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Producers md Consumers. Randolph, Mo.. May 4, 1901 Editor Ameri can Economist; Conceding-that the Tariff dn wool makes the wool grower money, who pas it in the end, the man who wears the wool, dr who? Seems to me that legislation "should tie "for the greatest srood to the greatest number. In other words, don't more people wear wobl than grow it? - I - T T TXT (lr of this sort the Eree-Trad- i i ers have been asking for many, many years, always answering them to their OWn Complete otil.i3A.cnu.ij.i-i.. lutu way of looking at it Protection benefits the few at the expense of the many. O lr Western friend has got it all figured out in the same way. Pity it is that His talents should be wasted away lout in "Darkest Mizzoury!" He should have been a college professor. But we shall tV him aa he is and endeavor to solve his conundrum. J Conceding, as he says and this is important concession that the Tariff on wool makes money for the wool grower, who pays it? Principally the j foreign wool grower, who is compelled to accept a lower price f or hig product in order to sell it in the United States after - the duty ha$ been added. Possibly the njan who wears clothing made of wool piys some of the tariff, but not much Cloth ing is little or no higher in price than! j it was in days of non-Protected wool un der the Wilson Tariff law. If a1 suit of clothes could be bought a trifle j cheajper then, the wage earner and the farmer were none the better off on that accoi mt, because neither the wage earner nor the farmer hah nearly so much money to Vmv rlnHips with as thev have now. If 'you could buy an overcoat for a dollar and didn't have the dollar to pay for) it. vmi wouldn't be anvthins1 like so well j j , off as though overcoats were sellln at $io apiece and you had $515! in pocket with which to buy. j But the pivotal thought the ' rour reat Free-Trade conception of pur Missouri friend is to be found in his concluding proposition that j legislation should be for the greatest to the greatest number. In other words, more people wear wool than grow it? brood tion't Most assuredly legislation . should be for the greatest good to the greatest number. Most assuredly more syear wool than grow it. Right here is the strength of Protection and the weak less of Free-Trade. Not only does Pr Sec tion call for legislation that involve: the greatest good to the greatest numbfer; it legislates for the greatest srood of the o - whole number. There is to-day in this country no individual not one who is not in some way distinctly the gainer by the policy of Protection. Even the porter or the American agent for eio-n merchandise is the beneficiary 1m for of a state ot prosperity -wnicn nas increased the demand and likewise the purchasing power of the most liberal j boc y of purchasers and consumers the world has ever known. The use in the United States of foreign made articles of art, luxury and fashion was nev :r so ,great as now, while the productio a and consumption of domestic articles 1 f all sorts (that is to say, the gross volume of internal trade) and the sales to for eigners of articles of domestic produc tion are so much greater than ever be fore that for the first time in its htstorv the United States has become the j lead ing nation of the world alike in do nestic and foreign trade, and, instead of being in debt to the money centers of B irope, is now a creditor nation. The ecc nomic policy that has brought all this t pass may surely be considered as productive of the greatest good to : the greatest number. j j. . But our Missonri friend needs j some light on the question, "Don't more peo ple wear wool than grow it?" A.s we have said, this question must te an swered in the affirmative. So ;do more people eat wheat and corn and beef and mutton and pork than raise those ar- tides. A thousand tiwes more J use nails than those who j make people nails. So with every article of use an d con- sumption. The users and consumers outnumber the producers jmany times over. Protection takes account of this condition and by diversifying pre duction alike in the factory and on tie farm calls into being a" tremendous army whose needs and requirements are mutual and interdependent. It) insures to the American farmer j a profitable market for his wool by insuring a steady demand on the part of I perse ns who wear but do not grow wool, and by tak ing care that the cheaper wools of for eign countries shall not come in and break down the , price ofj houn; grown wools. Otherwise the American wool grower would have to go out of business, as so many thousands did when wool Was deprived of Protection in the Free Araae xrin law ot 1694-97. Is I lit not a wise Tarilf policy that diversifies in uusiry in aerricuicure ana en . I ... A. Z . - ables the larmer to profitably produce I articles which he could not otherwise ! produce except at a loss, and that b-d creating and turnishinjj employmemt lor a vast aP'Oroaia n( Kt.r. I ir LiJ earners insures to the farmer a! oo-fc- - uiay tuiu YY Cll. paiU. Wage near by, ciose-to-home demand at profitable paces lor , his : products? American 3KYAN AND THE DEMOCRACY. From the nertinacitv with which he declares his loyalty to his own principles 'one would suppose that Mr. Bryan had Deen accused 01 aesening me ucmwia he succeeded in twice leading fo , igno miniuos defeat. We are hot aware that any one has leveled such a charge at the Nebraskan. Rather are we inclined to the belief that long before he leaves the democratic party it will have cast him out, bag and baggage. The drift is unmistakably in that direction, and it now seems that nothing can save the erstwhile candidate from complete obliteration as a party leader. In the current number of his paper, the Com moner, Mr. Bryan speaks in a lofty vein of his .devotion to the fallacious princi ples advocated by him through two disastrous Presidential campaigns. That devotion has not been impugned, and we accept Mr. Bryan's words at their full face value. But when he says: "The democratic party can better afford to appeal to the conscience of the people, even though it remains out of power, than to enjoy power at the expense of its principles," there may be some difference of opinion as to what Mr. Bryan means. This sentiment is a praiseworthy one; the objection to it arises from the principles Mr. Bryan advocates. The principles of Mr. Bryan are of one kind; those of the democratic party are' of an other. The former were made by Mr. Bryan, forced upon the democratic party, and have twice been repudiated by the people as unsafe, revolutionary, and highly undesirable. Had the editor of the Commoner declared that he would rather remain out of power than sac rifice his principles no objection could have been raised, since principle is a matter of personal conviction, and everyman is to be admired for standing by what he believes to be right. But Mr. Bryan makes the mistake of assum ing that his principles are those of the democratic party. The true democratic principles are the products of years of careful thought, national policy, and the developments and evolutions of states manship. ! i The real Democracy recognizes the er ror of "which it. was guilty when it sur rendered to the Bryanites at Chicago, and it is struggling with all its force to re turn to its former allegiances. In all parts- of this country men of command ing prominence in the Democratic camp are giving up the ghost of Bryanism. The former leaders are returning to the com mand, and the tide is flowing against Mr. Bryan with irresistable force. In the face of all this, it is specious for the Nebraskan to talk about unswerving loyalty to his species of Democratic principle. If Mr. Bryan desires and in tends to follow these fallacies, that is his own business; but henceforth the Democratic party will 'appeal in behalf of principles which do not breed riot, revolution, repudiation, sinister class hatreds, and all other things which have no place in this great republic. The Baltimore American. On Guard! The annual meeting of the Free-Trade Trust was held last week (the 14th) and partook somewhat of the nature of a jubilee. ; The old officers were re-elected, and as plenty of funds were in sight a vigorous campaign was planed. The Trust has taken in the Canadian Free Traders and now proposes to unite with Free-Traders the world over and make the Trust international as well as na tional. The speeches made were typi cal Free-Trade speeches. ; It was like be ing in dream-land. Fvery thing was ex tremely visionary. Ignoring the pros perity of the present they foretold 01 the prosperity that would come with Free- Trade. It was noticed that there was a dearth of business men at the meeting. There were clergymen who spend their lives guessing at things; there were pro fessors and. writers and. talkers; plenty of words, but no figures; plenty of pros pects, but no practice; plenty of pre cepts and promises, but no facts based on experience and truth. This band 01 fairies might at first seem harmless, but they do not dream true dreams, and when their fancies are put in type and scattered through the thirty-three States in wnicn ineyciaim to De worxing un told harm can be done unless their ex travagant tales are refuted. It is not r.kely that the people can be fooled again so soon, but no such artis tic lying has been known since the days of Baron Munchausen an the fabrications of an American Free-Trade r, anxious, for reasons best known to himself, to sell his birthright and his country. The free-irade l rust knows vwnat ( it is a bout and why and for what it exists. It believes the Democratic party, for want of an issue, will take up the Tariff, both in tne congressional campaign next year and the Presidential campaign of 1904. The Free-Trade press has al ready been given the cue, and original and syndicated editorials are appearing almost daily, and so harmonious do they read that no one can doubt they; are in spired from one central source. It will be remembered that it was the busy and prosperous year of 1892 that Free-Trade won the greatest victory of; half a cen tury. It will be well for the American laborer and the American farmer and the American manufacturer to be on guard lest history repeat itself. American Economist. A Lesson to Cleveland. Grover Cleveland is reported as hav ing made $400,000 on the recent rise in the stock market. The ex-President, it is stated, a year ago bought Northern Pa cific stock at about 40 and i sold out at the recent rise at over 130. Perhaps now that fortune has been good to Mr. Cleveland he may revise his views on Free-Trade. Under a Cleve land Tariff it is certain there would have-been no boom in stocks, no upward tendency of securities. Mr. Cleveland has recently been among those who crit icised President McKinley's policy, and predicted that the country was reaching a dangerous point. But if the ex-President has made the financial gains -that are reported, it shows that there is a sharpe contrast between his; politics and his pocket. But perhaps pocket, always regarded as a matter of great influencr with Mr. Cleveland, may revise his political opin ions, Possibly the ex-President may now see the fallacy of his Free-Trade leaniugs. He has recently been a pupil in a school of very pleasent experience. Philadelphia Item. j The Tariff in 1896. The Providence "Journal" in a dis cussion of Senator Hoar's reference to McKinley as a' successful advocate of the policy of Protection, affects to doubt whether the President would have re ceived his tremendous majority in 1896 if the Bryan party had not made free silver so prominent an issue. Of course, it is not easy to disprove an assertion made in this form. The "Journal's" purpose is, however, as the contest al ready shows, to throw discredit upon Protection as a national policy. This is evident from its references to the cam paign of 1892, when, on an issue be tween Protection and Free-Trade, the latter won. To be sure it did, but what a costly victory for the people. As Senator Hoar said to the Home Market Club in the course of the very speech . which the Providence "Journal" criticises, the country got enough Free-Trade iri Cleveland's time to last for a century. And it is equally true that Protection was as much of a factor in making 1896 a Republican year as free-silver. Bryan wanted to open the mints; Mc Kinley wanted to open the mills; Mc Kinley won. His policy was inaugu rated. And if the Providence "Jour nal" or any other ; mugwump wants to have the next campaign made on the is sue of Protection and Free-Trade, we sincerely hope the wish may be gratified. Concord, N. H., Monitor. TWO FREE-TRADE TRUSTS. Anthracite and Petroleum Com bines Flourish Without Protection, The anthracite trust is the strongest of all our trade combinations, with the exception of the Standard Oil Company, and the latter has been less greedy than the former is making use of its power to fix the price of the product. Each, however, is monarch in its own field and has practically nothing to fear from competition, being situated, in this re spect, more advantageously than any other business organization. Even the great steel trust has rivalry in active properties valued at more than $50, 000,000 which would act as a check on a policy of price extortions. Our Free-Trade friends are as much at sea as. anybody else in handling the coal and oil propositions. The remedy which they usually prescribed for com mercial ills is the abolition of the Pro tective Tariff and the withdrawal of "special privileges" from trust-controlled commodities, i But anthracite coal and petroleum are already on the free list, and have been for many years; so this panacea is not l available. The fact that these two most powerful com binations are not intrenched behind a Tariff wall must be rather confusing to the Free-Traders. At any rate it throws doubt upon their competency as economic doctors and is not calcu lated to create confidence in the cure-all which they, promptly and solemnly hand out every time a . business prob lem presents itself to the public. For if the coal and petroleum trusts flourish without Protection, what sense is there in saying that a withdrawal of Protec tion would kill all other trusts? This, however is a degression. It does not solve the coal question, but it should tend to throw doubt on the schemes of doctrinairs who, whenever a price is marked up, cry for an aban donment of the system under which this country has risen to its present position of industrial, commercial and financial supremacy. Rochester Democrat and Chionicle. .' Democracy's Greatest Opportunity The Atlanta "Constitution" has been standing on the watch tower, and this is what it sees in the night: In the failure of the Republicans to re form the Tariff lies the. Democracy's greatest opportunity. We can here a grini ' , smile crackling over the face of Horizontal Bill Mor rison of Waterloo as he , reads of the great democratic opportunity; and the Hon. Roger Quaiies Mills of Corsicana, bustling among his oil barrels and his money bags, cannot conceal a grin. These gentlemen have had a little ex perience in Tariff reform, and they can j estimate how many democratic voters there are in it. ' ; A great Tariff reformer, retired, lives in Princeton, N. J. Surely it is not for gotten in Atlanta how the democrats after all their magnificent, trumpetings of 1892 reformed the Tariff in 1893; how they repaired and patched and strength ened the tabernacles of robbery which they were going to tear down. Tariff reform is the democracy's greatest opportunity to make an ass of itself. New York Sun. JOSH BILLINGS ON MARRIAGE. History holds its tung as to who the pair wuz who first put on the silken har ness, and promised to work it kind thru thick and thin, up and down, and on the level, swim, drown or flote. ' But what ever tha wuz, tha must hav made a good thing of it, or so many of their posterity would not hav harnessed up since and drove out. There is a great moral grip to marri agesit is the morter that holds them to gether. But there ain't but darn phew foaks who could sit down and give a good writ ten opmyun why on arth tha come to did it. . - There is a great proof that it is one of them natural kind of axidents that must happen jist as birds fly out of the nest when tha have feathers enuff, without being able to tell why. Sum marry forbuty, and never discov er their mistake; this is lucky. Sum marry for money, and don't see it. Sum marry for pedigree, and feel big for six months, then very sensibly come to the conclusion that pedigree is no bet ter than skim milk. Sum marry bekaws tha hav been hiat ed sum where else; this is a cross match, a bay and a sorrel; pride may make it en durable. Sum marry for love, without a cent in their pockets nor a friend in the world, nor a drop of pedigree. This looks des perate, but it is the strength of the game. If marrying for love ain't a success, then matrimony is a ded beet. Sum marry bekaws tha think wimmin will be scarce next year, and live tew wonder how the crop holds out. Sum marry to get rid of themselves and discover that the game was one that two could play at and neither win. Sum marry the second time to get even, and find it a gambling game the more they put down the less they take up. . i ,', Sum marry to be happy, and missing it, wonder where all the happiness goes to when it dies. Sum marry they can't tell why, and live they can't tell how. Almost everybody gets married, and it is a good joke. Sum think it over care fully fust, and then set down and mar ry. Both ways are right if they hit the mark. Sum marry rakes to convert them. This is a little risky, and it takes a smart missionary to do it. Sum marry coquettes. This is like buying a poor farm heavily mortgaged, and working the ballance of your days to clear off the mortgage. Married life has its chances, and this is just what gives it flavor. Everybody loves to fool with chances, because every body expects to win. But I am authur ized to state that everybody don't win. But, after all, married life is full as certain as the dry goods business. No man can tell exactly where he will fetch up when he catches calico. No man can tell just what calico has a mind to do. Calico don't always know herself. Dry oods of all kinds is the child of circumstances., Sum never marry, but this is just the same with another name to it. The man who stands on the bank shiv ering and dassantis more apt to catch cold than he who pitches his head fust in the river Marry young is my motto. .1 have tried it, and I know what I am talking about. If anybody asks you why you get mar ried, say you don't recollect. vK . 50 YEARS FYPFRIFNrn TRADE MARKS 4" ' Designs vvv0 Copyrights &c. Anyone sending a sketch and description may quickly ascertain oar opinion free whether an invention is probably patentable. Communica tions strictly confidential. 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The Yellow-Jacket (Moravian Falls, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
June 13, 1901, edition 1
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