsive and ostentatious
steps. The initiatory having been
taken, it was well supposed that
others might follow, with less dan
ger of arousing, in the start, the
fears of the Northern people, and
with less likelihood of provoking
remedial legislation under the
power conferred by the Thirteenth
and Fourteenth Amendments.
North Carolina was admitted to
representation under its new Con
stitution, in 18G8. In 1870, during
theKuklux terrorism, a Legislature
was elected inimical to the recon
struction measures. In the canvass
preceding this election, nothing
had been said before the people re
garding the call of a Convention.
The existing Constitution of the
State required a two-thirds vote in
each branch of the legislature, to : serious moment that it has always
After this manifest aversion of
the people to interfering with the
Constitution, it was generally un
derstood that the attempt was
abandoned in North I arolina, and
that the initiatory of the anti-reconstruction
programme was to be
transferred to some other State.
Consequently, in the canvass and
election in 1874, nothing was said,
either upon the husting or by the
press, of any further purpose to
amend the Constitution. But the
Legislature elected was democratic
by two-thirds in each House. As
soon as t lie result of the general
fall elections of 1874 at the North
became kt.own, the anti-reconstruction
leaders seemed to take new
courage, and began to talk of call
ing a convention in North Carolina
by the Legislature, and that, too,
without submitting the call to a
popular vote. Many of the ablest
and more moderate leaders, in let
ters and in articles over their own
signatures, published in the Demo
cratic papers of the State, expressed
their disapproval of the proceeding.
They urged, among other reasons,
that the people were not apprised
of such a purpose previous to the
election of the Legislature. But
so intent were the ultra leaders,
and so encouraged by the fall elec
tions, that a bill, calling a conven
tion to amend the Constitution, was
introduced in the Legislature at an
early day after it convened on the
third Monday in November, 1S74.
This bill was allowed to be post
poned until after the adjournment
of Congress on the 4ih of March,
1875, and no concealment was made
of the fact that such postponement
was induced, from fear that the Ite
publican Congress might take some
precautionary action on the subject.
Shortly after the adjournment of
Congress the bill was taken up, and
passed by the required two-thirds
vote in each House, calling a con
vention to meet in September, 187o,
and ordering an election for dele
gates to be held on the first Thurs
day in August preceding.
In this whole proceeding there
are some features of a remarkable
character. The people, as late as
1871, had refused, by a large majori
ty, to allow a convention to be
called. Those intent on amending
the Constitution had, notwithstand
ing such refusal, proposed eighteen
amendments, ten of which the peo
ple had rejected by electing mem
bers to the succeeding Legislature
opposed to them. Nothing wassaid
in the election of 1S74 of a still en
tertained purpose to call a conven
tion ; and yet the members then
elected to the Legislature have
proceeded to force it on the people
without even submitting the ques
tion, as was done in 1871. The as
sembling of a convention to alter
the Constitution of a State has,
heretofore, been regarded as of so
either in the public prints or upon the
hustings, or even in the public dis
cussions of the Legislature. The
people are blindly led or driven,
and each citizen is inquiring of his
neighbor, what is meant to be done
when the convention shall meet. It
seems to be a secret well preserved
among the initiated leaders, and
which cannot be safely divulged to
the prudent and more cautious
masses. It would seem to be due
the people in order that they might
consider it in their selection of dele
gates, and especially should they
have this opportunity, inasmuch as
the convention has been called
without consulting or notifying
them. It would seem to be difficult
for the people to vote understand
ing for delegates to represent their
wishes, when the objects of the
election are not divulged. The
most they could possibly do, un
derstanding!', under such circum
stances, would be to elect delegates
pledged to do nothing at all.
But really the whole matter is
tacitly understood. Notwithstand
ing ill-disguised pretences of dis
claimer, the air is full of the pur
poses in view. By some means or
other, direct or otherwise, the na
tional policy of reconstruction, so
far, at least, as regards equally of
political rights, is to be thwarted;
and, in order to do so, certain pro
visions of the present Constitution
must be stricken out, and other
carefully prepared provisions in
serted. The old regime is to bore
stored. The political power of the
State is to be given back and secur
ed, for all time, into the hands of
the class that ruled in the days of
slavery. The convention is to meet
on the 6th day of next September
and proceed to its work.
There has seldom been a more
adroitly planned revolution, or a
better laid scheme to smother the
will of a people sick of strife and
anxious to avoid further collision
with superior authority.
Elevating the emancipated slaves
to the position of entire civil and
political equality with tho whites,
was considered by many good
thinking men of the North as, at
least, questionable. But, tinder the
theory and form of this Govern
ment, there seemed to be no mid
dle ground between slavery, on the
one hand, and freedom, with all its
incidents, on the other. A large
class of citizens, comprising not less
than four millions, could not well
bo suffered in a Itepublic, to be
held by another class in a condi
tion of semi-vassalage. Congress
decided wisely, or otherwise, to con
tion. Their ideas against the dig
nity of manual labor in the fields
have entered into their estimate
of individual character and of social
standing. From their point of
view, necessity as well as their so
cial arrangements, seem to require
that tho negroes be held to the po
sition of field laborers, and gen
erally to the performance of servile
duties. In so far as the negro is re
lieved, these burdens must fall upon
the whites, with whatever of de
gradation may attach. The recon
struction policy breaks down all
barriers against full and free com
petition on the part of the colored
race for landed proprietorship, for
personal self-assertion in daily in
tercourse, for official authority, and
indeed, for all things that enter into
the strifes and emulation of individ
uals in the common walks of life.
They do not believe the two races
can live together in peace under
such conditions, nor indeed, under
any other condition than that of the
recognized and accepted superior
ity of the one, and subordination of
the other, based fundamentally on
color. And, in the present state of
public sentiment, individuals in the
South are ready, under all circum
stances, to maintain this' relation of
the races by violence on the spot.
There is also much in the person
al characteristics and in the condi
tion and general habits of thought of
the emancipated slaves to give force
to these views and assumptions of
the dominant race. They were not
brought up to habits of providence
and thrift. They are ignorant, and
generally shiftless. From the ef
fects of long slavery they have be
come almost devoid of self-assertion
and self-reliance, and when pro
voked to it, upon occasion, it is
generally intemperate and boister
ous, and rather calculated to pro
duce derision than respect. The
surrounding circumstances neces
sarily compel the blacks to sep
arate association, giving the appear
ance of combination against the
whites. They are by nature and
education docile and inclined to de
pendence singularly free from re
sentment, and, in collisions with
white men, generally wanting in
readiness to resist violence with vi
olence. Placed among men who
esteem the reverse of these charac
teristics as the test of honor, and
as essential co entitle even one an
other to consideration, they are
naturally held to be unfitted for
the equal participation in govern
ment, to which the reconstruc
tion policy has elevated them.
Errors and maladministration in
legislation, with tho present &tate
Constitutions changed in some) par
ticulars and carefully ' modeled In
others, it is not supposed to bo dif
ficult to hold tho negroes under the
control and domination olj the
whites. It can be done by legisla
tion more or less direct, and by tho
manner of administering laws based
upon distinct conditions applicable
mainly to one raco and not tjo tho
other. Should such laws bear hard
ly upon whites, in exceptional cases,
this may be met by alternative
penalties and by latitude of discre
tion vested injudicial and ministe
rial officers. Protection to Justice
and liberty afforded by laws, Is de
pendent more upon their adminis
tration than upon either tho letter or
spirit of the laws themselves. Laws
palpably and violently in conflict
with the feelings and prejudices of
any considerable community,' are
seldom executed there with enough
efficiency to be of any avail. But
laws made and executed by a domi
nant class, for the oppression or sub
ordination of a weaker classl sel
dom fail of being so executed as to
attain the end in view. The Na
tional Government wik not find it
easy to thwart this mode oJf pro-
4
ceeding when the judicial ant
min
isterial officers of the States, are no
longer trammelled by the State
Constitutions.
Representation may be so appor
tioned, and the conducting oi elec
tions so arranged as to secure jto tho
dominant class tho legislative
branch of the State govern
ments. The election of Governor,
of judges, and of magistrates,
may be taken from the people and
given to the Legislature, 'fiio ap
pointment of sheriffs, constables,
and clerks may be given jo the
magistrates. In North Carolina
this would be but a return
old laws of that State. The
to the
wji I li
fer upon the emancipated slaves the j government resulting from other
full rights of citizenship. That the
practical operation of such a meas
ure might have to be enforced by
the National Government, in the
States, and even against the States,
was apprehended. In order to put
the power to enforce it, beyond all
question, the Fourteenth and Fif-
(EX-SKNATOll rOOl,.)
l ulted Stale Internal Ilerenue.
I. J. Young, Collector Fourth District,
otlice, Raleigh.
P. W. Perry, Supervisor Carol ina,
Ac, otVn-e, Raleigh.
i'harles Perry, Assistant Siqervisor,
Raleigh.
.Mint.
P.raneh Mint of the U. S. at Charlotte.
(rrriinieut or IVortu Carolina
KXECUTIVK DEPARTMENT.
Curti II. Rrogden.of Wayne, Governor.
John i;. Neathery, Private Secretary.
R- P. Arnitield, of Iredell, Lieutenant
iovernor, aud President of the Senate.
V-H. Howerton.of Rowan, Sec of State.
Iav!(J A. Jenkins, of Gaston, Treasurer.
A I. Jenkins, Teller.
Honald V. Ilin, Chief Clerk.
Johu Reilly, of Cuuiterland, Auditor.
Win. p. WVlherell, Chief Clerk.
S. I. Pool, ,,f ( raven, Supt. of Public
Instruction.
John C. Gorman, nf Wake, Adj. Oen'ral.
T. Is. Hargrove, of Granville, Alt. Gen
W. C. Kerr, Mtvklenburg, State Geolo-
Tho. R, Purnell, of Foray the, Llbra'n.
Henry M. Miller, ot Wake, lv'eejerof
the Capitol.
OOVERXOR'8 COUNCIU
The Secretary 1' State, Treasurer,;
Auditor and Supt. or Public Instrucfn.
Institutions
The University of North Carolina la
at Chapel Hill. The Institution for the
Dear and Dumb and the Blind ; the In
Kane Asylum and the State Penitentiary
are at Raleigh. 4
r . - . : . j .
Hoard of Education
The Governor, Lieutenant Oorernor,
The second phase of reconstruc
tion, from the first anticipated by
thinking men, is now about to be
inaugurated by the call of a Con
vention in North Carolina to amend
the State Constitution.
The white ruling classes of the
South accepted the emancipation of
the slaves, as an expected and rea
sonable result of the failure of the
rebellion. But the political equal
ity of their former slaves, embracing
the full rights of citizenship, to be
enforced by the national Govern
ment, was not expected ; nor has
its practical enforcement been wil
lingly acquiesced in at any time.
Unlawful resistance to its enforce
ment has caused disorder iu the
South to such an extent as to keep
back immigration and capital, and
to otherwise paralyze all industries
and cnterprizes. This resistance
has been continued contrary to the
forms as well as the spirit of the
laws, in the face of the intently
disastrous effects upon the peace
and material interests of those
States. Jt has been kept up with a
distinct and reasonable hoje that
the time would come, when it
might be made effectual under the
forms of local law, and the recon
struction measures practically nul
lified without further resort to local
violence.
The southern mind haa been in
tent on maturing the best means of
accomplishing this result, and to it
has been dirtcted all the sagacity
and statesmanship of the secession
leaders. , .v
The Congress of tho United
call a Convention. But this Legis
lature, by a majority vote in each
hoiife, attempted to evade the re
quirement by submitting to a vote
of the people a proposition for as
sembling a Convention, and they
provided for the electionr at the
same time, of delegates to consti
tute and hold the Convention, in
case a majority of votes should be
cast for the " proposition. Thus
within a little over two years from
the approval by Congress of the re
constructed Constitution, and before
time had been allowed to test its
provisions, was an impatient at
tempt precipitated to undo the work
of reconstruction. But the people
of the State voted down the propo
sition by a large majority.
Notwithstanding this, the same
Legislature, at its subsequent ses
sion, by the required vote of three
fifths, proposed for submission to
the ieople eighteen several articles
of amendment to the Constitution.
It will be boroo in mind, that, in
the canvass for the election of this
Legislature, nothing had been said
about amending the Constitution,
either by the candidates or by the
press. The people-had no intima
tion that such a purpose was enter
tained. But, these eighteen pro
posed articles required to receive a
vote of two-thirds of each house in
the succeeding Legislature before
they could be constitutionally sub
mitted to the' popular vote. The
succeeding Legislature was, there
fore, elected , partly upon the issue
of these amendments. , When it as
sembled, but eight of the eighteen
received the ' required two-thirds
vote; aiid' those were insignificant
and in nowise' conflicted with re
construction. These eight ' were
submitted, tp.the people in 1S73 and
adopted by a majority vote.
been deliberately discussed and ma- j teenth Amendments were adopted,
conferring such power in express
terms. Asa further security and
precaution, however, the Consti
tutions of the States, about to be
reconstructed, were required to be
remodeled, and then submitted to
Congress for scrutiny and approval.
It was so well understood that'iione
would be approved which might
contain any provision likely to con
flict with the reconduction policy,
that the Constitutions, then framed
by those States, not only did not con
tain any such provisions but did
contain provisions so directly
auxiliary to the enforcement of
that policy, that their State courts
would be bound to enforce it. Hence,
now arises the necessity of amend
injr those Constitutions so. as to un-
trammel the State courts and officers,
and to leave or authorize the State
Legislatures to adopt such measures,
evasive in terms or in purport,, di
rectly or indirectly, of the Four
teenth and Fifteenth Amendments,
as shall fix the civil and political
status of the negroes in accordance
with Southern views and supposed
interests, industrial and otherwise.
The Southern view of what is
commonly called the " negro ques
tion," as entertained by the anti
reconstruction leaders, is distinct
and definite. They believe the
white race entitled to rule, and that
the negroes should occupy, at least,
a well-deline, subordinate position.
The pride of race and the odium of
former slavery they beleive to be
something more than mere senti
ment. Their education, habits of
thought, and social arrangements
have' all been based upon the
subserviency of the negro. Their
labor system on the . plantations
seems to them indispensable, to any
thing like remunerative' produc-
turelv weighed iong in advance,
not only upon the hustings and in
the public press, but in the social
circles of theedueated and wealthy
and around the humble firesides of
the poor and f illiterate. To call a
convention that may uproot and
change the organic law, with no
more ceremony and previous no
tice than is observed in the most in
significant act of legislation, is a
serious novelty in American poli
tics. But when such extraordinary
and restltts action is taken in the
face of the recently expressed -will
of the people, it may well excite
alarm as concealing a purpose of no
ordinary import. In 1SG1 the Leg
islature submitted to the people a
proposition to call a convention to
consider the nut-stion of s?eeession.
The people voted it down then, as
in 1871. But the Legislature, not
withstanding the expressed will of
the people, proceeded, as in 1874, to
call the convention peremptorily,
which passed the secession ordi
nance. The analogy 'is not with
out its significance. But the most
remarkable feature in the 'present
proceeding is, that no particular
changes in the Constitution are sug
gested, and no definite object is
openly avowed. Whenever a con
vention has been proposed at any
time, in any State, heretofore, the
evils sought to be remedied by
amendments to the organic law,
have been stated distinctly, and the
remedy to be applied as distinctly
suggested. The act calling the con
vention of 1S35 in North Carolina
distinctly set forth every subject to
be considered byf that ,bdy, and
the act was first submitted to the
people for ratification. In the pres
ent proceeding neither the evil
nor the remedy has been set forth,
causes are attributed alone to their
participation. The policy which
h;rs brought them in is held to be
the cause of all bad government in
the Southern States since the war.
Tothiscause,likevvise,are attributed
the continued poverty, prostration
in business, and tho disorders that
prevail. The disruption of the
old established order of things, the
destruction of property, the waste of
means, and all the natural results
of civil war are lightly estimated.
Negro suffrage and negro equality
are blamed for all that is bad or un
fortunate. No remedy is seen, but
to set aside the policy of reconstruc
tion. -
It Is generally believed by the
anti-reconstructionists that the
future prosperity of the South, as
well as the maintenance cf peace
and order between the raees, re
quire the negroes to be held in a
decidedly subordinate postion, bor
dering, in the main, upon that of
appendages to the plantations.
However much or prejudice, or
pride of race, may enter into , this
judgment, it is not wholly unsu3
tained by considerations of domestic
and municipal conveniences and by
local and social conditions, it is
not prompted by hostility to the
National Government, nor mainly
by any lingering feelings of resent
ment because of emancipation. It
is deep seated, and it is consciefi
tiousiy and thoughtfully entertain
ed -by many jinen of reflection and
forecast.
But how,f can such a result be
brought about, in view of the Four
teenth and Fifteenth Amendments
and of the position assumed, up to
this time, by the National Govern
ment? In the first place, it is
hoped that the , Govern men t may
recede from its position,' and
that Congress may not be brought
to adopt, from, time to time, , such
remedial legislation as , may ,be
rendered necessary to repress the
efforts of the States, under the
forms of local laws, to manage this
domestic affair of .theirs in their
own way. In the absence of u?h
ping post may be restored, and the
punishment inflicted for inlnor
crimes, followed by civil and politi
cal disability thereafter, as was for
merly the law in that State. Such
a law might, in its executisn, be
made not to operate on the whites
by providing the alternative pun
ishment of fine, In the discretion of
the magistrates. The jury system
may be so modeled as to practical
ly exclude colored men. Too rig
orous execution of harsh criminal
ibitual
be so
laws upon one class and ha.
leniency to the other, may
managed as to subordinate and de
grade to the verge of slavery.
But vagrant laws, and apprentice
laws, and laws regulating th6 obli
gation and enforcement of labor
contracts, are most relied upon. It
is easy to see the condition to which
the emancipated slaves migJit be
brought, bylaws defining vagrancy
and imposing upon it tho penalty
of selling into servitude of greater
or less duration by subjecting
those contracted to service to sum
mary punishment beforo Ioca mag
istrates for failure to work diligent
ly vesting the employer with au
thority to compel service and to ar
rest and bring back his runaway
hands, imposing penalties onlothers
for employing or harboring such
runaways, or for employing those
discharged for alleged remissness or
failure to render satisfactorily the
contracted service, thus forcing
them into vagrancy binding out
tho children of vagrants binding
out children for alleged misconduct,
bad character, or poverty of parents
and, indeed, by all the manifold
devices which ingenuity, sharpened ;
by interest and unrestrained by
public sentiment, might suggest.
Add to this, either a legal require
ment or a general understanding
among land holders and others, that
none shall be given employment
who may refuse to enter into the
regular labor contracts required by
law. With the execution of such
a system in the hands of a class fit
ted for it by the Habits and ideas of
slavery times, with interest to
prompt, and old prejudices and
customs to justify, how much of
civil and political equality would be
left to be complained of by the
South, or claimed in honor of the
statesmanship and wisely directed
humanity of the North ? J
Color is now socially and prac
tically a class distinction : in the
South. It is made more distinct by
illiteracy, poverty and habits of
personal deference. It is a line
physically manifest, incapable of
concealment, and runs from genera-
tion to generation, unmistakably,
by hereditary.descent. Classes and
castes which prevail in Asiatic and
.European governments, -are no
where defined .by such distinctive
features. If fully established,' with
well-defined political and civil in-