THE EM r
V IlliPUlU.lCAN WKKKIiY NKWS
A!'l-:i:-TIIK CENTRAL. OUUAN
tK TIM-: PARTY.
W. M. 18KOWN, Manager.
nru kv r the North Carolina ltok
.i..iv, (irn-r Fuycttovillo ami Mor
.-in streets, lii Ml door south of the State
ll.uw.
TiA-rRS OF SUJISCKUTJOX:
mo year, - - - j - $2 10
Six month-, - - - - 1 0.
Three months, --iy
Invariably is Advaxce.'
THE ERA.
THURSDAY, JULY 1", 157.".
I ; tracts I ruin the Wstt;rn Ad
dress. (hi the lt day f January, Ifvd,
tin- Weste rn im-mln'M of the (ien
, , , Assembly of North Carolina,
without distinction of party, issued
ui address to the people of the
!.it', from which we make the fol
lowing tracts :
Your Hill of Bights says "That
tlt political power is vested in and
,1, lived from the jeople only.11 Is
,..,wtT in the Senate of North Caro-
lcrivilfromthe44;eo;; only"
I it not 1k said that taxation and
,,'pnntation go hand in hand.
That principle has no application
h. iv. It is true that our ancestors
t ,!iiit tlu' hat ties of the Revolution
upon tin- principle that they were
to lw taxed by a body in which
ih. v were not represented. But
w'h" represented ? certainly the
. ,.ph th-o who paiil the taxes
the taxes themselves. Our an-,,bi-
never claimed that their
.tv should be represented.
Tlii-y rfaimed, and justly ton, that
,, i-uuU be representee!. In the
,n;ite, property is represented and
mil !h' , ; and the same princi
ple whie-n prompteel our ancestors
p, that ghiriems contest, and sus
tained" them in it, which terminat
,, in the' achievement of our Liber
ties shoulel prompt us te war
:e'iin-'t this most odiems anti-Ke-publicau
remnant of f'iilal nri-tec-,
v I'V which the people are taxed
by -i ImmIv " which they are not
Hpi"eenteel.
Applv the principleaml see its in-,
ju-tice." Ten men in any one coun
iv, own as much preqierty anil pay
i.'-'niiii li public tax as live hundred
i,,.-m in anether county. They all
i.wn the same sjKvies of pruperty.
r.u h of the live hundred is equally
mteriMed in the preservation of his
little ini: as either of the ten.
I i ( 1 1 one h.i perhaps made it by
the labor Ins hands, by the sweat
,,l ,i- bnv. It is all he has, by
mean- of which to maintain and
provnie lor his family. It is the
.lepeiideni e oi his children for edu
cation for sustenance. And yet,
by the present system, the ten are
.'pul to the live- huunred. Is this
justice? Is this Liberty V Let war
break out-let civil commotion
ari-e, whose lives are exposed for
I he protection of this property?
WhoareMtit forth to fight the bat-th-
of vonr country? The live
hundred go forth le light the battles
oi vour country; to vindicate its
honor; to maintain its glory ; leav
ing their wives and little ones to
tni!e on in poverty and indi
gence: while the ten stay at home,
enjoy their wealth, and bo;ist of the
honor and glory of their couu try,
ihehraverv, the freedom, and equal
iiv of its "citizens. Save us from
Mu h freedom save us from such
t.piatitv? Jt is no freedom it is no
quality. It is downright tyranny
tyranny in its most odious form.
The lew grinding into the dust the
many, under the iron heel of power
power under the pretence of be
ing derived from 4the peopleonly.' "
v
-l'ropertv has no lights indepen
dent ol persons. You can give it no
ri - hts, nor privileges, nor immuni
lu which affect it alone. It is
matter, and cannot feel nor enjoy
ri-ht-, but in consequence of its
posM --iou, von may give its owner
Political power anil privileges. If,
i hen, vou prefect citizens in the en
jovment of property, is not the pos-M--.-oref
hundreds equally entitled
to protection as the owner of thou
sands? Is his enjoyment the less?
lovou measure enjoyment by J he
qtiantitv enjoyed? Suppose you
Mkefrom the rich man his thousands
it is only his alt. If you take from
Hie poor man Ids hundreds it is hi
e v t,Hi. Which will cling to his all
with the more pert i rarity ?
Which will surround it with
nmn. ,ni!riU ? use it lmre spar
ingly ; :md more carefully pro
vide that it shall not be consumed;
bv profuse and lavish expenditures
oi government? It is notorious that
the poor complain most of high
t ims, and it is natural ; itis harder
lot -them to pay them, ltdimin
idi.s the aggregate of each more,
although the amount taken away is
1. s-, ami every poor man liopes and
ep, cls te improve his condition,
ind one day to becotw rich.
Heme it i in Western North
Carolina we are more interested
in the preservation of slave
proiHTty; lecause? altluugh wo
mav have fewer slaves, we have
niofe slave aimer; and, of course,
: greater number of persons to
watch overbuy agaressiou upon it.
The same is true of land. We have
more land owners, and owners of
everv other secies of property;
and 'fewer of that class of persons
who have nothing te eijoy, and
nothing to protect or dtfend, buti
their rights of person.
To connect together the people of
thegtate in onecommon bjnd of in
terest, it is only necessary that they
should mssess the samykind.of
Property, and that taxeshould be
jjirect ani unform. indirect taxes
are seldom reprfjsent'ati'ps of . tlie
wealth of thp communly where
they are collectec?. The imount of
public revenue collectecl'in the city
of New York is no sure est of the
wealth of that city. And many of
our taxes are indirect, aid furnish
no index of the weajth of the coun
ties in which they are pall.
It is idle, then, tosaiyoumust
fiv innrn ttrtlitipnl WMrhfc trt the
rich than tho poor the owner of
4l. a m mm L - ft . a m
inousamts man uie owrcr oi nun
VOL. V.
dreJs. A thousand owners of any
particular species of property will
afford it much more effectual pro
tection than one owner of the same
amount and species, underany form
of government that would be toler
ated for a moment, in a free coun
try." . . -
Perciulinans County Republi
can Convention.
A County Convention of the Re
publicans of Perquimans county,
composed of delegates from each
township, was held in the court
house in Hertford, on Wednesday,
Jane SOth, 1875.
The Convention was called to or
der by Jno. II. Cox, Chairman Rep.
Co. Ex. Cora., and on motion, Col.
1). McD. Lindsey was calieu to tne
Chair, and II. II. Griffin and Jacx)b
White appointed secretaries.
Tho obiect of the meetincr was ap
propriately explained by the Chair
man.
On motion, a committee of one
from each township was appointed
on credentials, to-wit: Henry
White. K. Peele. S. E. Ensworth.
J. A. Faulk and Frank Duke.
On motion of E. A. White, a com
mittee of five were appointed on
resolutions, viz : E. A. White, J.
II. Cox, J. Q. A. Wood, Nathan
Reed and Wm. Overton. .
The committee on credentials re
ported each township represented.
The committee- on resolutions
submitted the following, which
were unanimously adopted : ......
Whereas, the last Legislature
forced npon the people a Constitu
tional Convention in -direct viola
tion of time-honored precedents by
failing to obtain the peopled sanc
tion or any expression of their will
in the premises ; therefore,
Jieolvedt 1. That we see no neces
sity for any alteration of the organic
law of the State by a Convention
as proposed and request our dele
gate to secure the speediest adjourn
ment of the Convention, consistent
with the preservation of all the
rights and liberties contained in
that instrument.
The second resolve declares tho
Convention unnecessary, unwise
and dangerous to the rights of the
people.
The third, that the restrictions
contained in the act are not, and
never have been, regarded as bind
ing by thinking men.
The fourth, that the Democratic
leaders have disregarded the will
of the people as expressed in 1871.
The tilth favors amendments by
the legislative method.
The sixth, that forgetting all past
differences, the Republicans of Per
quimans county will make common
cause and press onward to victory.
The chair announced that nomi
nations were in order, whereupon,
Hon. J. W. Albertson, Willis Bag
ley, Esq., and J. Q. A. Wood, Esq.,
were put in nomination. J. Q. A.
Wood, in a few pertinent remarks,
withdrew his name. The conven
tion then balloted, and the Hon. J.
W. Albertson having received a
majority on the first ballot, was
then declared the nominee. On
motion, the nomination was made
unanimous.
On motion, a committee of three
were appointed to inform Judge
Albertson of his nomination, and
request his attendance. In a short
time Judge A. came forward, and
iu a spirited and appropriate man
ner thanked the convention for the
honor conferred, and accepted the
nomination in a well-timed speech
of more than an hour, sustaining
the great principles of the Repub
lican party, and dealing the enemy
hard blows, bringing down the
audience in frequent applause.
Eoud calls were then made for
Willis Ragley, Esq., who came for
ward and entertained the vast aud
ience in a lengthy address, denounc
ing the Convention as uncalled for,
expensive and detrimental to our
best interests. The speaker closed
amid deafening applause.
On motion, J. II. Cox, Thomas
Lindsey, J. Q. A. Wood, E. A.
White aud Joseph Overton, were
appointed Executive Committee
for the county.
On motion, ordered that the pro
ceedings be published in the km
and North Carolinian.
Thanks having been tendered the
chairman and secretaries, on mo
tion, the convention adjourned with
three cheers for tho nominee.
D. McD. LINDSEY, Ch'n,
Jacoj White, ) Scc's.
II. II. Gkiffin, J
Wilmington Gerrymander.
OriNiox or Robsian, J.
State cx rel. Van Bokclen, et al.t v&.
Can aily, et als.
I concur in tho judgment of tho Court.
Jlut as I eauuot concur in some of the
reasons of the majority, as expressed by
Justice Keade, it is proper to state
wherein I difTer from my Associates,
and my reasons for the difference :
1. I concur in thinking that the Leg
islature has no right to require a resi
dence of ninety days in the city of Wil
mington, as a qualification of voters in
a city election. Much less has it a right
to require supU a length of residence ou
tlre name lot. TUP Constitution requires
as a qualification of. veters, a residence
of twelve months in tho StatP, and of
thirty days within tho county, where
they offer to vote. It says nothing about
residence in a city, as a necessary qual
ification to voto in a city election. It
must be conceded, however, that no per
son can vote at a city election unless he
resides in tho city at the time he offers
to vote.
I think also, that it is within the power
of the Legislature to require as a qnali-
' . '" "'. ' ' ':''
RALEIGH,
fi ication that the votr shll have resided
for a reasonable time within, the city
There can be no reason why every
person (otherwise qualified,) who actu
ally and bona fide resides in a municipal
ity, te it a State; county, township or
city, at the time he offers to vote there
in, should not be allowed to vote. But
it is also reasonable to require that the
bona fide and intended permanency of
tho residence shall be clearly proved,
and thi can be best done by showing
that It has existed for a time long
enough reasonably to creato the pre
sumption of good faith and permanency.
This time, the Constitution has fixed
as to counties, at thirty days. And the
rule is equally applicable to cities if tho
Legislature think proper to apply it.
The Legislature may shorten the time
which will create the presumption of
good faith and permanency, but they
catfnot extenel it beyond what the Con
stitution says shall ho sufficient for that
purpose. If tliey can extend the time
beyond thirty days, there is no limit.
As a ward of a city has no separate
government or interest distinct from
that of the city, there would seem to bo
no reason in requiring any lime of resi
dence in a certain ward, as a qualifica
tion for voting for city officers, as dis
tinct from ward officers, if there be any
I such.
But to require that the Voter shall
have resided for any definite time on
the same lot, evidently makes a dis
qualification which can find no sanction
in the Constitution, or in justice or rea
son. In large cities most. of the inhabi
tants are boarders or tenants. Uuder
the Act we are considering, if a voter
should leave a hotel for another, or if
his lease should expire and he should
remove to another residence in the same
city, within ninety days before an elec
tion, he would he disqualified. It can
not be necessary to say moro btr this
part of the case, except to observe that
the act was enacted only about forty
days before the election.
2. I also agree with the majority of
the Court iu its view of that part of the
act which requires voters, before being
registered, and also if challenged, be
fore voting, to prove their qualifications
by witnesses personally knotcn to the
registrars and poll-holders. '
These officers are in a certain sense
judges. The registrar' (to confine my
self to himi) must' be satisfied or the
qualifications of a-voter before register
ing him, by: the same rules of evidence
vhich apply to other judges of facts,
and an action would be against him if
after reasonable preof of qualification
ho should maliciously refuse to register
a person entitled to registration. No
doubt the Legislature may enact gen
eral '.laics admitting or disqualifying
certain classes nt witnesses, but its pow
er cannot be; unlimited in this respect.
I conceive it has no right to enact a rule
of evidence for a particular casa; or to
impose such qualifications on witnesses
as practically leave tho admission of the
evidence to the arbitrary opinion of the
Judge, without liability to review ; or
to make the competency of witnesses
in a particular class or cases depend
ent on a mere accident, and independ
ent of any rule professing oven to lie
founded in reason. What could bo said
for a law which made the competency
of a witness in all cases, or in any par
ticular class of cases, for example, on
trials 'for murder, to' depend upon the
irrelevant accident, that the witness
was, or was not, personally known to
the Judge, or jury ; "and which left it in
the discretion of the Judge to admit or
deny his personal acquaintance, a-cont-ing
to his caprice.
Tho injustice and folly of suoh a law
would he o gross, that its validity
would not find an advocate. Yet that
is a part of tho act we are considering.
The right to vote is property, and no
man can be deprived. of it "but by the
law of the land'nill or Rights, s. 17.)
and tho arbitrary will of a registrar or
of a judge is not "the of the land,"
in the well settled meaning of the Bill
of Bights.
The requirement that the witnesses
to tho qualification of a voter shall be
personally known to the registrar, is a
new aud most unreasonable addition to
the qualifications for voters which the
Constitution precvibei, and in uy
opinion U clearly leyond the power of
the Legislature.
3. In the third proposition ef the ma
jority, I do iut concur..
The Constitution gives to the LegU
turo the geueral power of legislation
subject only H certain specified restric
tions. The legislative power includes
aa part of itself the power to creato and
regulato municipal corporations, to pre
scribe what officers there shall be, tho
manner of electing them, (subject, of
course,, to any constitutional provisions,
which may be applicable,) their powers,
Ac. The Legislature may do this by a
special Act for any particular munici
pality, for this power s clearly given by
Art. VII, Sec 1, of the Constitution. In
the power to create and provide, for the
organisation of city, whether this
power be derived from any special pro
v isions of the Constitution, or general
grant of legislative power, it seems to
me, mnst he iucluded the power to di
vide it into wards. See 1 Dillon Mum
corp., sec. 19. This being conceded, I
find nothing in theConstitution which
restrains the legislative power iu its ac
tion on this subject, or requires that the
several wards ; shall be equaL iu area,
population, or taxable property ; pr for
bids that each ward, however unequal
in all of those respects, shall send the
j , I i T - 'T r '1 j r. ,r - , f - -. - " 1 ' '
O. , THIJRSD A Y,
same-number of represehtative to the
city council. It must be admitted that
there is no express restraint on the leg
islative power in these respects. But
it is argued that there is a genaral spirit
or intent to be gathered from the. Con
stitution; to the effect that every voter
shall have an equal weight in electing
public officers, and in the1 government
of the State, or of the subordinate mu
nicipality to which he belongs. It has
been said by some one before, that it is
dangerous to undertake to construe a
constitution ujon what may bo sup
posed to be its general spirit, for
one may be easily misliHl ' by " a
prejwssession as to what that spirit
ought to be, and the results, even
pf the most impartial inquiry into so
uncertain a subject, can never be cer
tain. For my part, I find no indication
of any such general intent, and certain
ly of none which can be applied to
cities and towns, by any admitted rules
of reasoning. '
Art. II, sec G, says that the House of
Representatives sliall be composed of
one hundred and twenty representa
tives, to be elected by tho counties res
pectively, according to their ; popula
tion, and each couidy shall have at least
one rcpresenUittive, although it may
not contain the'requisite ratio of repre
sentation. Section 7 provides how the
ratio of representation shall be as
certained, and how fractions shall
be carried over, with the view of pro
ducing something like an approxi
mation of representation to population.
These provisions are merely directo
ry. They look only to the existing, or
some similar division of the State into
counties. It is left open to the Legisla
ture to creato new countios, as it has
repeatedly done, without any objection
to'its constitutional power to do so. For
aught that I see iu the Constitution, it
might divide the Stato into one hundred
and twenty counties of unequal. area,
population and taxable property, when
each wou'd be entitled to oue represen
tative in tho House. I think this in
stance, without going farther, is suffi
cient to shotv that there is no general
controlling intent in the Constitution
restraining the Legislature from an un
equal distribution of political power.
That this power may be abused for
partisan ends, therecan.be no doubt.
It is iudifierent to me whether in this
case.it has been abused, or not. This
Court has authority to repress an usur
pation of legislative power, but not to
correct a mere abuse of it. For that, tho
Legislature is responsible to tho people
alone. -
It is proper here to notice a position
taken in argument'by the learned coun
sel for the plaintiff, which might seem
to find some countenance in the gener
ality of my expressions, as to tho legis
lative power to create, organize, and
regulate, municipal corporations. The
contention of the learned counsel was,
that the Legislature might itself op
point the municipal officers, and conse
quently, if it allowed theM to be elected,
had an unlimited power to prescribe
the qualifications of the electors. I do
not think that this conclusion fairly
follows, from the concession to the Leg
islature of general legislstivo power
over such corporations. The appoint
ment ol officers, except merely tempora
rily, and for the purpose of organiza
tion, is not properly a part of the legis
lative power. It is not .included under
the general gnu t, and clearly, it is not
elsewhere specifically granted. There
fore, under sec. 37, of the Bill of Bights,
it remains with tho people, that is to
sav, with tho people of tho locality in
which the eifiice is to bo exercised.
From this reasoning my conclusions
are :
1. That tho Legislature may constitu
tionally divide a city into wards un
equal in population, cSrc, and give to
each ward an. equal repiesentation in
the city council.
'1. That it cannot require any qualifi
cation for voters in city elections addi
tional to those required by the Consti
tution for voters in general.
3. It may require a residence of thirty
daj-M wilhin the city beloro voting, as
an assuranco of bona fida residence
within the city at the time or voting.
4. "" Thai the proof of tho qualification
of a voter uannot ho materially other
than U competent under the general
rules of evidence.
I'll) IT OK I Alo
The Infamous Proposition. ,
Rvpry indication ; seems to point
to a precoiieerlei arrangement on
the, mvrt of the revolutionists to at
tempt a complete subvcrsieni of the
people's rights. : Never in our his
tory . lias. there been, fer instance,
such an outrageous and insulting
proiosition to enslave the freemen
of this . State fas: -i contained in the
pnqosal of the Albemarle Jteff&er
to place tho great pvWUegtf of the
elective franchise entirely in the
hands of, the property holders.
Freemen of North Carolina ! What
do you think ? What can you think
of tho men who will, thus coolly and
deliberately plot tho enslavement
of yourselves arid your children ?
The proposition is this and: we
will state it in a plain straightfor
ward manner: If,? by -..-misfortune,
want of I ; employment,1 or other
causes, a poof man should be; unable
to1 pay such a tax as rn,ay he levied
JXTLY 15, 1875.
uj)on -the poll, then he is to lo de
prived of any participation what
ever in any election of either 'State,
wurity, municipal or district offi
cers. ' lie is to have no vote for any
candidate -for-of lice nor ' for any
proposition of a publie character
which maj' be decided by popular
election. -This is the first proposi
tion, and this is enough to damn
in public estimation t he man or set
of men who make it. But the" sum
of infamies is yet to come. What
is it ? While the Register gracious
ly proposes, that if the poor man
should pay his tax on the poll he
may be allowed one vote, it insults
the people of North Carolina with
the further proposition that for
every three hunib'ed dollars' or Jive
hundred dolars1 tcorth of property
vpon which a mwi shall pay a tax
he shall 6e allowed an additional, vote.
Now let us see how this revolu
tionary and insulting proposition
would work ? Suppose, for exam
ple, chat a brainless fop, arriving at
the age of twenty-one years, should
find himself heir to property of the
taxable value of one hundred thou
sand dollars. This fellow, with no
experience in life, and with perhaps
no moral character, would, at any
election, be allowed to cast tito hun
dred votes, while his poor hard
working neighbor, although he may
.be ever so intelligent and industri -ous,
is only entitled to one vote.
Was' such an infernal doctrine ever
before seriously submitted for con
sideration to any portion of the
American peopie? ''
But now comes another feature of
this monstrous proposition ef the
Jlegister, and one which will readi
ly prove to any who may still be in
doubt as" to the aims of the democ
racy in relation to the proposed re
strictions, that no intention to re
gard them exists among any consid
erable portion of that party. In the
act calling the Convention the Dem
ocratic party, with a great parade of
sincerity, adopted what are' known
as several restrictive clauses, one of
which is as follows: "Nor shall
they (members of the Convention)
require or propose any educational
or property qualification for office
or voting." The proposition of the
Register is therefore in direct con
flict with one of the restrictions
imposed by its party, and by which
they succeeded in carrying the
measure through.
We have dwelt thus long upon
this subject, because we believe it
to be fraught with great danger to
the people of the State. It is over
whelming proof that the very exis
tence of a Republican form of gov
ernment in North Carolina is" endan
gered, and unless the people 'arise
up in their might and crush it in its
incipiency, we may have such a
revolution in the State as will shake
all grades of society to its very
foundation. The people are not to
be trifled with. Having tasted the
sweets of liberty in its broadest
sense they will not surrender it at
the bidding of such pampered aris
tocrats as endorse the infamous doc
trines of the Albemarle Register.
Tin: Convention of 1SG8, which
is so much censured and ridiculed
by the so-called learned politicians',
was the first public body in North
Carolina that ever made provision
for a homestead for the husband,for
the wife, and for the widow and
children after the death of the hus
band. Th e Republican party of th is
State did this. But, say the advo
cates of the Convention, we do not
propose to touch the homestead.
Let us see how this is : The Dem
ocratic lawyers, nearly all of whom
are Convention men, made an ear
nest effort to upset the homestead,
on the ground that the constitution
al pre) vision was to "be applied in
the future, and not to operate
against old debts. They said fhey
wanted the people to pay their
debts whether they kept their
homes or not, and they held that
the homestead provision was alto
gether in the future. Bat what did
our Supreme Court say ? It decid
ed, in 1870, that tho homestead was
good against all debts, and there-
fore our people have their home-'
stead. The Convention ma jv in
deed, hot touch the5 homestea'd, but
it can change the Supreme Court and
tch'at then f , Do' not the homestead
men" see that their rights to their
homes himg by !a hatr.WouldJif
l)6x wise in them to 'put their rlftU
in jeopardy by voting for men who
will change their Supreme Court?
Do thej believe that those who tried
..'I.-,.. 'if i ; - j r s - " ! i 4
1 870, are less disposed; to do It now
than tney were tfienr. fcupppse a
Vtew Supreme Cour pr. a partially
new Court, should' 'oonouiet'''a,'ne'w
NO. 4.
Opinion in the place of that' -of
Judge Be:(de Tor it is only ail
Opinion, and hot what is called in
law a decision avp not all the Judg
ments against thcW homesteads' on
the Court dockets ready1 to be enforc
ed? Iepenel upon It, felloW-citl-ssens;
there isia cat in that meal tuli.
"Power is always stealing from the
many to rhe few." You have g(t
your ; homesteads. You are now
safe in yejtrr homes. There is np
danger, unless the Supreme 'Court Is
changed ,Ahit your: homes wilt be
sold: for old debts. Beware how
you trust men who have called a
Convention Without asking your
consent, and who will not promise
you that they will not touch' the
Court. To touch the Court is to
touch anil destroy the homestead !
The same class of men, who, by
intlamatory speeches and incen
diary newspaper articles, urged on
the people in 1SG1 to secession, re
bellion, bloodshed and t ruin, are
now the main advocates of a Con
vention to overturn the Constitu
tion of North Carolina. The people
of the State should forever spurn
these traitors. Tho revolutionists
of 1875 are. no better than the seces
sionists of 1801. In fact, when we
consider the sad experience of the
past fourteen years, we can hut
conclude that tho madmen M ho are
to-day fanning the flames of discord
and revolution .arc 'far worse than
those who plunged us into war with
the government of the United
States. It was then an untried ex
periment. But now, when our
State is working in complete har
mony with the central government ;
when we are living quietly; and
prosperously under a compact sol
emnly agreed to and concurred in
by the people of the State, when
every interest of our citizens ele
mands peace and quiet, to have the
masses of the people inflamed to
the highest pitch of excitement by
designing aud bad men for selfish
considerations, is, in our opinion,
enough to arouse the indignation
of every lover of peace and good
order. ' -
If the present Constitution con
tained, in any of its parts, features
inimical to the great body of the
people, or if it contained any clause
or section under which any portion
of our citizens are oppressed, some
shadow of excuse might exist for
the revolutionary attempt to over
throw it. But it is a fact that can
not be successfully controverted,
that the people were never so free
as at present. ICvery broad and
liberal feature that the good and
true men of all parties have insisted
upon for the last twenty-five years
is embodied in the present organic
law. What then, we ask, is the
cause of these frequent ejemands
for constitutional change? The
answer must be that they proceed
from malcontents and soreheads,
who cannot exist without some
general upheaval. Little do they
care what fate befals the honest
working men of the State,- so they
can fatten and float to the surface.
It is with them now, as it was in
1801, either to rule or ruin." Itis
for the people to arise up in their
might and crush this second attempt
to bring destruction upon us. To
do this they should refuse in every
case to support any man who will
not pledge himself to thwart the
aims of the revolutionists by voting
for an immediate adjournment of
the Convention, and thus settle at
once, and it is hoped for years to
come, the question of constitutional
amendments in North Carolina.
The Wilmington Journal U some
what .excited over the recent decis-,
ion of theSupreme Court in relation
tc the gerrymander of. that city..
After .shewing its, teeth,, in a some
what ridiculous, manner, and de-.
nouneing the highest tribunal of the
State as biased on account of politi
cal opinions, it let the'eat eut of the
bag in the following style :
If argument was needed before
to'show the necessity for changing
the Constitution, that gave birth to
sueh a court, none is needed now.
The issue is now maele up, and it is;
shall all the power in the land be
entrusted to five men calling them
selves the Supreme Court."
yVe call upon, the peaceable and
well-meaning , citizens , of North
Carolina to ( carefully read and
weigh well the words of the Jbur
nal. What do they mean f '; In our
opinion they foreshadow a deliber
ate, purpose on the partOf.the revo
lutionists in case they have a m
jejrity in the coming Convention, to
overturn the, highest juiUcial 'ttitiu',
nat of . the
think? it proper or just, ejr in accord
tmee with law, to rende r a decision
(SEE RATES OF SUIJSC'HIPTI()N
ON THIS PAC1E.)
j:r Jon Work executed at atidr no
tico and in a stylo unsurpassed, tfjy any
similar establishment In the SUte.j
RATES. OF ADVSRTISIN(.
Ouo square, one time, - - f ' 1 00
two times, - - 1
. ; three times, - 2 00
Contract .advertisement i ikon at
proportionately low rates.
favorable to ono of tho mast tyran
nical and 'obnoxious .mcaaureKcvcr
concocted for, the overthrow of the
people's rightsL'Thc'Supreine Court
of North Carolina, that highest
tribunal known toour State system ,
havlrfg among its mrmlxJmsotne of
the best legal , minds known ,(o!
American jurisprudence, is to be,
swept hiiiU hugely bai V.tiy" vl it ucj
of its acknowledged authonty,it has
declared unconstitutional one of the
most detestable plan's to oppress the.
poor and humble man, and to 'place (
all power into 'the hands' of a hion
eyeel aristocracy. i-
But, fellow-citizens, the Supreme
Court of North Carolina hasjbeen
guilty of another thing .which, in
the opinion of such men as flhfw
in the lead of the Journal, consti
tutes an unpardonable tfrinW'lt
has decided that tho Homestead is
gexxl against old debts, and in this
way it has protected the interests of
the poor man against noto-shav'rs
and bloated, purse-proud aristew'rats.
This is the true reason, after all, fr
the base attacks of the Journaf ami
other revolutionary organs.
The people of the State cad ne
plainly discover tho . pro
program me of democracy,
aims are now, as in lstf l,to
turn ovnrv obstacle to their
osed
Its
bver-
mad
.v.... . 1
elesigns upon 'Constitutional 'liber
ty, and if need be, to ptunhv us
again into revolution, ir4 - by so uo
incr. achanco may present itself to
seize upon the reins of govern
ment.
Now that we have been prompteel
by the Journal as te the real
its party intends to enforce,'
arouse up to reneweit energy.
issue
et'us
Yom
every hill and valley let thetdiout
go forth for "Our Conslitutioii as
is ;" and let ushave'eiiwribed
ourbanners the great princii
emboelies.
upon
lcs it
There can be, nor must there bo
ami relaxation of our effort
must win or be crushed itmh
the
iron heel of tyranny and ojprc$ion.
Tin: news from tho Weston. por
tion of North Carolina is oi" the
most encouraging character.' The
people are reporteel to be thorough
ly aroused to the imjortanee of
the coming election and detcrmine'el
to overthrow the schemes n f t he
revolutionists. We learn that in
many localities party lines Jiave,
for the time, been discarded and
men of all political complexions are
working together to prevent renew
ed anarchy in tho State. -
The truth is, the 'people of West
ern North Carolina cannot allVrd 16
have the present Coustitq'tio i en
dangered. It is to them the Jegin
of their safety and prosierity, at
least, for, ; many years to , coinek , 1 1
should be remembered, that their
main dependence fen reach injg the
markets of the world is .upon the
Western North Carolina KailUad,
now in course of construction, and
it should be constantly bon c , in
mind that under the present ConV
stitution it is provided that no uj
propriations for further works' of
internal Improvements can be'maele,
and consequently no tax for that
purpese can be levied unjes- sub
mitted to the people, until tho rriuU
in progress at the time of the adop
tion' of the ' Constitution are com
pleted. Should the Derhocrath' par
ty have a majority 1" the Conven
tion this great bulwark : may ; be
thrown aside, and the West may
for years remain cut ofF from the
Eastern part of the State. It is no
wonder that the people of the Vost
are aroused, and we shall be much
mistaken if Democracy does nk re
ceive its most crushing defeat est
of the ridge in August next. 1
The Western North Carolina
" Ifculrohd.
The legislature, did a pJcvej thing
when it authorized the' State
inruugii vjuy.( Aiugiii.-i wn win, i.-j
to purchase tlie Western North
Carolihaailroad. , But it failj?el to
make an appropriation to pay;the,
$10,000 required to bq paid on the
day of ( sale. Judge Merrijnoii yas
willing and anxious, tp',' transftlr his
bid I hut the .State was' hot' author-'
iz'eci to- pay any money,' . therefore
the, transfer could not be roarirl Jn
this dilemma, agpotl-IVepublicanj
stepped up anel pajcl $fO,0(M) iu cash'
to save the road to the Ktate and
thus ensure its completion, jVhat .
a Democratic.Xegislaturc , failed to
do, a Republican ..conies ( forivard'
and does on his qwh responsibility.;
Tha " ilcpublicah ' is laj. W. A. f
Smith, TIe Westepi , jKqilo wil 1 ,
be indebted to him for tho ioid, a,
he adyanced the mphey ip siye,it.
Tin was tlo onlv man wiib'eorthltie
found to do i t. , Carry the ,
the VYs..,, .;.:::-r.t,;.
c
c
0
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