Newspapers / The Blue Ridge Blade … / Oct. 10, 1876, edition 1 / Page 1
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f 7 f- " Published by Avery & Crowson In the Interests of Western North Carolina, $2 Per.ianum, in Advance. VOL. 1. MORGANTON, N. C, OCTOBER 10, 1870. NO. 34.' i ! THE BL-U-E RIDGE Xj S (jg- TJrif BL f KXJ M.AIE is pub lished every Tuesday at TWO HOLLARS per annum, or j OA'JT DOLLAR for tit months. S The paper will not be khI to Ails' tubteriber erer the time paid for ha arpired. Aderiisen ts Win U inserted at one ioUarper tqwm(it utek space) for the fir it insertion, and fifty cenli for each nhsey inttriin. Liberal contract rata made' wW. j tgntar adctrtiteri. 3T Obituary notices, occupying more than twenty lines, trill It .kar?e4 a! tU .rate o five eents per line. tSSTWt art prepared to execute all jth rt in neat and erpeditious manner., ' .Anonymous tnmmumeatio willfut be Hth'eed. All cos ee u-e require the writers name nd address, not for publication, (hit a a . I wttttt atfoodfaith. I "- IT einnot, under any rirnrmstaneee, return rejected communications, con ice undertake te-preserie manuscripts. ' Jlrtitlee tnntirn. on both tide of sheet 0 paper eannot be accepted for publication -11R1J OttY CHURCHES. t New' England The Land of High Moral Ideas Reviewed. A TERRIBLE ARRAIGNMENT OF RASCALS, CHEATS AND SHAMS. Open Letter of Judge Black to James A. Garfield. the MOBGAXTON: tpiteopal Church Be. JTeilson Pall, Rec tor. Service tvery Sunday at 11 a. m. and at 6.30 p. m. Sunday School at 9.30 a. m. Pnuhuterian Church Rev. R. B. Anderson, Pastor. Service the 2nd and 4th Sunday of every month at 11 o'clock, a. m. and 6.30 p. Mr. Andertonvreache at Quaker Meadoxc the 1st and at Newton the- 3rd Sunday. Sunday School. J. C. Mallard Superinten dent,' at 9.30 a. m. J The Baptist Church is at present without a pattor. l Jtfefhodist Church-Be. J. S. Ervin (of Moraanton Circuit) Pastor. Service the 1st Sunday of every month at 0 30 a. m., and at 6.30 p. m., and onthe 3rd Sunday a 10.30 Sundny School, J. A.ClayvceU Superinten dent at Urf.rn.- Colored Jfethodisl Bee. Seipio "Sauls pot ior Service every Sundaj at'll i. m., and at 7 p.m. - ? Sunday School, Bol'erf Morehead, Superin tendent, at 9 u. m. & llorganton Circuit fier. J. S. Ervin. LinvtUe Seiwee the Friday before Jnd Sunday of every month at 10 a. m. Sar dit The tame day at 3 p. m-i Snaui Hill Tie 2nd Sunday a? 10.30 a. i - j m. Obeth The tame day at 3 p. m. Mount Pleasant The 3rd Sunday at ip. ":Lebanon-r-Saturday before the 4th Sunday at 11 a. m. Jfountuin Grove The ith Sunday at 10 a, tn. Oak Hill The same day at 3 p, m MASOMC. Ifortianton Chapter, No. 45 K. A. M meett first Wednesday of eath month. C, A Cilley, H. P., and D. C. Pearson, Sec" y. CaW - Fallry lodge Ko. 217 A: F. M. meet on the niyht of the Full Moon of each vumth and the Firri Tud..y of Burke Su i.ir Cmirf. . M. HaopoUU, tt : M.; and S.McD.Tate.Sec'y. ARRIVAL AM) DEPA RTVRS OF MAILfL s The Eastern Mail is closed at 9:$0 a.T W..i-- .-ul . m. The H te n mail i opened at 10 a. m. ant? ; the Eastern at 3 p. m. ' The Jjysartville mail departs at 6 a m or. Tuesdays and returns at 7 p " saw!,-ay. x , The i?aieri!ille and Hrtl;.s .or . mail ar W at 12 m on luesJays and dDf at l aw: o ' ,m -J 19 The Jfttiaortftton " " " m on ITednejdaVs.and Satu.ddys and depar t at I p m same day eonneettny t) maaat rermntv on Jr ('J'enn) The - mand office is open from 8.-30 a'-m til ,4p from 5 vrI 6 when it tcill ' closed. FKOFEMUVI Alii CAR B. S. GfllTHER, Attorney at Saw, II T-jn.ntn, " S.C. W. TATE ATTORNEY AT LAW, Morganton, IV. No.ltf. . ' I J. - A. C AVERY, Attorney at. L.aw, UOROANTON.N.C., . T.t;M iii flm 11th Judicial DiBtrict, untT of ''Caldwell and in the United States Conrta at StateaTille and Aiherilie. ATTORNEY AT LAW, M organtdn , N . C , Will practice in the Courts of the 11th Judicial District, and in the Superior rw.raf Caldwell and Eutherford counties. Abo, in the Federal Court at StategTille and Asherille. J. I. LHT UN, Pbisitlaii dud Surgcoi. Offers his serrkses to th citiiens of n.irVa Countv. He can he found at his OFFICE IN Jf ORG ANTON at all hours, when not absent on Professional Business. VAf i tf ' Dr. J. H. Happoldt tt i 1 IX ATTEND TO ALlmBCAI.LS in the viriuus brunches pi Jjis Pro- iessiou. '"i'Vei 1 H will also treat patients at h0 ,at the Mountain Hotel whin not absent on LiToMinnnl business with the vacuum or air treatment. o i tf. " ; To Hon, Jo. A. Garfield: I have read the speech yon sent me. I arjastoniaheJ and shocked. As the lead ex of your party. In W-c,-didates have specially delegated the con duct of the pending campaign, you should have met your responsibilities in' a very different way. Fdo not pre sume to lecture to distinguished a man Upon his errors; but if I can. prevent you, even to a small extent, from abusing the public credulity, it ismy duty to try. Premising only my great anxiety to pre serve the fraternal relations existing be tween Us for many years., I follow the the iorat iau. rule, and come at once to "the middle of things." You trace back the origin of present parties to the earliest immigration at Plymouth' and Jamestown, and profess to find in the opposing doctrines then planted and afterward constantly cher ished in Massachusetts and Virginia, the' germs of those ideas which now make Democracy and Abolitionism' the deadly f oss of each other. The ideas so plant ed in Massachusetts were, according to your account, the freedom and equality of all races, and the right and duty of tvery man tp exercise his private judge ment in politics as well as religion. On the other hand, you set forth as irrecon cilably hostile the doctrine of Virginia, that capital should own ' labor, that the negro had no rights of manhood, and that the white -man might buy, own and sell him and his offsprings forever." Following these assertions with others, and linking ths present with the long past, you employ the devices of your rhetorio to glorify the modern Aboli tionist , and to throw foul scorn, not merelv on the Southern Deorla. but on l c the whole Democracy of the country. This looks learned and philosophical, and it gives your speech a dignity seem ingly abovo the reach of the ordinary demagogue. Happy is he who knows the causes of things; felicitous is the pariisj'n member, of Congress whose stump speech goes up the. river of time to the first fountains of good and evil. But your contrast of historical facts is open to one objection, -vUieh I give yor. rn a form as simple as possible when I siy that it is wholly destitute of truth. This, of course, implies no imputation on your good faith. Your high charac ter in the churcn as well as in the State, forbids the belief that you would be guilty of willful misrepresentation. TOLERANCE IN NBW ENGLAND. ' The n of Massachusetts, so far fron planting the right of private judgement, extirpated and utterly .rtinguithed it, bv ineans so cruel that no man of com- iou humanity can think of them even now without disgust and indignation. am surprised to find you ignorant of this. Did you never Uear of the fright ful persecutions they carried on syste matically against Baptists and Quakers and Catholios? 7ow they fined, im prisoned, lashed, mutilated, enslaved and banished everybody that claimed th right of free thought? How they strip ped the most virtuous and inoffensive women, and publicly whipped them on their naked backs, only for expressing their conscientious convictions? Have you never, in all reading, met with the story of Roger Williams? For merely suggesting to the public authorities of the colony that no person ought to be punished on account of his honest opin ions, he was driven into the woods and pursued ever afterwards with aferocity that -put his own life and thai of his friends in constant danger. In fact, tne cruelty of their laws sgsust the freedom of conscience and the unfeeling rigor with , which they wera executed made Massachusetts odious throughout the world. These great crimes of the Pilgrim Fathers ought not to be cast up to their obildfes; for some of their descendants (I hope a good majority) are high-principled and honest men, sincerely attach ed to the liberal institutions plantea in the more Southern latitudes of tlie Con tinent. But if you are right in your as sertion that the Abolitionists derive their principle from the ideas entertained and planted at Plymouth, that may account tk. r. &ml brutal tvrannv w.ia which our party has, in recent times, trampled mpon the rights ef free thought and free speech. Slavkbt a MaS8achc8ett3. Nor are you more accurate in your declaration that the old Yankees planted the doctrine of freedom and equality.or Opposed the domination of one race over another. Messrs. Palfrey and Sumner have said something to the effect that slavery never existed in Massachusetts, and you may have been misled by them. But either they were wholly ignraut of the subject, or else they spoke with that loose and lavish nnvjracity which is a common fault amon men of their po litical sect. The Plymouth colony and the province of Massachusetts Bay were pro slavery to the backbone. Ji you doubt this I refer you to Moore's "History of Slavery in Massachusetts," wier the evidence (consisting chiefly of ?pord8 and documents perfectly authenticated) is produced and collated with a fullness and fairness which eannot be questioned. The Plymouth immigrants slanted cisely the doctrine which you ascribe to the Jamestown colonists; that is to say, they held that the "negro had no rights of manhood, that the white man might buy, own and sell him and his offspring forever." Practically and theoretically they maintained that human slavery in its unmitigated form was a perfectly just, proper and desirable institution, entirely consistent with Christianity as they un derstood it, and foundod on principles of universal jurisprudence. They in sisted upon it a? an established and set tled rule of the law of natious that when one government or community or politi cal organization made war upon its own subjects or the subjects of another, and vanquished them, : the beaten people had no rights to which the rights of the conquerors were not para mount. Whenever it was demonstrated by actual experiment that any people were too weak to defend their homes and families against an invader who visited them with fire and sword they might law fully be stripped of their property, and they them selves, their wives and their children, might jmtly be held as slaves or sold into psrpetual banJaje. That was the idea they planted in their own s ul propagated among their contemporaries and transmitted to the abolition party of the present day. You have preached and practiced it in all your dealings with the Sj.ith. This absolute domination is what you mean, if you moau anything, when you talk about the "precions re sult of the war." If the doctrinos thu planted by the original settlers of Massa chusetts be true, and if the "precious fruit" of it, which you are gathering with sq much industry, be legitimate, it is a perfect justification of all the slavery that ever existed on this continent. Your great exemplars from whom you acknowl edge that you have deriveJ your ideas of freedo-n, certainly thought or professed to think so, and they carried it out to its logical consequences. When an African potentate ,cii03e to fight with and subdue a weak tribe, inside or oufcjide of his own dominions; he sold the prisoners whom tie did not think proper to kill, and the men of Massachusetts bought them with out a question of his title. Tiiey kept them and worked them to death or sold .hem again, as their interest prompte.1 ''or they held-that the r:ght of c'.oinina on, .resulting from the applio ition of rute forje, was good in the hands of all supsoquent purchasrn, however remote from their original cunqunitor. THB MASSACHUSETTS SLAVE FSAUDP. They executed this theory to its f ulle3t extent in their own wars with the Indians. Without cause or provocation, and with out uotics or warning, they fell upon the Pequods, massacred many of them, and made slaves of the survivors, without dis tinction of age or sex. About seven hundred, including many women and children, were sent to the West Indies, and these sold on public account, the proceeds being put in the colonial treas ury. Eight score of these unfortunate people escaped from the butchery by flight, and afterward agreed to give them selves up on a solemn promise of the au thorities that they hould neither be put to death nor enslaved. The promise was broken with as little remorse as a modern Abolitionist would Violate his oath to sup port the Constitution. The "precious results of the war" were not to be lost By an honest observance of their pledged faith, and the victims of this infamous treachery were all of them shipped to the Barbadoes, and sold or "swapped for Blackamoors." This practice of enslav ing their captives was uniform, covered all cases, included women and children, as well as fighting men. When death put King Philip beyond theirreach, they sent his wife and child with the rest to be sold into slavery. The Indians made bad slaves. They were hard to tame, they escaped to the forest, and had to be hunt ed down, brought back ana Dranaea. They never ceased to be sullen and dis obedient. The Africans always, on tne contrary, "accepted the situation," were easilv domesticated, and bore the yoke without murmuring. For that reason, it became a settled ruU of pufiiio and pri vate economy in Massachusetts to ex change their worthless Indians for valu able u;to-, cheating their West India customers in every trade. Perhaps it was here that your party got the germ of its honesty as well as its humanity. They made wsr for no other obf-sct than to sup ply tuemeaives with subjects for this fraudulent trafii Ia 1643, Euiaauel Downing, the loremosi, lawyer in the Colony and a leaJer of commanding in fluence, as well as high connection, male a written argument in favor of a war with the Narragansetts. He did not pretend that any wrong had' been done, bui hfe had a pious dread that Massachusetts would be held responsible for the false religion of the Narragansetts.' 'T doubt," says he, "if it be not synne ht tH, having power in our handa, to suffer them to mayntayne the worshipof the devil, which their pow-wowes often doeAThiste! ness of conscience is very idh.. of the party which got the .''f'Tur 6 its ia.- s taut ssasratsSSSSB further, and you will see with pleasure how exactly you have copied Jkbeh; doc trines. "If,", says he, "upon a jua war, the Lord should deliver them into our hand, we might easily have men,, women and children to exchange for Moores, (ne groes, ) which will be more gaynef nl pil ladge for us than wee conceive, for I do not see how we can thrive until we get into a stock of slaves sufficient to do all our business." This (except the spell ing) might come from an Abolition cau cus to-day. Yu will find Downing's letter in Moore, page 10. YANKEE HUMANITY. They did get most of their Indians off, and supplied themselves with negroes in their place. The shameless inhumanity with which the blacks were used made slavery in Massachusetts "the sum of all villainy." In the letter of DowninQ,, al ready referred to, he says: "You know very well we shall mayntayne twenty Moores ch?aper than one English ser vant." Think of redu3ing a West India negro in that intensely cold climate to the oje-twentieth part of the food and cloth ing which a white menial was in the habit of getting. They must havi5 been frozen and starved to death ia great numbers. When that happened, it was but the loss of an animal. The harboring of a slave woman was, in 1616, pronounced by the highest authority to be the samo injary as the unlawful detention of a beast. In 1716, Sswell, the chiof ju.sUce of the colony, said that negroes were rated with hones and hogs. Dr. Belknap tells us that afterward, when the stock enlarged nl the market became dull, young ne groes and mulattoes were sometimes given away likapuppic. Thisis ihekindof free dom, this the equality of tha races, whieh you learned from the ancient lonisra. But they taught you more than that. Their precept and example established the slavery of white persons as well as Indians and negroes. As their remorse less tyranny spared no age aod no S3X, so it mode no" distinction of color. Besides the cargoes of whits heretics which brt captured and shipped to them by their brethren in Eugltnd, they took s.oial delight in fastening their yoke on ail rrho were suspected of hetero.loxy. One ini stance is worthy of F.pecial attention! Lawrence Suathwick and his wife were qunkrs, and accused at the s.ira'e tiraf: with many others of attending Qiuket meetings, or "sydiug with Quakers" and "absenting - themselves from the public ordinances." The Southwicks ha.l pre viously srffTed so much in their persons and estates from this kind of persecution that they could no longer work or pay any more lines, and, therefore, the gen eral court, by solemn resolution, ordered them to.be banished on pain of death. Banishment, you will not fail to notice, was in itself equivalent to a lingering death, if the parties were poor and feeble; for it meant merely driving them into the wilderness to starve with hunger and cold. Southwick and his wife went out and died very soon. But this is not all. This un fortunate pair had two children, a boy and a girl (Daniel and Provided,) who, having healthy conRftutions, would bring a good price in the slave market. The children ree taken from the parents and ordered to be sold in the West Indies. It hap pened, however, ,that there was not shipmaster in any port of the colony who would consent to become the agent of their exportation and sale. The author ities, be me thus baulked in their views of the main chance, were fain to be satis fied in another way; they ordered the girl to be whipped; she wis lashed according ly, in company with several other Quaker ladies, and then committed to prison, to be further proceeded against Histoiy loses sight of her there. No record shows whether they killed her or not This is one case out of a grea many. It is very interesting and instructive when taken in connection with your speech, for it shows the "germ of the ideas" which your party acted on when it kidnapped and imprisoned men and wo men by the thousands for believing in American liberty as guaranteed by the Constitution. The Quakers and Baptists had no printed organs in that day through which their private judgment could be expressed, else you would no doubt hive cases directly iu point to justify yvu forcible suppression of two hundred and fifty newspapers. a CHJJTQB OF LEADERS. Enmity to tha right of private judg ment comes down to the party of Ply mouth ideas by consistent and regular succession. It is woven like a dirty stripe history. As sooa as they got possession of the Federal Government under John Adams they began to use it as an engine for the suppression of free thought TLeir alien law gave the President power to banish or imprison, Without trial, any foreigner whoaeopinions might be obnox ions to his supporters. Their sedition ! put every Democratic speaker' and writer under the heel of the aiministration. Their standing army was used, as it is now, to crush out their political opponr ents. If you come mio ' Easter n Penn sylvania, and particularly into tne gu u county of Berks, you will learu that .the people there still think with indignation of that old reign of terror when Federal dragoons kidnapped, insulted and beat their fathers, chopped down their "liberty pole," broke to pieces the press oftlm Vending Eagle, and whipped its vener ated editor in the market house. The same spirit br jke o.it again hi the burn ing of nunneries and churches under Maria Monk, and uuder John Brown the whole country swarmed wiih spies :'.ud into the whole warp and woof of their ; by the bi lge of the impostor. On the same principle Polaud wafl -partitioned, and Ireland plnudere.l a doz.MitiiritM. The King of Dahomey act" ! upon it whpn he sold his captives, and the men of Massachusetts bdorsed it when they took them in exchange for captives of their cm- YoU and your confreres e.dopt ed it as a pirt of your political cr.vd when, after the Southern people were thor-athly snliJued, you denied them all rights of freemen, tore up their so--ciety, abrogated all liws wlii-A could pro tect them in person i-r property, broke their local govonrmeofci -n- yvxm,- mix put them under the domination of notor ious thieves, whom you forced them to accept as their absolute misslen. These results of the w.u ar.j no doubt very precious. The right t tmflb in the tle3h of Indians an 2 ne0oo s wis pre cious to the Yankesa an 1 thiir king of Dahomey. That was the fruit of "their wars. But was it in eitlwr case legiti mate ? Your great rever. u for th founders of your pliticl sihool in .Lnsacli isotta, to siy nouuc f your kidnapper. nen you aoauaonea me. , f()r .,, ,.,tl.or:tv oi- tll., Afri,.lU1 harlot and rallied to the standard of the j ..,,, .. ,,,. ,;m, i, v..,-..,. .;ti thief, you changed your leader without j VIoh&L ,i voU tj 3t:in,i nri m 'faVlU. clionging your principles. o the "i lea" which voa have learned THB YANKEE SLATK CODE. 2ue slave code planted in Massachu setts was the earliest in America and the most cruel in its proviaisns. It was pe.r tinaciously' adhered to for generations, and never repented of, or formally re pealed. It wns gradually abandoned, not because it was wrong, but solely be cause it was found, nffcjr'lottg experiment, to be unprofitable. Their plan of keep ing twenty negroes es cheaply as one white servant did not work well; for in that climate a negro thus used would in fallibly die before his labor pai 1 what he cost. They sold their stock whenever from them. But I think I can maintain the Ciiristiau lav.- of liberty in oppos't'on to all your Mas id n n notions for God is great, and M .houiet is not His prophet j Your averment that the De.n ;ra'.ic j party desire 1 the aJrrand'zeuiout of slavery, and "yialded their oons.'ieuce'' on that subject to th" South, is jroisly unjust, if you ni "an to charg ; them with anything in. re than a wil in;;ness to protect the Southern, as -xiM as the Northern and Middle- ShiU'.: in the ex cise of their constitutional rights. Ve' had disposed of s avery witnu our own to oar syuse of The Abolitionists took a different view, and refused to keep faith. They swora as solemly as we did to observe the terms of the bargain, but according to their. code it was a sin not to violate it The fact is trno that we did not think it right to cut the throats, or shoot, or strangle the men or women of the South for be lieving in negro slavery; but that is no justification of your assertion that we yielded our cjujien ;es t ) th".ii. Demonraey) with having given bad ad vice to th Southern jieople. This em sisW, you say, in assuring them that if they seceded we "-oul.l take their part against any attempt to force them bick sgain iuto the Union. This is a gross error, auJ yon wil! see it when I roeall your attention to the facts. In al! our exhortations to Southern men agaiuBt secession we were met by the expression of their fear that the Abolitionists in tended, in any event, ti invade and slaughter them. Some reason for this apprehension was given by the fierce threats of your leading fiien, and especi ally by yonr almost universal admira tion of Brown for his raid into Virginia. Certain Democrats (and very goid men, too,) did then declare that a lawless rx- they could, but emancipation was forbid- , jurisJici(,a aoCf).aiaK , ueu oy w, unless tue owner gave neciir- i goImJ KiUcy snJ j,,., Bul we )lua !ty to main,, inesiava ana preventnmi ; maJe to et,,re88 cttunyX,t w tU the .rfh-r from becoming .public charge. To ; state8 Wve eutir(J )(f t.;r evade this law, those who had old or in- j domftg.ic uSjk to theum. lves.- We kept firm negroes encouraged them to bring ; our COTeluut 8iurp,y i,ecall33 it woilU :i n ' r i iii i i ' autre ior lii-jit ireeuoin, auutuen uy snaai demurrers, or other Collusive arrauge meirte, got judgments, against themselves that the negroes were free and always had been. Females likely to increase the stock were advertised to be sold "for that fault alone. " Youil g onesj because they were not worth raising, were given away like puppies of a superabundant litter. In this way domestic slavery by degrees got loose in practice, simply because it would not piy but the principle on which one man may own another whom he subdues by superior strength or cun ning was never abandoned, repudiated or denied. That principle was cherished, preserved nd transmitted to you, their imitative and loving difsciples, and you have applied it wherever you could as tyrannically a3 they did. THEPUBITAN,S "IDEA" OF WAR. You sav that "war without an idea is simply brutality." I submit to your uJgment, as a christian man, whether war is redeemed of its brutality by such ideas as yon and your political associates entertain of its purposes, objects and con sequences. In all your acts and meas ures, and by all your speeches and dis cussions, you express the idea that the logic of blows proves everything yon choose to assert; thit a smoassf ul invasion of one people by another has the effect of destroying all natural right to, and all legal guarantees for, the life, liberty anu property of the people so invaded and conquered; that after a trial by battle the victor mav enter up and execute what judgment he pleases against his adver sary, that the crime which a weak com munity are guilty of when they attempt to defend their lives, their property and their families against invaders who come upon them, to kill, destroy aud subjugate them is so' unpardonable that the whole body of the offenders taken collectively, and all individuals who partake even passively of the" sin, may justly be devot ed to death or such other punishment, by wholesale or retail, s the strong power shall see proper to inflict; that the con queror, after the war ia over, may insist that the helpless and unarmed people, whom he has prostrated, shall assist him by not merely accepting, but '-adopting" (I use your own word) the measure in tended to degrade and rol them, and thus make himself master of their souls as well as their bodies. All right of men are resolved by this theory into the mights ol men. T aver that this doctrine, in all lis length and breadth, is false and perni cious. It is the foundation on which all slavery rests, and the excuse for ail forms of tyranny. It lias no support in any seund rule of public law, vxa nas never been acknowledged by wise or virtuous governments in any age smoe the advent i of Christ. You can find no authority ior it, except in the examples of .men whose names are given over to universal exesra tion. Afahomet asserted it when he f oroed his religion upon the subjugated Ejst when churches were violently converted into mosques, and the emblem of Christ ianity was trampled under foot, to be re tell So-.it'ipxn men (an l you do taD th-m so in this very speech) thst you h nor them tsn tho-v.iud times more than D mooralN of the North. Renmntxr, ia a .ldittbu to this, th t die leading Aboti MuLs's acknowledged no law vhic'i might stand in the way of their inter-, eats or their pastions. Against anybod lse the Constitution of the ooua wonld have been a -projection. BuS they disregarded its lim'ta'iooa, and had no scruples about swearing to support it with a. predetermination to violate X We had been well warned by all t anan-'luut. anHtlinl in iiu jimlLuun partioiilarty and eloquently wegredy Mr. Clay aud Mir. W abater thai if nirsr the Abolitionists got s hold npoa the or ganized physical foroe T5flh? country they would g. venu .without lfr,' feaTM the authority : "of "the cox-fit frtathvw down a'i the' defences of civfl liU-rt.,-. But if the South had not secctda-l wa might have made a su-!?sf uT deie 1 e of our Constitution tlmn;h the power of the Government w.re iu th? hands or ts encir.i.-s.i With the aid of the .'o r.l -erii P'm;1 if t hey had beeii true t their dutv,; we could have ovj.'i'."l nil opposition so - formid.tluV iu its mi r .1 and jioliticid power that you W041 1 s uve.y " h.iv i darej t um.i:i!'. us. N wond-T that we were "Union s.iv-ts," f or to us the TJiron meant personal lib erty, free thought, an iii.Wpeudaiit press, h i'j 'H. 'i,-piiA, trial by jury; the i'lip u-ti il ad.iimi teitio 1 of jus' c i ill -' those great legal instutions which oif forefather ha 1 shod so mueh blood to build up. The South iWertod us :S the crisis of our. fate, a: 1 left m in our w -alines ti the mcrey ol tie uioif unprincipled' tyranta . thst eve. b.tinyed a puldi -trust. Section was not mere folly an I i madness; it w something much voiui., i We coul 1 n-'i but f -e! that we were dep f lv wrong". 1. There was no remedy fur the dire calamities with whi jh we w re 1 threatened except in liriHding tie I ceiled St it 's lek to tle i.- places in t':o i Union. O.ir . onvietions of legal .duty, j our eMiFoor.itcd sense of injury and a proper rare, tor our nest mterexts, a:l impelled us to join the new ad'ainistru tiou in the us-j of such force as niigh. be found ne- sviry to execute th elawa iu every part of tlie nonntr. Tan WAS OF THJ5 PHARISEE But the Abolitionist) wantsd a war tor th d estru 'ton of ;h U.iiori, for tlie over throw of the C net tut ion, fo.- the suhvei-sio.-i of irej govcr. uncut, au.l fortlie sub- iura'io:, or th- wholx rnuntrv ti that I "higher law" w lie', imp s u restraint Again: You char us (the Northern I nr,.iii the r.ipafity an 1 malice iff the rul ing power. Ti sue!, a war tlie national conscience was opp s 1. Th- soul of every r spe."t-ihle o!li vr in the army and n-ivy revo'.t 'd at it, and every virtuous tnai: in priva'e life felt it to be 1111 1111 sjicakaole outr.'ge. To those who doubt ed before, tha dis ustr of Bull Run made it plain that the W ire mil not be success fully carried on unless it ' was put Ujjou principles cousistant with the irsages of fJhristen lorn aud the safety of our own institutions. Therefore iv w.is that'o: the'22d of July, 1H(U, Caigxess, wiih al most perfect unanimity, passe 1 a resolu tion through l)oth honws Uvlaring .11 the most explicit words tliat the war should lie conJu -teil t prrservo tlie Constitu tio?i, and .not to revolutiouis-sfft I give 1 ii. 1.. ..t . y..t : you iierc tne wu.u 01 v.ic e:i.ubiiu 1 pedition intended for purjiosea of mere j gelf, from the C'on7rctona7o6c, p.2iT, pillage could not an I should not be ' Kesolied, That tim piusKint luujra. started ia the North, without rack oppo- ' civil mihu b.n forest upon the ,;ntiy , , , . .. . bv flu disunion sts 0 th S eithvru Stat . s.hpn as would effectually stop it But . m Rrm3 lh . vmtUtnUoa ,, ih)t. this was before seoension, and it was in- ernuu-nt, and in arms aro ml th ef;:ta'; i-jf-jncy, Cjngns. ra re pawi u or 1. - sentii i-ut, will r-co leet only it duty to tn . whole country; that this war in not wagi-d. tended to pre-eiit that muve:uent, not to that in this national em .. ' ' bannhinif a!l f.t-ling of You canuot, with any bIiow of justice, deny that devotion to the Union was one of -the strongest feelings in the heart of the Northern Democracy. We had always depricated a separative from the Northern States with so much earnest ness that one of the opprobrious epithets you bestowed on us was that of "Union savers." This was not a m"re sentiment of admiration or gratitule to the great Southern men who had led us through the penis of the Rvviluton, settled our institutions, aad given our country its high place in the -.-t niati-m of the world. We felt all this! bat s felt mueh uioie. The preservation of the Union was to us an absolute uecess.ty. It was indispen sable to the s curity of orir lives, our on thfir part in aiy sp r.t or o;i' mmm.i, -r- for any purpose o; compiut o,r subj'igation or pnri"se or' ot. rthrowlng or Interr't r ng with the rights or mtabiuihed i ist tut ions of those htat.t, butt) ilefand aul mamtaji the prrm'iry of tha 'orstit..t.on, aBd to prvsTVethe Union with a I the dignity, i-iiua'ity and r ghts of tlie s nr. ral titut. uuiinpairudi anil tiiat ai s-j us -sms objei-la'are acc- imolish 1 the w:w o ijfht to. Confiding in thisassurm v, De-nocrate from every Northern Stale rushed to the front by hundred thousand; the bor der State of the S nth gave hi their formal adhesion t ths (low nimeirt, and onr great military leaders - drew their swords w, ,h slaTity in support of the free institutions towj c 1 t--y had shown their personal hl)rtv and our pl-iuiest ngnts J . v I,. .,- 7 u 1 With what base perfidy thia e-limn of property. How tr.ie thus waa st all ; ' : v ' S ... . .,,1 ulirfp was broken I need not tell you, timi-s. and espci-illy in 18-jt), you will ' rt , ' J ' for sicech Kr that you know it see if you reflect a moment on o.ir situi- . . , . . from snxtaining the Oovf-rumut you tion at tliat time. THB ADVENT OF RADICALISM. The AboUtionista were coming power. revolutionized it. fuHtead of a war for into the Union, -yon. U?m that' it . put the I Deed not any bv what coinbi- I Stites out of tiie L r:mu, and you luul nation of imp tare or accuVTit they got ribt k tu-m oat an loi aa utt it. 'All ths Northern Stat as wll as pVasl or a-imit then, f their iUk on the Federal Government fell into thir . any terms, howev r degrading, whick hanila. No d mbt t:wj d slike of Sontb- t yon ekoo3- xji dieUe. taste 1 of reajtiir ern people was very gr;at; bat N jrthm mg the eupremaeyof theCoLst-tatoa sll Den.o?rats were-obje-ts of ta ir special yourpoliticiaialieU an 1 sfar as I know malignity. L .ng Wor- that time, and :Tjiu tl ir p -bbc dechirOious atdl nidi, evsrsin'e. this s -ut.meDt Uas bjen -x- that the victory of th lesral forcee pressed in words and acta too plain to abolished the Const tutoe ot only ii be mis.iudtnt'yvl Yon. show how ' the South batinthj Sor'ii, and theciore strong it is in your own lie-art when you touz arrr.nvzD f
The Blue Ridge Blade (Morganton, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Oct. 10, 1876, edition 1
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